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Accepting Dominion Status as a Way of Reconciliation of British-Irish Disputes? 接受自治领地位是英爱争端的和解之道?
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.3366/BRW.2021.0359
J. Valkoun
The article is focused on an analysis of British-Irish relations in 1921. From the British point of view, the best solution to the conflict seemed to be the granting of Dominion status. It was based on the assumption that the British Empire represented the largest community of free sister nations in the world. On the contrary, Irish officials did not have the confidence to participate in various colonial or imperial projects because they considered themselves a victim of British colonialism. The question of the accepting of the Dominion status divided the Irish political scene into supporters and opponents of the Anglo-Irish treaty. Supporters of the agreement calmed their own sympathizers by claiming that freedom and equality derive directly from Dominion status. However, the lack of precise determination of the rights and duties of the Dominions was a complication of the situation. The question arises as to whether negotiations on reconciliation between Britain and Ireland led from the British and Irish perspectives, in the context of the then unclear situation of what precisely it means to be a Dominion, to a fair solution to the British-Irish Disputes.
这篇文章着重分析了1921年英国与爱尔兰的关系。从英国的观点来看,解决冲突的最佳办法似乎是给予自治领地位。它是基于这样一种假设:大英帝国代表着世界上最大的自由姐妹国家共同体。相反,爱尔兰官员没有信心参与各种殖民或帝国项目,因为他们认为自己是英国殖民主义的受害者。在接受自治领地位的问题上,爱尔兰政坛分裂为支持和反对《英爱条约》的两派。该协议的支持者通过声称自由和平等直接来自自治领地位来安抚他们的同情者。然而,缺乏对各自治领的权利和义务的精确确定使情况更加复杂。问题是,在当时不清楚“自治领”究竟意味着什么的情况下,英国和爱尔兰之间的和解谈判是否从英国和爱尔兰的角度出发,导致了英爱争端的公平解决。
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引用次数: 0
Jonathan Boff, Haig's Enemy: Crown Prince Rupprecht and Germany's War on the Western Front 《黑格的敌人:鲁普雷希特王储与德国在西线的战争
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.3366/BRW.2021.0366
Justin Quinn Olmstead
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引用次数: 0
Yugoslavia's Liberal Opportunity: British Foreign Policy and the ‘Croatian Spring’, 1968–1974 南斯拉夫的自由机会:英国外交政策和“克罗地亚之春”,1968-1974
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.3366/brw.2020.0349
R. Ledger
Between 1968 and 1971, Yugoslavia experienced a prolonged series of protests dubbed the ‘Croatian Spring’. Britain was initially concerned that the Soviets would invade Yugoslavia, thereby upsetting the region's geopolitical balance. Protest against Tito's regime had liberal, Marxist and nationalist elements and, although some sympathy in Britain existed with the former in 1968, this gradually changed to fear of separatism, particularly as it was conflated with the memory of the fascist Ustaše regime. That these factors were aligned, however, impeded one of Britain's prime objectives, Yugoslav unity. British foreign policy towards Yugoslavia during this period aptly shows how it acted as a status quo power.
1968年至1971年间,南斯拉夫经历了一系列被称为“克罗地亚之春”的抗议活动。英国最初担心苏联会入侵南斯拉夫,从而破坏该地区的地缘政治平衡。反对铁托政权的抗议活动包含自由主义、马克思主义和民族主义元素,尽管1968年在英国对前者存在一些同情,但这逐渐转变为对分离主义的恐惧,特别是当它与法西斯Ustaše政权的记忆相结合时。然而,这些因素是一致的,这阻碍了英国的主要目标之一——南斯拉夫的统一。这一时期英国对南斯拉夫的外交政策恰当地显示了它作为维持现状的大国是如何行事的。
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引用次数: 0
Dangerous Ground or Rich New Research Methods? Using Digital Genealogy to Trace Colonial Mobility 危险的土地还是丰富的新研究方法?使用数字家谱追踪殖民地流动
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.3366/brw.2020.0346
Sue McCliskie
More than 3,000 emigrants took up the New Zealand Company's offer of a free or assisted passage to Nelson, the company's Second Colony of New Zealand, from 1841 to 1844 – but did they stay? This article outlines an academic project that combines genealogy techniques and sources with more conventional research, in order to reveal new information about colonial migrants who are often ‘invisible’ in historical accounts. These were predominantly poor English families (with some Germans, Scots and Irish), and they were part of the earliest stages of British colonisation of New Zealand. Genealogy websites such as Ancestry and FamilySearch proved to be central to this research. They provided a gateway to an astonishing amount of information that could ‘locate’ an individual or family, tying them to a certain place, without the researcher knowing which place to look for. This project highlights some of the limitations and dangers of using genealogy methods and sources in academic research – as well as what might be gained. The results suggest that this kind of hybrid methodology incorporating genealogy research can be used successfully within an academic study. In this project, the intricacies of colonial family networks were illuminated, even though the subjects were poor and continued to move around. Surprisingly high levels of mobility were identified, and this was true of women and children as well as men. These findings suggests that using genealogy to trace patterns of colonial mobility is not only important to gain an understanding of individual lives but may also contribute significantly to a better understanding of the larger processes of migration, colonisation and the history of colonial ‘places’.
从1841年到1844年,3000多名移民接受了新西兰公司提供的免费或协助通行到纳尔逊(Nelson)的提议,纳尔逊是新西兰公司在新西兰的第二殖民地——但他们留下来了吗?本文概述了一个学术项目,将家谱技术和资源与更传统的研究相结合,以揭示关于殖民移民的新信息,这些移民在历史记载中往往是“隐形的”。这些人主要是贫穷的英国家庭(还有一些德国人、苏格兰人和爱尔兰人),他们是英国在新西兰殖民的早期阶段的一部分。像Ancestry和FamilySearch这样的家谱网站被证明是这项研究的核心。它们提供了一个通往大量信息的入口,这些信息可以“定位”一个人或一个家庭,将他们与某个地方联系起来,而研究人员不知道该去哪里找。这个项目强调了在学术研究中使用系谱学方法和来源的一些限制和危险,以及可能获得的东西。结果表明,这种结合宗谱研究的混合方法可以在学术研究中成功使用。在这个项目中,殖民地家庭网络的错综复杂被照亮了,尽管主题是贫穷的,并继续四处流动。令人惊讶的是,研究人员发现,女性、儿童和男性的流动性都很高。这些发现表明,使用家谱来追踪殖民地流动模式不仅对了解个人生活很重要,而且可能对更好地理解移民、殖民和殖民地“地方”历史的更大过程有重大贡献。
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引用次数: 2
Front matter 前页
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.3366/brw.2020.0344
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引用次数: 0
Seeking ‘A Fair Field’ for Women in the Legal Profession: Pioneering Women Lawyers from Burma of 1924-19351 为女性在法律职业中寻求“公平的环境”:1924-19351年缅甸女律师先驱
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.3366/brw.2020.0356
Li Chen, Yi Li
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引用次数: 1
Rob Waters, Thinking Black: Britain, 1964–1985 罗伯·沃特斯,《思考黑色:1964-1985年的英国》
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.3366/brw.2020.0354
R. Toye
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引用次数: 0
Cecilia Morgan, Travellers through Empire: Indigenous Voyages from Early Canada 塞西莉亚·摩根,《穿越帝国的旅行者:早期加拿大的土著航行》
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.3366/brw.2020.0353
Darren R. Reid
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引用次数: 0
Back matter 回到问题
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.3366/brw.2020.0355
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引用次数: 0
The Search for World Order and the Wars in Kosovo and Iraq 寻找世界秩序与科索沃和伊拉克战争
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.3366/brw.2020.0357
J. Ellison
In the search of world order after the Cold War, two conflicts were of particular significance. The first, in Kosovo in 1999, was fought to end the Serbian genocide of Kosovar Albanians. The second, in Iraq in 2003, was a war of choice ostensibly to remove the threat of Saddam Hussein's Iraqi regime and the weapons of mass destruction it supposedly held. Although distinct, these wars were joined as attempts by the United States governments of Bill Clinton and George W. Bush, either side of the 9/11 attacks, to answer the questions of how, and for what purposes, the US should use its power, and what form of international order it should seek. One foreign leader, the British Prime Minister Tony Blair, sought to influence the Americans in answering these questions. As a result, the Anglo-American relationship was once again important in shaping the course of global affairs. Why and how the wars produced cooperation between two US presidents and Blair, and how ideas about international order featured, are the subjects of this article.
在冷战后寻求世界秩序的过程中,有两场冲突具有特别重要的意义。第一次发生在1999年的科索沃,是为了结束塞尔维亚人对科索沃阿尔巴尼亚人的种族灭绝。第二次是2003年的伊拉克战争,这是一场选择性战争,表面上是为了消除萨达姆•侯赛因(Saddam Hussein)政权的威胁,以及据称该政权拥有的大规模杀伤性武器。尽管这两场战争各不相同,但它们都是比尔•克林顿(Bill Clinton)和乔治•w•布什(George W. Bush)领导的美国政府(9/11袭击的双方)试图联合起来的,目的是回答美国应该如何以及为了什么目的使用其力量,以及它应该寻求何种形式的国际秩序。一位外国领导人,英国首相托尼·布莱尔,试图影响美国人回答这些问题。因此,英美关系在塑造全球事务进程方面再次发挥了重要作用。两场战争为何以及如何促成了两位美国总统与布莱尔之间的合作,以及有关国际秩序的理念是如何形成的,这些都是本文的主题。
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引用次数: 0
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Britain and the World
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