Pub Date : 2022-10-30DOI: 10.1080/01296612.2022.2137658
S. Jamil
Abstract While the COVID-19 pandemic has posed challenges to working journalists overall, South Asian countries are compounded by scientific illiteracy, language and cultural barriers, and a scarcity of trained science journalists. These constraints can impinge science journalism in the region along with other contextual factors. This study sheds light on science journalism in Pakistan during the COVID-19 pandemic. Informed by the hierarchy of influences model, this study explores the influences on the Pakistani journalists’ science reporting at five levels: individual, routine, organizational, social-institutional, and social system levels. This study reveals that journalists experience individual level influences due to a lack of knowledge about science and the COVID-19 pandemic. At a routine level, access to information, limited technical and financial investments in digital repositories of science publications and safety risks affect their work. At an organizational level, the Pakistani journalists face problems because of a lack of policy guidelines, science journalism training, and equal opportunities to receive training by their respective news organizations. Weak advisory committees for science reporting and the pandemic manifest its influence on journalists’ work at an institutional level. At a social system level, Pakistan’s religious and cultural contexts influence the journalists’ reporting on science and the COVID-19 pandemic.
{"title":"COVID-19 pandemic and science reporting in Pakistan","authors":"S. Jamil","doi":"10.1080/01296612.2022.2137658","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2022.2137658","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract While the COVID-19 pandemic has posed challenges to working journalists overall, South Asian countries are compounded by scientific illiteracy, language and cultural barriers, and a scarcity of trained science journalists. These constraints can impinge science journalism in the region along with other contextual factors. This study sheds light on science journalism in Pakistan during the COVID-19 pandemic. Informed by the hierarchy of influences model, this study explores the influences on the Pakistani journalists’ science reporting at five levels: individual, routine, organizational, social-institutional, and social system levels. This study reveals that journalists experience individual level influences due to a lack of knowledge about science and the COVID-19 pandemic. At a routine level, access to information, limited technical and financial investments in digital repositories of science publications and safety risks affect their work. At an organizational level, the Pakistani journalists face problems because of a lack of policy guidelines, science journalism training, and equal opportunities to receive training by their respective news organizations. Weak advisory committees for science reporting and the pandemic manifest its influence on journalists’ work at an institutional level. At a social system level, Pakistan’s religious and cultural contexts influence the journalists’ reporting on science and the COVID-19 pandemic.","PeriodicalId":53411,"journal":{"name":"Media Asia","volume":"126 47","pages":"264 - 285"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41311943","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-26DOI: 10.1080/01296612.2022.2135269
N. Sharma
Abstract Populist leaders’ charisma, and their ability to connect directly with the voters, usually via social media platforms, characterize the populist communication style. This study, with its focus on Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s 2014 and 2019 online election campaigns, extends our understanding of how populist leaders change their online communication strategy to seek votes during two different elections. After analyzing and comparing Modi’s tweets from 2014 with his 2019 online campaign, this study demonstrates that Modi, as a first-time contender, employed a key populist strategy of attacking opposition and elites, along with promising economic growth, in 2014. However, as an incumbent in 2019, he primarily used Twitter for self-promotion and to establish a direct connection with voters. While his attacks on opposition reduced significantly, his engagement with the mainstream media increased in the latest elections. This paper also discusses the increasing digitalization and its impact on populist communication.
{"title":"Populism and social media use: comparing the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s strategic use of Twitter during the 2014 and the 2019 election campaigns","authors":"N. Sharma","doi":"10.1080/01296612.2022.2135269","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2022.2135269","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Populist leaders’ charisma, and their ability to connect directly with the voters, usually via social media platforms, characterize the populist communication style. This study, with its focus on Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s 2014 and 2019 online election campaigns, extends our understanding of how populist leaders change their online communication strategy to seek votes during two different elections. After analyzing and comparing Modi’s tweets from 2014 with his 2019 online campaign, this study demonstrates that Modi, as a first-time contender, employed a key populist strategy of attacking opposition and elites, along with promising economic growth, in 2014. However, as an incumbent in 2019, he primarily used Twitter for self-promotion and to establish a direct connection with voters. While his attacks on opposition reduced significantly, his engagement with the mainstream media increased in the latest elections. This paper also discusses the increasing digitalization and its impact on populist communication.","PeriodicalId":53411,"journal":{"name":"Media Asia","volume":"50 1","pages":"181 - 203"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47785182","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-25DOI: 10.1080/01296612.2022.2136865
M. Kumar, A. Sharma
Chup is a terrifying thriller about a psychopath who tortures and murders film critics for giving unfair ratings. The murderer is portrayed as a self-proclaimed crusader seeking to enforce the dictatorship of aesthetics and preserve movies from incompe-tence. Chup is a hunt by both the killer and the police. Alternatively, it may refer to a cat-and-mouse game between the police and the culprit. The film is different from the usual thrillers and depicts many shades of a psycho-path killer ’ s character, as an annoyed filmmaker, a frustrated actor, and a genuine cinema buff. The script combines genres as varied as crime, romance, psychology, police enforcement, and movie criticism. Balki (2022) adopts a moderate stance and exemplifies the value of critical analysis of cinema. The 135-minute film Chup starts with cinema critic
{"title":"Save the cinema, kill the critic: review of the film Chup: Revenge of the Artist (2022)","authors":"M. Kumar, A. Sharma","doi":"10.1080/01296612.2022.2136865","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2022.2136865","url":null,"abstract":"Chup is a terrifying thriller about a psychopath who tortures and murders film critics for giving unfair ratings. The murderer is portrayed as a self-proclaimed crusader seeking to enforce the dictatorship of aesthetics and preserve movies from incompe-tence. Chup is a hunt by both the killer and the police. Alternatively, it may refer to a cat-and-mouse game between the police and the culprit. The film is different from the usual thrillers and depicts many shades of a psycho-path killer ’ s character, as an annoyed filmmaker, a frustrated actor, and a genuine cinema buff. The script combines genres as varied as crime, romance, psychology, police enforcement, and movie criticism. Balki (2022) adopts a moderate stance and exemplifies the value of critical analysis of cinema. The 135-minute film Chup starts with cinema critic","PeriodicalId":53411,"journal":{"name":"Media Asia","volume":"50 1","pages":"485 - 491"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46479358","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-19DOI: 10.1080/01296612.2022.2135279
Goutam Karmakar, Payel Pal
,
，
{"title":"Politics of self-sacrifice and ecomedia: review of Sherdil: The Pilibhit Saga (2022)","authors":"Goutam Karmakar, Payel Pal","doi":"10.1080/01296612.2022.2135279","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2022.2135279","url":null,"abstract":",","PeriodicalId":53411,"journal":{"name":"Media Asia","volume":"50 1","pages":"324 - 329"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48266824","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-18DOI: 10.1080/01296612.2022.2133373
M. Kumar, A. Sharma
Dasvi is a film by Jalota (2022) that emphasizes the importance of education and the role of media in politics. The story deals with an uneducated and corrupt politician who learns the value of education during imprisonment. Gangaram Chaudhary (Abhishek Bachchan), a leading character in the film, decides to spend his time studying for high school. His story is loosely inspired by the former Haryana chief minister (CM) Om Prakash Chautala (Vyavahare, 2022). While sentenced to jail, Chaudhary, CM of the fictional state Harit Pradesh, finds a way for his wife Bimla Devi (Nimrat Kaur) to take over as CM. The character of Bimla Devi is inspired by Rabri Devi, ex-CM of Bihar (Vetticad, 2022). The film explores media’s role as image builders. Politicians may call journalists pimps and avoid them but they recognize and fear the power of media. In jail, Chaudhary finds out what is happening in the assembly by watching TV. Chaudhary makes his plan and trains his wife for political conspiracies over mobile phone. The film raises the mindset of politicians that they are always in government. Initially, Bimla is reluctant to get her hands dirty in the muddy world of politics. Eventually, she falls in love with the taste of power and fame. She refrains from revisiting the buffalo shed and prefers to hear Chaudhary being addressed as CM’s husband. Bimla’s character has similarities to Huma Qureshi in the web show Maharani (Sur, 2022). The arc of Bimla’s character shows that she built up herself with additional funny and caricaturish elements. Jail superintendent Jyoti Deswal (Yami Gautam Dhar) reminds Chaudhary that he is illiterate and refuses to grant special treatment in custody. Chaudhary then pretends to appear for class 10 board exams. Initially annoyed, Jyoti encourages him to study in prison.
{"title":"Corruption, education and media: review of the film Dasvi (2022)","authors":"M. Kumar, A. Sharma","doi":"10.1080/01296612.2022.2133373","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2022.2133373","url":null,"abstract":"Dasvi is a film by Jalota (2022) that emphasizes the importance of education and the role of media in politics. The story deals with an uneducated and corrupt politician who learns the value of education during imprisonment. Gangaram Chaudhary (Abhishek Bachchan), a leading character in the film, decides to spend his time studying for high school. His story is loosely inspired by the former Haryana chief minister (CM) Om Prakash Chautala (Vyavahare, 2022). While sentenced to jail, Chaudhary, CM of the fictional state Harit Pradesh, finds a way for his wife Bimla Devi (Nimrat Kaur) to take over as CM. The character of Bimla Devi is inspired by Rabri Devi, ex-CM of Bihar (Vetticad, 2022). The film explores media’s role as image builders. Politicians may call journalists pimps and avoid them but they recognize and fear the power of media. In jail, Chaudhary finds out what is happening in the assembly by watching TV. Chaudhary makes his plan and trains his wife for political conspiracies over mobile phone. The film raises the mindset of politicians that they are always in government. Initially, Bimla is reluctant to get her hands dirty in the muddy world of politics. Eventually, she falls in love with the taste of power and fame. She refrains from revisiting the buffalo shed and prefers to hear Chaudhary being addressed as CM’s husband. Bimla’s character has similarities to Huma Qureshi in the web show Maharani (Sur, 2022). The arc of Bimla’s character shows that she built up herself with additional funny and caricaturish elements. Jail superintendent Jyoti Deswal (Yami Gautam Dhar) reminds Chaudhary that he is illiterate and refuses to grant special treatment in custody. Chaudhary then pretends to appear for class 10 board exams. Initially annoyed, Jyoti encourages him to study in prison.","PeriodicalId":53411,"journal":{"name":"Media Asia","volume":"50 1","pages":"317 - 323"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47125808","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-07DOI: 10.1080/01296612.2022.2126629
T. Sykes
By the time Rodrigo Duterte stepped down as President of the Philippines on June 30, 2022, his regime stood accused of undermining the nation’s constitution and destroying press freedom, as well as the arbitrary detention, persecution, and murder of tens of thousands of political adversaries and petty criminals. In their coverage of these events, journalists working for the Western legacy media have often reached for the clich es of orientalism and Western mass-culture. As Ileto (2017) asserts, “Images of the Filipino elite (oppressive caciques, bosses, and patrons) and masses (blindly loyal and manipulated t ao, clients of the bosses [... ] reappear in modern journalistic garb” (p. 270). Ileto (2017) argues that liberal American historians of the late 20 century like Stanley Karnow have been unduly focused on “cacique democracy.” These scholars overstate and/or obsess over the problems of “repressive, manipulative” governance, election-rigging, graft, “clientilism” and clannish “factionalism” to imply that “the tragedies and problems of the present are the consequence not so much of American intervention as of the tenacity of Philippine traditions” (Ileto, 2017, p. 268). At the heart of this pathological politics, so the narrative goes, is the cacique tyrant who at once embodies Western skepticism about Philippine self-government and vindicates Western neo-colonial intervention in the country. According to these paradigms, Duterte is the ultimate cacique—narcissistic, impetuous, unremorsefully violent. Uncannily, he also meets Grosrichard’s (1998) criteria for “oriental despotism” (p. 1), as expressed in a very different time and place by French Enlightenment intellectuals mesmerized by the Middle East. Contemporary journalists including Jonathan Miller and James Fenton are guilty of the same hypocrisy and double standards that Ileto (2017) levels at the historians above, for they denounce the chaos and carnage of Duterte’s Philippines while remaining oblivious to Western complicity in the crisis. These journalists’ tacit ethnocentrism is also reflected in their dependence on narrative tropes and structures borrowed from Western cinema and pulp fiction.
{"title":"Cacique clichés: Duterte, despotism and liberal orientalist journalism","authors":"T. Sykes","doi":"10.1080/01296612.2022.2126629","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2022.2126629","url":null,"abstract":"By the time Rodrigo Duterte stepped down as President of the Philippines on June 30, 2022, his regime stood accused of undermining the nation’s constitution and destroying press freedom, as well as the arbitrary detention, persecution, and murder of tens of thousands of political adversaries and petty criminals. In their coverage of these events, journalists working for the Western legacy media have often reached for the clich es of orientalism and Western mass-culture. As Ileto (2017) asserts, “Images of the Filipino elite (oppressive caciques, bosses, and patrons) and masses (blindly loyal and manipulated t ao, clients of the bosses [... ] reappear in modern journalistic garb” (p. 270). Ileto (2017) argues that liberal American historians of the late 20 century like Stanley Karnow have been unduly focused on “cacique democracy.” These scholars overstate and/or obsess over the problems of “repressive, manipulative” governance, election-rigging, graft, “clientilism” and clannish “factionalism” to imply that “the tragedies and problems of the present are the consequence not so much of American intervention as of the tenacity of Philippine traditions” (Ileto, 2017, p. 268). At the heart of this pathological politics, so the narrative goes, is the cacique tyrant who at once embodies Western skepticism about Philippine self-government and vindicates Western neo-colonial intervention in the country. According to these paradigms, Duterte is the ultimate cacique—narcissistic, impetuous, unremorsefully violent. Uncannily, he also meets Grosrichard’s (1998) criteria for “oriental despotism” (p. 1), as expressed in a very different time and place by French Enlightenment intellectuals mesmerized by the Middle East. Contemporary journalists including Jonathan Miller and James Fenton are guilty of the same hypocrisy and double standards that Ileto (2017) levels at the historians above, for they denounce the chaos and carnage of Duterte’s Philippines while remaining oblivious to Western complicity in the crisis. These journalists’ tacit ethnocentrism is also reflected in their dependence on narrative tropes and structures borrowed from Western cinema and pulp fiction.","PeriodicalId":53411,"journal":{"name":"Media Asia","volume":"50 1","pages":"458 - 465"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47722258","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-22DOI: 10.1080/01296612.2022.2122284
Abdul Wahab Siddiqi, Haroon Hakimi, Faisal Karimi
Abstract This study aims to identify the challenges of women journalists in Afghanistan and their impact on the intention to leave the job. To achieve the objectives of this study, a mixed-method (qualitative and quantitative) has been used. In the qualitative section, 15 in-depth interviews were conducted with female journalists in Afghanistan using purposive sampling. The interview data were analyzed using “NVivo 12.” In the quantitative section, Maslach’s burnout theory was integrated with job demands, family job conflict, organizational support, and society job conflict scales as influential factors on the intention to leave the job. Quota sampling was used to send an online questionnaire to 350 female journalists in Afghanistan. As a result, 183 questionnaires were obtained, of which 157 were completed. Pearson correlation coefficients and multilinear regression tests with 95% confidence level (P < 0.05) were used to analyze the data using “SPSS 25.” Emotional exhaustion, depersonalization, family job conflict, society job conflict, and intention to leave the job are all found to have a positive and significant relationship in this study. In contrast, this study found a significant negative relationship between the perception of organizational support and the intention to leave the job.
{"title":"In conflict between leaving and staying: identifying the challenges of women journalists and the effects on the intention to leave the journalism profession","authors":"Abdul Wahab Siddiqi, Haroon Hakimi, Faisal Karimi","doi":"10.1080/01296612.2022.2122284","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2022.2122284","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study aims to identify the challenges of women journalists in Afghanistan and their impact on the intention to leave the job. To achieve the objectives of this study, a mixed-method (qualitative and quantitative) has been used. In the qualitative section, 15 in-depth interviews were conducted with female journalists in Afghanistan using purposive sampling. The interview data were analyzed using “NVivo 12.” In the quantitative section, Maslach’s burnout theory was integrated with job demands, family job conflict, organizational support, and society job conflict scales as influential factors on the intention to leave the job. Quota sampling was used to send an online questionnaire to 350 female journalists in Afghanistan. As a result, 183 questionnaires were obtained, of which 157 were completed. Pearson correlation coefficients and multilinear regression tests with 95% confidence level (P < 0.05) were used to analyze the data using “SPSS 25.” Emotional exhaustion, depersonalization, family job conflict, society job conflict, and intention to leave the job are all found to have a positive and significant relationship in this study. In contrast, this study found a significant negative relationship between the perception of organizational support and the intention to leave the job.","PeriodicalId":53411,"journal":{"name":"Media Asia","volume":"50 1","pages":"157 - 180"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44252149","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-12DOI: 10.1080/01296612.2022.2065095
Ali A. Al-Kandari, Edward Frederick, Albaraa F. Al-Tourah, Masoud Assad, Reem A. Al-Kandiri
Abstract Recently, the announcement by the Kuwaiti military that it would begin accepting women into its ranks has been denounced by religious and cultural conservatives who have used their positions and authority to intimidate citizens and have attempted to stifle public support for this new policy. This study utilizes the Spiral of Silence (SOS) Theory to examine the influence of varying fear sources on individuals’ willingness to express opinions in congruent and incongruent offline and online opinion climates. The examined fear sources are fear of the law or retribution from government authority, fear of being ineffective in one’s political communication because opinion expression has no impact on the political system, fear of being persecuted for violating religious strictures, fear of social isolation, fear of being negatively labeled during a conversation, fear of being ridiculed for expressing an opinion during conversation, and communication apprehension. In all, 503 individuals responded to the survey. Results indicate that a greater number of fear sources influence individuals in offline contexts more than in online contexts. Fear of the law was a suppressor of opinion expression in all online contexts. The study discusses the influence of offline and online cultures on freedom of expression in Kuwait.
{"title":"Sources of fear that inhibit the Kuwaiti youth's free expression about women serving in the military","authors":"Ali A. Al-Kandari, Edward Frederick, Albaraa F. Al-Tourah, Masoud Assad, Reem A. Al-Kandiri","doi":"10.1080/01296612.2022.2065095","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2022.2065095","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Recently, the announcement by the Kuwaiti military that it would begin accepting women into its ranks has been denounced by religious and cultural conservatives who have used their positions and authority to intimidate citizens and have attempted to stifle public support for this new policy. This study utilizes the Spiral of Silence (SOS) Theory to examine the influence of varying fear sources on individuals’ willingness to express opinions in congruent and incongruent offline and online opinion climates. The examined fear sources are fear of the law or retribution from government authority, fear of being ineffective in one’s political communication because opinion expression has no impact on the political system, fear of being persecuted for violating religious strictures, fear of social isolation, fear of being negatively labeled during a conversation, fear of being ridiculed for expressing an opinion during conversation, and communication apprehension. In all, 503 individuals responded to the survey. Results indicate that a greater number of fear sources influence individuals in offline contexts more than in online contexts. Fear of the law was a suppressor of opinion expression in all online contexts. The study discusses the influence of offline and online cultures on freedom of expression in Kuwait.","PeriodicalId":53411,"journal":{"name":"Media Asia","volume":"49 1","pages":"310 - 332"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44800176","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-12DOI: 10.1080/01296612.2022.2115689
Tracy Mae Ildefonso
On January 3, 2022, the National Capital Region (NCR) in the Philippines was put under alert level 3 because of the surge of the Omicron variant. NCR is a region in Luzon that is composed of 17 local government units (LGU) with over 13-million population (Philippine Statistics Authority, 2021). The Omicron, first discovered in South Africa in November 2021, is known to be more contagious than the other COVID-19 variants but has less severe effects (Sohn, 2022). From 500 cases on December 25, 2021, the cases significantly jumped to 4600 by January 2, 2022 (Dancel, 2022). Being under alert level 3 resulted in limited travel within and outside the region. Activities such as face-to-face classes, sports, and recreational activities in bars and casinos were prohibited. Indoor and outdoor capacity for restaurants and cinemas was limited from 30% to 60% occupancy. The same restrictions applied to social gatherings such as funeral services (Galvez, 2021). The alert level 3 was initially set until January 15 but extended until January 31, 2022. Other regions in the country, such as the Cordillera Administrative Region, Central Luzon, Region 5, and some parts of the Visayas and the Mindanao regions, followed the protocol a few weeks after (F. M. Cervantes, 2022). The surge had a widespread effect on people as many pharmacies were observed to have long queues of customers in line to buy paracetamol and flu medicines. To make matters worse, many of them had shortages of stocks because of the extremely high demand. The Pharmaceutical and Healthcare Association of the Philippines and the local doctors were aware of the problem explaining that the sudden surge of COVID-19 cases and the increasing number of people getting flu-like sickness every day prompted people to panic buy (Dela Pena, 2022). Adding to the problem was the detection of the BA.1 and BA.2 Omicron subvariants in the country by the end of January (Tomacruz, 2022). There was an influx of cases in the last two weeks of January in the Luzon region as 87 Omicron cases were recorded (Department of Health, 2022), while major cities in Central Luzon suffered high rates of COVID-19 cases. These areas include Bataan (3206 cases), Tarlac (1013), Pampanga (4285), and Angeles (1592) (D. Cervantes, 2022). Not including NCR, Luzon has an approximate population of 48 million (Philippine Statistics Authority, 2022).
2022年1月3日，菲律宾国家首都地区(NCR)因“欧米克隆”变种的激增而进入3级警戒状态。NCR是吕宋岛的一个地区，由17个地方政府单位(LGU)组成，人口超过1300万(菲律宾统计局，2021)。欧米克隆于2021年11月在南非首次发现，已知比其他COVID-19变体更具传染性，但影响较轻(Sohn, 2022)。从2021年12月25日的500例，到2022年1月2日，病例大幅增加到4600例(Dancel, 2022)。警戒级别为三级，导致进出该地区的旅行受到限制。禁止在酒吧和赌场进行面对面的课程、体育和娱乐活动。餐厅和电影院的室内和室外容量限制在30%到60%之间。同样的限制适用于社交聚会，如葬礼服务(Galvez, 2021)。3级警报最初设定到明年1月15日，但后来延长到2022年1月31日。该国的其他地区，如科迪勒拉行政区、中吕宋岛、第5区以及米沙鄢群岛和棉兰老岛的部分地区，在几周后也遵循了该议定书(F. M. Cervantes, 2022)。这一激增对人们产生了广泛的影响，因为许多药店都有顾客排着长队购买扑热息痛和流感药物。更糟糕的是，由于极高的需求，他们中的许多人都有库存短缺。菲律宾制药和医疗保健协会和当地医生都意识到了这个问题，他们解释说，COVID-19病例的突然激增和每天越来越多的人患上类似流感的疾病，促使人们恐慌性购买(Dela Pena, 2022)。雪上加霜的是，到1月底，在该国检测到BA.1和BA.2欧米克隆亚变体(Tomacruz, 2022)。1月最后两周，吕宋岛地区出现了大量病例，记录了87例欧米克龙病例(卫生部，2022年)，而吕宋岛中部主要城市的COVID-19病例率很高。这些地区包括巴丹(3206例)、塔拉克(1013例)、邦板牙(4285例)和安吉利斯(1592例)(塞万提斯，2022年)。不包括NCR，吕宋岛有大约4800万人口(菲律宾统计局，2022年)。
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Pub Date : 2022-09-11DOI: 10.1080/01296612.2022.2118802
D. Robie
Te Amokura: Pacific Media Center (PMC) was founded at Auckland University of Technology (AUT) in October 2007 at a time of great turbulence in the Pacific (Robie, 2018). Luamanuvao Dame Winnie Laban, at the time New Zealand’s Minister of Pacific Island Affairs before she later became Victoria University of Wellington’s Assistant Vice-Chancellor (Pasifika), launched the center and strongly welcomed the initiative (Robie, 2017). She returned a decade later in November 2017 as guest of honor to celebrate the center’s 10th anniversary. In 2007, corruption, gender violence, and other human rights violations were rife across the Asia-Pacific region. There were arbitrary, unlawful, and extrajudicial killings by elements of the security services in the Philippines (but not anything like the scale during the “war on drugs” era of President Rodrigo Duterte from 2016 to 2022). In Timor-Leste, security forces carried out nine killings in 2007—less than a third of the 29 recorded the previous year—and there were human rights violations against journalists and other civilians. These circumstances were fertile ground for the establishment of both the PMC at AUT (https://pmc.aut.ac.nz/) and its Pacific Media Watch (PMW) media freedom project as one of the first research and publication initiatives established under the university’s Creative Industries Research Institute (CIRI) umbrella, also established in 2007. The PMW project had been transferred to AUT’s PMC from the University of Papua New Guinea and University of Technology Sydney where it had been founded by ABC Four Corners investigative journalist Peter Cronau and me.
the Amokura: Pacific Media Center (PMC)于2007年10月在奥克兰理工大学(AUT)成立，当时太平洋正经历着巨大的动荡(robbie, 2018)。Luamanuvao温妮·拉班女士(Dame Winnie Laban)当时是新西兰太平洋岛屿事务部长，后来成为惠灵顿维多利亚大学助理副校长(帕西菲卡)，她发起了该中心，并对该倡议表示强烈欢迎(罗比，2017)。十年后的2017年11月，她作为贵宾再次来到这里，庆祝该中心成立10周年。2007年，腐败、性别暴力和其他侵犯人权的行为在亚太地区普遍存在。菲律宾的安全部门也有任意、非法和法外杀戮(但与2016年至2022年罗德里戈·杜特尔特(Rodrigo Duterte)总统“禁毒战争”时期的规模相比，这是天翻地别。)在东帝汶，安全部队在2007年实施了9起杀戮——不到前一年记录的29起杀戮的三分之一——并且侵犯了记者和其他平民的人权。这些情况为在AUT建立PMC (https://pmc.aut.ac.nz/)和太平洋媒体观察(PMW)媒体自由项目提供了肥沃的土壤，该项目是在该大学创意产业研究所(CIRI)的框架下建立的第一批研究和出版倡议之一，也成立于2007年。PMW项目是从巴布亚新几内亚大学和悉尼科技大学转移到AUT的PMC的，该项目是由ABC四角调查记者彼得·克罗诺和我在悉尼科技大学创立的。
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