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‘TO IMPERISHABLE MEMORY’: LANCASTER’S CRIMEAN WAR MONUMENT, c.1855–1862 “致不朽的记忆”:兰开斯特的克里米亚战争纪念碑,约1855 - 1862年
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-29 DOI: 10.1080/0078172X.2022.2112004
Sam Edwards
This article examines the previously neglected history of Lancaster's Crimean War monument, dedicated in November 1860. It connects the monument to two key features of the town's mid-century history: Tory paternalism and a resurgent popular patriotism linked to the contemporary 'Volunteer Movement’. It also establishes the broader significance of the structure, especially in terms of British approaches to war commemoration. In particular, it argues that a key feature of the monument—it carries the names of nineteen of the town's servicemen, all rank and file—complicates the generally accepted chronology of when interest in commemorating the 'common soldier' first emerged in Britain. In this sense, Lancaster's Crimean War monument is one of several mid- and late-Victorian monuments, as the Boer War took place in the later Victorian period, that anticipated the defining quality of war remembrance in the post-1918 period, what Thomas Laqueur has called 'necronominalism' (that is, the naming of the dead, regardless of class or status). The monument is thus indicative of Lancaster's mid-century social politics and it also nuances, usefully, key details regarding the history of British war commemoration.
这篇文章探讨了兰开斯特克里米亚战争纪念碑在1860年11月被忽视的历史。它将纪念碑与该镇世纪中期历史的两个关键特征联系起来:保守党的家长作风和与当代“志愿者运动”有关的民众爱国主义的复兴。它还确立了该结构的更广泛意义,特别是在英国对待战争纪念的方式方面。特别是,它认为纪念碑的一个关键特征——它载有该镇19名普通军人的名字——使人们普遍接受的纪念这位“普通士兵”的兴趣首次在英国出现的年表变得复杂。从这个意义上说,兰开斯特的克里米亚战争纪念碑是维多利亚中后期的几座纪念碑之一,因为布尔战争发生在维多利亚后期,它预示着1918年后战争纪念的决定性质量,托马斯·拉奎尔称之为“死名主义”(即对死者的命名,无论阶级或地位如何)。因此,这座纪念碑表明了兰开斯特世纪中期的社会政治,它也对英国战争纪念历史的关键细节进行了有益的细微差别。
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引用次数: 0
Margaret Farrington: Sociability and Sanity in Georgian England Margaret Farrington:格鲁吉亚式英格兰的社会性与健康性
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-22 DOI: 10.1080/0078172X.2022.2116743
Richard Pears
Margaret Farrington was a single woman declared to be a lunatic in 1765 and moved with legal authority from a fashionable London residence to lodgings in her home town, Newcastle upon Tyne. Analysis of her possessions in an inventory and biographical details recovered by subsequent research suggest a life immersed in the sociability of the metropolis before her illness. Her subsequent care by her relatives is documented; this may have been a more typical form of care than institutional provision for people with mental illness, although the latter has received much more attention in previous literature.
玛格丽特·法林顿(Margaret Farrington)是一名单身女性,1765年被宣布为疯子,并在法律授权下从伦敦一处时尚的住所搬到了她的家乡泰恩河畔纽卡斯尔(Newcastle on Tyne)。对她财产清单的分析和随后的研究发现的传记细节表明,在她生病之前,她的生活沉浸在大都市的社交环境中。她的亲属随后对她的照顾有记录;这可能是一种比为精神疾病患者提供机构护理更典型的护理形式,尽管后者在以前的文献中受到了更多的关注。
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引用次数: 0
THE LATIN PROJECT, Before the Merchant Adventurers: Building the Hall. Account Book of the Fraternity of Jesus and Mary, York, 1357–69 拉丁项目,在商人冒险者之前:建造大厅。耶稣和玛丽兄弟会账簿,约克,1357-69
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-08-23 DOI: 10.1080/0078172x.2022.2112005
Richard A. Goddard
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引用次数: 0
JONATHAN MCGOVERN, The Tudor Sheriff: A Study in Early Modern Administration 乔纳森·麦戈文,《都铎郡长:早期现代行政研究》
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-08-19 DOI: 10.1080/0078172x.2022.2103064
Laura Flannigan
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引用次数: 0
RICHARD SHARPE (Ed.), with contributions by JANET BURTON, MICHAEL GULLICK and NICHOLAS KARN, Foundation Documents from St Mary’s Abbey, York: 1085–1137, Surtees Society Publications, Vol. CCXXVII RICHARD SHARPE(编),与JANET BURTON, MICHAEL GULLICK和NICHOLAS KARN的贡献,圣玛丽修道院基金会文件,约克:1085-1137,Surtees Society Publications, Vol. CCXXVII
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-07-26 DOI: 10.1080/0078172x.2022.2103065
K. Thompson
work. Acca of Hexham who commissioned some of Bede’s theological works is seen as a major influence, particularly on matters to do with Bishop Wilfrid. Acca’s removal from office in 731 meant that some aspects had to be suppressed and he is not acknowledged in the Preface. King Ceolwulf is seen as a more commanding influence than has often been the case. Ceolwulf retired to the monastery of Lindisfarne in 737, and it is suggested that the emphases on the need for church reform and on the achievements of Bishop Aidan and of other Irish missionaries from the monastery reflect the king’s influence. A marked change in approach can certainly be seen from the chronicle that Bede appended to De Temporum Ratione (probably completed in 725) in which no reference is made to Aidan or any of his associates. But the emphasis on the patrons produces a Bede who is something of a cipher, merely writing what he has been told to do, which does not seem to fit comfortably with his confidence as a theological commentator in the tradition of the Fathers of the Church. The praise of Aidan seems too heartfelt not to be Bede’s own, and as he had his own links with Lindisfarne, Bede presumably had his own impressions to draw upon. But Shaw admits that he has only been able to concentrate on some facets, and that a wider study of all Bede’s sources of information is needed to put the work fully in context. Shaw devotes more space to When and Why than to How. He produces a calculation table and suggests Bede prepared something similar to date events by a variety of means and to get them in order. The table consists in modern print of 18 double pages each with 16 columns. This is relatively straightforward to set out with a modern computer, but how would Bede have managed it with parchment and waxed tablets? We are still far from knowing all that is to be known about the construction of the Ecclesiastical History, but Shaw throws up many questions that need to be asked even if certain answers may be hard to come by. He has read very widely and thoroughly, and his book provides an excellent overview of the current state of play in the study of Bede’s most famous work. Prospective readers may, however, want to wait for the appearance of a paperback edition, as the hardback is an eyewatering £120 for 300 pages (though an ebook is also available).
工作。赫克瑟姆的阿卡委托了比德的一些神学作品,被认为是一个主要的影响,特别是在与威尔弗里德主教有关的问题上。阿卡在731年被免职意味着某些方面必须被压制,他在序言中没有得到承认。与以往相比,塞奥武夫国王被认为具有更大的影响力。Ceolwulf于737年退休到Lindisfarne修道院,有人认为强调教会改革的必要性以及主教Aidan和其他来自修道院的爱尔兰传教士的成就反映了国王的影响。从比德所附的编年史(可能完成于725年)中可以明显看出,他的做法发生了明显的变化,其中没有提到艾丹或他的任何同伙。但是,对赞助人的强调造就了一个比德,他有点像个密码,只是写他被告知要做的事情,这似乎与他作为教会教父传统中的神学评论员的自信不太相符。对艾丹的赞美似乎太过真诚而不是比德自己的,因为他与林迪斯法恩有自己的联系,比德大概有自己的印象可以借鉴。但肖承认,他只能专注于某些方面,需要对比德的所有信息来源进行更广泛的研究,才能将这项工作完全置于背景中。肖把更多的篇幅放在了“何时”和“为什么”上,而不是“如何”上。他制作了一个计算表,并建议比德准备一些类似的东西,通过各种方式确定事件的日期,并将它们按顺序排列。表格采用现代印刷,共18页,每页16列。用现代电脑来做这个比较简单,但比德用羊皮纸和蜡笔写的平板电脑会怎么做呢?我们还远远没有完全了解教会史的结构,但肖提出了许多需要问的问题,即使某些答案可能很难得到。他读得非常广泛而深入,他的书对比德最著名的作品的研究现状提供了一个很好的概述。然而,潜在的读者可能希望等待平装本的出现,因为精装本的300页售价高达120英镑(尽管电子书也可以买到)。
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引用次数: 0
SIMON YOUNG, The Boggart: Folklore, History, Place-Names and Dialect 西蒙·杨,博格加特:民俗、历史、地名和方言
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-07-26 DOI: 10.1080/0078172X.2022.2099783
Ian Shiels
importance of the mode in Elizabeth Gaskell’s social fiction and in the protracted local debates over educational reform. He concludes by arguing that, despite challenges from the expansion of the state’s statistical efforts and new modes such as the ‘settlement’ movement, the visiting mode retained its importance as a source of knowledge about social conditions throughout the Victorian period and beyond. By this reading, the spatially situated work of Charles Booth was not some atavistic throwback, but ‘the culmination of a long-established set of practices’ (92). Making Social Knowledge in the Victorian City is a fascinating and invaluable corrective to Joyce’s instrumentalism. Throughout, Hewitt emphasises the importance of lines of sight and visual impressions: hence the role of housing conditions as synecdoche for social situation. This raises a question about the status of olfactory impressions: central to debates over sanitary reform, particularly during the reign of the miasmatic theory of disease, and which remain important indicators of household functionality for modern-day social workers. It is also a curious fact, unremarked by Hewitt, that one place where statistics did have an important role for district visiting, tract distributing and other philanthropic societies, was in their own annual reports. Here committees used an ingenious variety of metrics – houses visited, blankets or tracts distributed, even potential souls saved – to demonstrate value for money to subscribers keen to see a return on their investment. This is a useful reminder that the visiting mode was an expression of the values and logic of industrial capitalism.
这种模式在伊丽莎白·盖斯凯尔的社会小说和旷日持久的地方教育改革辩论中的重要性。他最后认为,尽管该州统计工作的扩大和“定居”运动等新模式带来了挑战,但访问模式在整个维多利亚时期及以后仍然是了解社会状况的重要来源。通过阅读,查尔斯·布斯的空间定位作品并不是某种返祖的复古,而是“一系列长期实践的顶峰”(92)。《在维多利亚城制造社会知识》是对乔伊斯工具主义的一次引人入胜的、宝贵的纠正。休伊特自始至终都强调视线和视觉印象的重要性:因此,住房条件作为社会状况的象征作用。这就提出了一个关于嗅觉印象地位的问题:嗅觉印象是卫生改革辩论的核心,尤其是在疾病的miasmatic理论统治期间,它仍然是现代社会工作者家庭功能的重要指标。还有一个奇怪的事实,休伊特没有注意到,有一个地方的统计数据确实对地区访问、地区分发和其他慈善协会发挥了重要作用,那就是他们自己的年度报告。在这里,委员会使用了各种巧妙的衡量标准——参观房屋、分发毯子或土地,甚至拯救潜在的灵魂——来向渴望看到投资回报的订户展示物有所值。这是一个有用的提醒,参观模式是工业资本主义价值观和逻辑的表达。
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引用次数: 0
GUY HINTON, War Commemoration and Civic Culture in the North East of England, 1854–1914 GUY HINTON,战争纪念与英格兰东北部的公民文化,1854–1914
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-07-23 DOI: 10.1080/0078172X.2022.2099782
Ross J. Wilson
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引用次数: 0
RICHARD SHAW, How, When and Why Did Bede Write His Ecclesiastical History? 理查德·肖:《比德如何、何时、为何撰写他的教会史?》
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-07-23 DOI: 10.1080/0078172x.2022.2099781
B. Yorke
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引用次数: 0
Spellings of Brunanburh Revisited Brunanburh拼写再访
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-07-19 DOI: 10.1080/0078172X.2022.2088437
P. Cavill
The article considers the question whether the spellings of the name Brunanburh and Brunnanburh in texts relating to King Athelstan’s battle of 937 indicate the existence of two different places with very similar names, as proposed by Michael Wood. It argues that the claims made for two places are based on mistaken assumptions about the manuscripts and their sources, and that the difference is best explained as orthographic variation. An alternative is offered that the first element of Brunnanburh may be a hypocorism. Theories that might have prompted the ‘two places’ hypothesis are examined and it is demonstrated that Alistair Campbell, editor of the Old English poem The Battle of Brunanburh, conflated grammatically different name types and omitted crucial lexical and manuscript evidence from his consideration of the question. The manuscript and name evidence is presented and clarified. Uncritical adoption of Campbell’s linguistic arguments to support Burghwallis as the site of the battle is analysed and shown to be mistaken. The assumption that the Scandinavian element brunnr is present in the name Brunnaburh and referred to Burghwallis and its spring is undermined. The overall conclusion is that the spellings of Brun(n)anburh are best regarded as variants.
这篇文章考虑了一个问题,即在与国王阿萨尔斯坦937年战役有关的文本中,布鲁南布尔和布鲁南布尔的拼写是否表明存在两个名字非常相似的不同地方,正如迈克尔·伍德所提出的那样。它认为,对这两个地方的主张是基于对手稿及其来源的错误假设,而这种差异最好用正字法变体来解释。提供了一种替代方案,即Brunnanburh的第一个元素可能是一种虚伪主义。对可能引发“两地”假说的理论进行了研究,发现古英语诗歌《布鲁南布尔之战》的编辑阿利斯泰尔·坎贝尔在考虑这个问题时,混淆了语法上不同的名字类型,并省略了关键的词汇和手稿证据。提交并澄清了手稿和姓名证据。不加批判地采用坎贝尔的语言论点来支持Burghwalis作为战斗地点,这被分析并证明是错误的。斯堪的纳维亚元素brunr以Brunnaburh的名字出现,并被称为Burghwalis及其春天,这一假设被破坏了。总体结论是Brun(n)anburh的拼写最好被视为变体。
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引用次数: 0
ADRIAN ALLAN, Greenbank House and the University of Liverpool: A History 《格林班克之家与利物浦大学:历史》阿德里安·艾伦著
IF 0.3 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-07-15 DOI: 10.1080/0078172x.2022.2095687
W. Whyte
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Northern History
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