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Contesting an Elastic Constitution: British Nationality and Protection in the Mandates 弹性宪法之争:英国国籍与委任中的保护
4区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.3366/brw.2023.0407
Augusta Waldie
Current studies of British citizenship and nationality neglect the development of legal frameworks prior to the Second World War. A growing body of literature, invigorated by the 2017 Windrush scandal, charts the collapse of imperial citizenship as a dimension of British decolonisation from the 1960s onwards. In contrast, this article analyses how the British empire’s framework of national belonging became strained during the early 1920s, as Dominion leaders increasingly asserted their own sense of statehood and the League of Nations mandates system introduced new forms of imperial rule. The article considers General Jan Smuts’ decision to afford British naturalisation to 7,000 German colonists residing in the mandate of South-West Africa. League officials argued that Smuts’ scheme undermined the anti-annexationist ‘spirit’ of the Covenant, because mass naturalisation represented a practical declaration of South African sovereignty in the mandate. Meanwhile, British mandarins in the Home, Colonial, and Foreign Offices believed Smuts’ policy would destabilise the empire’s constitutional distinctions between territorial zones of formal and informal imperial governance. They also feared it would inspire subaltern inhabitants of other British-protected foreign spaces, especially mandatory Palestine and the Indian princely states, to similarly demand naturalisation in order to claim stronger legal rights for themselves as British subjects. Ultimately, Smuts leveraged his political stature to secure British and League consent for his plan. To maintain a façade of constitutional coherence and metropolitan control, Whitehall mandarins recast Smuts’ naturalisation scheme as an imperial anomaly. Non-European inhabitants of the British mandates, and the wider informal empire, were granted the uncodified, indeterminate status of ‘British Protected Persons’ (BPPs). Recent scholarship has recognised BPP status as a form of de facto statelessness. Inter-war policymakers in the Home and Colonial Offices drew similar parallels, this article shows.
目前对英国公民身份和国籍的研究忽视了二战前法律框架的发展。在2017年“风之风”丑闻的鼓舞下,越来越多的文学作品将帝国公民身份的崩溃描绘为20世纪60年代以来英国去殖民化的一个方面。与此相反,本文分析了大英帝国的民族归属框架在20世纪20年代早期是如何变得紧张的,因为自治领领导人越来越多地主张自己的国家意识,国际联盟的委托制度引入了新的帝国统治形式。这篇文章考虑了Jan Smuts将军为居住在西南非洲托管区的7000名德国殖民者提供英国国籍的决定。联盟官员认为Smuts的计划破坏了公约的反兼并“精神”,因为大规模归化代表了南非主权的实际宣言。与此同时,英国内政部、殖民地部和外交部的官员们认为,史密斯的政策将破坏帝国在正式和非正式帝国治理领土区域之间的宪法区别。他们还担心这会激发其他受英国保护的外国地区的次等居民,尤其是强制统治的巴勒斯坦和印度土邦,同样要求归化,以便为自己作为英国臣民主张更强的法律权利。最终,斯穆茨利用自己的政治地位,争取到了英国和联盟对他的计划的同意。为了保持宪法的一致性和对大都会的控制,白厅官员们将斯穆茨的入籍计划重新定义为帝国的反常行为。英国托管的非欧洲居民,以及更广泛的非正式帝国,被授予未经编纂的,不确定的“英国受保护人员”(BPPs)地位。最近的学术研究已将BPP身份认定为事实上的无国籍状态。这篇文章显示,两次世界大战期间,英国内政部和殖民地办公室的政策制定者也做出了类似的类比。
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引用次数: 0
Front matter 前页
4区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.3366/brw.2023.0403
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引用次数: 0
In Mutual Recognition of the Value of Seapower: Anglo-American Unity and the Destroyers Transferred Under the Destroyers-for-Bases Deal 海权价值的相互承认:英美统一与驱逐舰换基地协议下的驱逐舰转让
4区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.3366/brw.2023.0406
Jayne Friend
When the town of Lewes in Sussex commissioned a plaque to commemorate an ex-American destroyer adopted as a part of their Warship Week in the Autumn of 1942, an Admiralty representative stated that the ship symbolised the ‘imperishable’ and ‘unbreakable’ links existent between Britain and America. 1 The local newspaper also reported, ‘The people living in the country did not fully appreciate all that was meant by the term ‘sea power’ and that ‘they existed today through the work of ships like HMS Lewes.’ 2 This article examines the symbolic role of the fifty destroyers transferred under the 1940 destroyers for bases deal, and argues that they became potent emblems of Anglo-American unity. It explores the rhetoric, propaganda, adoptions and naming practices which surrounded the transfer of the destroyers to argue that they were tangible symbols used to publicly navigate issues of British identity and naval power raised by the deal. By examining the ways in which the ships were renamed, repurposed and adopted by regional communities, this paper will demonstrate that the ships were predominantly valuable for their perceived promotion of the relationship between the two navies, governments and nations.
当苏塞克斯郡的刘易斯镇委托制作一块牌匾来纪念1942年秋天作为军舰周一部分的一艘前美国驱逐舰时,一位海军部代表表示,这艘船象征着英美之间存在的“不朽”和“牢不可破”的联系。生活在这个国家的人们并没有完全理解“海权”一词的含义,也没有完全理解“海权今天是通过像刘易斯号这样的军舰存在的”。本文考察了根据1940年的驱逐舰换基地协议移交的50艘驱逐舰的象征作用,并认为它们成为了英美团结的有力象征。它探讨了围绕驱逐舰转让的修辞、宣传、收养和命名实践,认为它们是用于公开引导英国身份和海军力量问题的有形象征。通过研究这些船只被重新命名、重新利用和被地区社区采用的方式,本文将证明这些船只主要是有价值的,因为它们被认为促进了两国海军、政府和国家之间的关系。
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引用次数: 0
Lusaka: New Capital and the Imperial Garden City Movement 卢萨卡:新首都和皇家园林城市运动
4区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.3366/brw.2023.0404
John M. MacKenzie
The colonial Garden City Movement represents the culmination of a whole sequence of relationships between botany and imperialism that had developed from the seventeenth century onwards, but particularly in the Victorian era. Botany was central to the transnationality of imperialism and botanical exploration while plant collecting fed into many Victorian phenomena in Britain which also had their colonial counterparts. These were intended to alleviate the social, environmental and medical evils of industrialism, providing a closer interaction between the rural and the urban. They included the creation of green belts, the founding of model villages, the emergence of municipal public parks and botanical gardens, and finally the garden city movement. By these means it was intended that industrial (and sometimes rural) workers should experience a healthier lifestyle, as well as a social uplift which would mitigate class conflict while also providing rational recreation. In the export of garden city ideas to the British Empire, there were additionally significant colonial precedents in street tree planting and in the beautification movement of the Victorian era and early twentieth century. This article specifically focuses upon the translation of aspects of this garden city movement and of these other influences into the creation of the new capital of Lusaka in Northern Rhodesia (Zambia) in the twentieth century and the manner in which a great diversity of both indigenous and exotic plants were used to express the idealistic characteristics of this urban development while also reflecting the social and racial norms inherent in the colonial relationship.
殖民地花园城市运动代表了植物学和帝国主义之间一系列关系的高潮,这种关系从17世纪开始发展,尤其是在维多利亚时代。植物学是帝国主义跨国和植物探索的核心,而植物收集则是维多利亚时代英国许多现象的来源,这些现象也有殖民地的对应现象。这些措施的目的是减轻工业主义的社会、环境和医疗祸害,在农村和城市之间提供更密切的相互作用。它们包括绿化带的创建,示范村的建立,市政公园和植物园的出现,最后是花园城市运动。通过这些手段,工业(有时是农村)工人应该体验到更健康的生活方式,以及社会提升,这将减轻阶级冲突,同时也提供合理的娱乐。在向大英帝国输出花园城市理念的过程中,在维多利亚时代和20世纪初的街道植树和美化运动中,也有重要的殖民先例。本文特别关注花园城市运动的各个方面以及这些其他影响在20世纪北罗得西亚(赞比亚)新首都卢萨卡的创建中的翻译,以及使用大量本地和外来植物来表达城市发展的理想主义特征的方式,同时也反映了殖民关系中固有的社会和种族规范。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond God, Country, and Empire: The United Kingdom and the Transnational Turn in the First World War 超越上帝、国家和帝国:第一次世界大战中的联合王国和跨国转向
4区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.3366/brw.2023.0405
Tammy M. Proctor
Even after the war’s centenary from 2014–2018, many English-speaking popular readers and students retain a static and narrow conception of the First World War, much of it focused around the British experience in a section of trenches on the Western Front. This narrative of the war with its focus on the Battles of the Marne, Ypres, the Somme, and Passchendaele, is certainly significant, but it has played an outsized role in shaping the war's history for generations of people. This brief article provides an overview of resources and approaches that relate a different story about Britain's global war and offers concrete suggestions for reframing the story for students and public audiences alike. By broadening the British war story, beyond country and empire, to a global, transnational story, we can narrate a history that aligns more productively with the reality of the conflict as it was experienced. Rather than focusing only on a small slice of the rich wartime tapestry, such a global history re-centers the experiences of non-combatants, imperial citizens, non-citizens, and expatriates – telling a more holistic story of “Britain” at war.
即使在2014-2018年战争一百周年之后,许多讲英语的流行读者和学生对第一次世界大战的看法仍然是静态和狭隘的,其中大部分都集中在英国人在西线一段战壕中的经历上。这本以马恩河战役、伊普尔河战役、索姆河战役和帕斯尚尔战役为重点的战争叙述当然意义重大,但它在塑造几代人的战争历史方面发挥了巨大的作用。这篇简短的文章概述了与英国全球战争有关的不同故事的资源和方法,并为学生和公众提供了重新构建故事的具体建议。通过将英国的战争故事从一个国家和帝国扩展到一个全球、跨国的故事,我们可以讲述一段更有成效地与所经历的冲突现实相一致的历史。这样一部全球历史不是只关注丰富的战争挂毯的一小部分,而是重新集中了非战斗人员、帝国公民、非公民和外籍人士的经历,讲述了一个更全面的战争中的“英国”故事。
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引用次数: 0
The ‘Myth’ of Beaumont-Hamel: Counter-Monumentality and Newfoundland Identity in Edward Riche's Dedication 博蒙特-哈默尔的“神话”:爱德华·里奇《奉献》中的反纪念性和纽芬兰身份
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.3366/brw.2023.0399
B. White
The First World War has had an indelible impact on Newfoundland, shaping not only its relationship with Britain and empire, but also its union with Canada in 1949. For some, the Battle of the Somme was a powerful display of Newfoundland's identity as a British dominion and its loyalty to the mother country. Many Newfoundlanders, however, lament the tragic economic and political consequences of Newfoundland's war service that many believe led to its loss of independence and its union with Canada decades later. Edward Riche's 2017 play Dedication explores the legacy of the First World War on Newfoundland identity and the province's continued positive association with Sir Douglas Haig through the dramatisation of a grieving female journalist interviewing Haig in St. John's in 1924, just before the unveiling of the national war memorial. The play grapples with themes of colonisation, patriotism, and duty as the playwright seeks to challenge the prevailing myth of identity grounded in glorious sacrifice. While the interview in the play raises questions about the war's legacy through its focus on the dedication of the WWI monument by Haig himself, Riche interrogates Newfoundland's established memory of the war, as well as the value of monuments as historical markers of memory and identity.
第一次世界大战对纽芬兰产生了不可磨灭的影响,不仅塑造了它与英国和帝国的关系,而且在1949年与加拿大的联盟。对一些人来说,索姆河战役有力地展示了纽芬兰作为英国自治领的身份及其对母国的忠诚。然而,许多纽芬兰人对纽芬兰的战争服务造成的悲剧性经济和政治后果感到惋惜,许多人认为这导致了纽芬兰在几十年后失去独立,并与加拿大合并。爱德华·里奇(Edward Riche) 2017年的戏剧《奉献》(Dedication)探讨了第一次世界大战对纽芬兰身份的影响,以及该省与道格拉斯·黑格爵士(Sir Douglas Haig)之间持续的积极联系。1924年,就在国家战争纪念碑揭幕之前,一位悲伤的女记者在圣约翰采访了黑格。该剧围绕殖民、爱国主义和责任等主题展开,剧作家试图挑战建立在光荣牺牲基础上的主流身份神话。剧中的采访通过关注黑格本人对第一次世界大战纪念碑的奉献,提出了关于战争遗产的问题,而里奇则质疑纽芬兰对战争的既定记忆,以及纪念碑作为记忆和身份的历史标志的价值。
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引用次数: 0
Front matter 前页
4区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.3366/brw.2023.0396
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引用次数: 0
Australian Squatter Space 1850–1880 1850-1880年澳大利亚的棚户区
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.3366/brw.2023.0400
Paula Jane Byrne
Young men of empire seeking their fortune in Australia incorporated violence against Indigenous people into their lives as part of leisure. This derived from the persona created by romanticism. Squatters created an emotional community that valued capital at the expense of family and emphasised uniformity, they were a transitory people travelling to England and Europe. They held a specific relationship to the Aboriginal polity in which they lived and a loose and imaginative relationship to government. This paper explores squatter space as they saw it.
在澳大利亚寻求财富的帝国青年把对土著人民的暴力作为休闲的一部分融入了他们的生活。这源于浪漫主义创造的人物形象。寮屋居民创造了一个情感社区,他们以牺牲家庭为代价,重视资本,强调一致性,他们是前往英国和欧洲的短暂人群。他们与他们所生活的土著政体有着特殊的关系,与政府有着松散而富有想象力的关系。本文探讨了他们眼中的棚户区。
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引用次数: 1
Soft Power and Hard Choices: Royal Diplomacy in the Carolean Age 软实力与艰难抉择:加洛林时代的王室外交
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.3366/brw.2023.0397
M. Farr
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引用次数: 0
Restraining Sub-imperialism in Southern Rhodesia, 1889–1898 抑制南罗得西亚的次帝国主义,1889-1898
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.3366/brw.2023.0401
Mads Bomholt Nielsen
This article examines the relations between the British government and the British South Africa Company through the 1890s. It aims to explore the ways in which the imperial government sought to restrain and control the BSAC as a sub-imperial actor with its own distinct agenda and interests. While sub-imperial actors were a useful way to claim colonial hinterlands before rival colonial powers, they could also land the government in difficult and unwanted situations. The 1895 Jameson raid scandal and the rebellions of the Ndebele and Shona in 1896–7 necessitated government intervention and limitation of company privileges. Yet, while such situations were on a whole unwanted by the government, they also proved vital pretexts to limit, control and convert sub-imperialism to the imperial and geopolitical interests of the government.
本文考察了19世纪90年代英国政府与英属南非公司之间的关系。它的目的是探索帝国政府试图约束和控制BSAC作为一个具有自己独特议程和利益的次帝国行动者的方式。虽然次帝国行为者是一种有效的方式,在竞争的殖民大国之前宣称殖民地腹地,但它们也可能使政府陷入困难和不受欢迎的境地。1895年詹姆逊突袭丑闻和1896年至1897年恩德贝勒和肖纳的叛乱需要政府干预和限制公司特权。然而,虽然这种情况总体上是政府不希望看到的,但它们也被证明是限制、控制和将次帝国主义转变为政府的帝国和地缘政治利益的重要借口。
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引用次数: 0
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Britain and the World
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