In this paper, we capture the crosslinguistic variation in Bantu nominal structure in a unified analysis of gender on n (Kramer 2014, 2015). We demonstrate that this analysis accounts for the morphosyntactic properties of basic nouns as well as locative and diminutive derivations. Moreover, it allows us to capture intra- and inter-language morphosyntactic variation by reference to just three parameters – one strictly morphological and two structural. The presence of one or two n heads, and the size of the complement distinguish between different types of locatives (structural variation); the presence or absence of a spell-out rule of adjacent n heads differentiates “stacking” versus “non-stacking” prefixes in diminutive and augmentative derivations (morphological variation only).
{"title":"The locus of parametric variation in Bantu gender and nominal derivation","authors":"Zuzanna Fuchs, J. Wal","doi":"10.1075/LV.20007.FUC","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LV.20007.FUC","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000In this paper, we capture the crosslinguistic variation in Bantu nominal structure in a unified analysis of gender on n (Kramer 2014, 2015). We demonstrate that this analysis accounts for the morphosyntactic properties of basic nouns as well as locative and diminutive derivations. Moreover, it allows us to capture intra- and inter-language morphosyntactic variation by reference to just three parameters – one strictly morphological and two structural. The presence of one or two n heads, and the size of the complement distinguish between different types of locatives (structural variation); the presence or absence of a spell-out rule of adjacent n heads differentiates “stacking” versus “non-stacking” prefixes in diminutive and augmentative derivations (morphological variation only).","PeriodicalId":53947,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Variation","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42963728","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
While much work has been done on the description of the mass/count distinction in different geographical areas, Brazilian Indigenous languages are still highly underrepresented in the field. This paper presents the results of a project that involved researchers describing the mass/count distinction in 15 Brazilian Indigenous languages, based on a questionnaire we prepared in 2016 in order to explore the distribution of bare nouns, plurals, numerals, and quantifiers (see Appendix). Three main observations will be drawn. First, number marking and countability are independent. Second, counting is not restricted to natural atoms. Third, since there seems to be no systematic symmetry in the distribution of plurals, numerals, and quantifiers, we argue that the standard diagnostics for countable vs. non-countable nouns are highly language-specific.
{"title":"A typology of the mass/count distinction in Brazil and its relevance for mass/count theories","authors":"Suzi Lima, Susan Rothstein","doi":"10.1075/lv.20.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/lv.20.2","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000While much work has been done on the description of the mass/count distinction in different geographical areas, Brazilian Indigenous languages are still highly underrepresented in the field. This paper presents the results of a project that involved researchers describing the mass/count distinction in 15 Brazilian Indigenous languages, based on a questionnaire we prepared in 2016 in order to explore the distribution of bare nouns, plurals, numerals, and quantifiers (see Appendix). Three main observations will be drawn. First, number marking and countability are independent. Second, counting is not restricted to natural atoms. Third, since there seems to be no systematic symmetry in the distribution of plurals, numerals, and quantifiers, we argue that the standard diagnostics for countable vs. non-countable nouns are highly language-specific.","PeriodicalId":53947,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Variation","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46053263","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In some limited cases, English allows a particular preposition to combine with a certain kind of subordinate clause, as exemplified by in that in “I take the proposal seriously, in that I loathe it”. In contrast, Norwegian systematically allows prepositions to combine with subordinate clauses (as in Det resulterte i at vi vant, literally “It resulted in that we won”). I argue that the English case should be handled as the subcategorization for a certain complement class by a particular lexical entry, while the Norwegian case indicates that the extended projection of clauses can continue up to the preposition. This highlights an important difference between lexical selection and extended projection, revealing a hitherto underappreciated source of parametric variation, and sheds light on several properties of extended projections as well as of prepositions. Specifically, the extended projections of N and V may “converge” at P, challenging the notion of extended projection as being confined to a single lexical category.
在某些有限的情况下，英语允许一个特定的介词与某一种从句结合，例如在“I take the proposal seriously, In that I loathe it”中。相比之下，挪威语系统地允许介词与从句结合使用(如Det resulterte i at vi vant，字面意思是“结果是我们赢了”)。我认为，英语的情况应该被处理为特定词汇条目对某个补语类的子分类，而挪威语的情况表明，子句的扩展投射可以继续到介词。这突出了词汇选择和扩展投射之间的重要区别，揭示了迄今为止未被充分认识的参数变化来源，并揭示了扩展投射和介词的几个特性。具体来说，N和V的扩展投影可能在P处“收敛”，挑战扩展投影局限于单一词汇范畴的概念。
{"title":"Prepositions with CP and their implications for extended projections","authors":"Peter Svenonius","doi":"10.1075/lv.00032.sve","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/lv.00032.sve","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In some limited cases, English allows a particular preposition to combine with a certain kind of subordinate clause, as\u0000 exemplified by in that in “I take the proposal seriously, in that I loathe it”. In contrast, Norwegian systematically\u0000 allows prepositions to combine with subordinate clauses (as in Det resulterte i at vi vant, literally “It resulted in that\u0000 we won”). I argue that the English case should be handled as the subcategorization for a certain complement class by a particular lexical\u0000 entry, while the Norwegian case indicates that the extended projection of clauses can continue up to the preposition. This highlights an\u0000 important difference between lexical selection and extended projection, revealing a hitherto underappreciated source of parametric\u0000 variation, and sheds light on several properties of extended projections as well as of prepositions. Specifically, the extended projections\u0000 of N and V may “converge” at P, challenging the notion of extended projection as being confined to a single lexical category.","PeriodicalId":53947,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Variation","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43069839","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Robyn Berghoff, R. Nouwen, Lisa Bylinina, Yaron McNabb
The paper presents an analysis of the Afrikaans degree modifier baie ‘very/much/many’. Baie appears to be a single lexical item with a wide distribution in terms of the categories of gradable predicate with which it can combine. However, the paper shows that two syntactically distinct instances of baie should be distinguished. These instances of baie portion out the modification of different grammatical categories between them: one, a head, exclusively modifies gradable adjectives, and the other, an adjunct, modifies the remaining categories of gradable predicate.
{"title":"Degree modification across categories in Afrikaans","authors":"Robyn Berghoff, R. Nouwen, Lisa Bylinina, Yaron McNabb","doi":"10.1075/LV.17004.BER","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LV.17004.BER","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The paper presents an analysis of the Afrikaans degree modifier baie ‘very/much/many’.\u0000 Baie appears to be a single lexical item with a wide distribution in terms of the categories of gradable\u0000 predicate with which it can combine. However, the paper shows that two syntactically distinct instances of baie\u0000 should be distinguished. These instances of baie portion out the modification of different grammatical categories\u0000 between them: one, a head, exclusively modifies gradable adjectives, and the other, an adjunct, modifies the remaining categories\u0000 of gradable predicate.","PeriodicalId":53947,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Variation","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-03-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43724256","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Thehave yet toconstruction, exemplified by sentences such asJohn has yet to visit his grandmother,is widespread across dialects of English. However, recent studies have revealed that behind this apparent unity, there is significant variation in the syntactic properties of thehave yet toconstruction. Speakers vary with respect to (i) the status ofhaveas an auxiliary or main verb, (ii) the status of negation tests, and (iii) the status of a variety of relatedyet toconstructions. The goal of this paper is to sort out the microsyntax ofhave yet toacross speakers, in the face of contradictory empirical claims and mutually incompatible proposals in the existing literature. We develop an analysis based in part on two wide-scale surveys we have conducted. With respect tohave,we show that speakers who can treat it as a main verb can also treat it as an auxiliary, but not necessarily vice-versa. We propose that the variation in this case has to do with where theperfect features are introduced in the clause. With respect to negation, we find that speakers do not treat all the negation tests the same, forcing us to contend with the question of how these tests work. We propose that for most speakers, only the embedded clause is syntactically negative. Negation tests split according to whether they must target the matrix clause, or whether they can target an embedded clause as well. In some cases, the tests reveal the same sentence to be both affirmative and negative, as we expect: the matrix clause is syntactically affirmative, but the embedded clause, which hosts the lexical content, is syntactically negative.
{"title":"Microvariation in thehave yet toconstruction","authors":"M. Tyler, J. Wood","doi":"10.1075/LV.16006.TYL","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LV.16006.TYL","url":null,"abstract":"Thehave yet toconstruction, exemplified by sentences such asJohn has yet to visit his grandmother,is widespread across dialects of English. However, recent studies have revealed that behind this apparent unity, there is significant variation in the syntactic properties of thehave yet toconstruction. Speakers vary with respect to (i) the status ofhaveas an auxiliary or main verb, (ii) the status of negation tests, and (iii) the status of a variety of relatedyet toconstructions. The goal of this paper is to sort out the microsyntax ofhave yet toacross speakers, in the face of contradictory empirical claims and mutually incompatible proposals in the existing literature. We develop an analysis based in part on two wide-scale surveys we have conducted. With respect tohave,we show that speakers who can treat it as a main verb can also treat it as an auxiliary, but not necessarily vice-versa. We propose that the variation in this case has to do with where theperfect features are introduced in the clause. With respect to negation, we find that speakers do not treat all the negation tests the same, forcing us to contend with the question of how these tests work. We propose that for most speakers, only the embedded clause is syntactically negative. Negation tests split according to whether they must target the matrix clause, or whether they can target an embedded clause as well. In some cases, the tests reveal the same sentence to be both affirmative and negative, as we expect: the matrix clause is syntactically affirmative, but the embedded clause, which hosts the lexical content, is syntactically negative.","PeriodicalId":53947,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Variation","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49284327","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper deals with the assumed correlation between morphological and syntactic phenomena, especially the one that has its roots in a parametric approach to syntax since (Chomsky 1981). Its main focus is on testing predictions presented in two works (Bobaljik and Thráinsson 1998 and Holmberg 2010a). These papers connect verbal morphology with a clustering of syntactic phenomena in the Scandinavian languages and maintain that morphological evidence – in the form of ‘rich’ verbal agreement – signifies a positive setting of a parameter that in turn makes certain syntactic patterns possible. In the present paper it is shown how this relation works when tested on a group of Ovansiljan vernaculars (East Scandinavian non-standard varieties). Five of these vernaculars have retained verbal agreement in number and person, whereas two others have not. It turns out that the hypotheses encounter difficulties when faced with the Ovansiljan data.
{"title":"Morphology and syntax in the Scandinavian vernaculars of Ovansiljan","authors":"P. Garbacz","doi":"10.1075/LV.12016.GAR","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LV.12016.GAR","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The paper deals with the assumed correlation between morphological and syntactic phenomena, especially the one that has its roots in a parametric approach to syntax since (Chomsky 1981). Its main focus is on testing predictions presented in two works (Bobaljik and Thráinsson 1998 and Holmberg 2010a). These papers connect verbal morphology with a clustering of syntactic phenomena in the Scandinavian languages and maintain that morphological evidence – in the form of ‘rich’ verbal agreement – signifies a positive setting of a parameter that in turn makes certain syntactic patterns possible. In the present paper it is shown how this relation works when tested on a group of Ovansiljan vernaculars (East Scandinavian non-standard varieties). Five of these vernaculars have retained verbal agreement in number and person, whereas two others have not. It turns out that the hypotheses encounter difficulties when faced with the Ovansiljan data.","PeriodicalId":53947,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Variation","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47573045","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper, we focus on the syntax of question particles in Basque and provide an account that draws new parallels between the syntactic behavior of discourse particles in Basque and some recent findings that have been reported for the German language, perhaps the most studied language of all when it comes to discourse particles. In particular, after having argued for a syntactic perspective on discourse particles for German, we deal with Basque particles in both wh-questions and polar questions. For wh-questions, we provide evidence for the claim that the particle ote occupies an IP/TP-internal particle position and, when attaching to a wh-element, can serve to form emphatic questions of the type that have also been observed in German. In the context of polar questions, we demonstrate that there are two distinct positions for discourse particles in central and eastern dialects of Basque: one inside the IP/TP-domain and one in the left periphery of the clause. Again, we indicate relevant cross-linguistic parallels, thereby dealing with Basque discourse particles from the perspective of a cross-linguistic syntax of particle elements.
{"title":"Basque question particles","authors":"Andreas Trotzke, Andreas Trotzke, Sergi Monforte","doi":"10.1075/LV.18002.TRO","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LV.18002.TRO","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In this paper, we focus on the syntax of question particles in Basque and provide an account that draws new\u0000 parallels between the syntactic behavior of discourse particles in Basque and some recent findings that have been reported for the\u0000 German language, perhaps the most studied language of all when it comes to discourse particles. In particular, after having argued\u0000 for a syntactic perspective on discourse particles for German, we deal with Basque particles in both wh-questions\u0000 and polar questions. For wh-questions, we provide evidence for the claim that the particle ote\u0000 occupies an IP/TP-internal particle position and, when attaching to a wh-element, can serve to form emphatic\u0000 questions of the type that have also been observed in German. In the context of polar questions, we demonstrate that there are\u0000 two distinct positions for discourse particles in central and eastern dialects of Basque: one inside the IP/TP-domain and one in\u0000 the left periphery of the clause. Again, we indicate relevant cross-linguistic parallels, thereby dealing with Basque discourse\u0000 particles from the perspective of a cross-linguistic syntax of particle elements.","PeriodicalId":53947,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Variation","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47758768","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
I examine the set of environments in which KA-type quantifier particles appear crosslinguistically. These environments include interrogatives, disjunctions, indefinites, all of which arguably involve elements with Hamblin-type ‘alternative’ semantic values. I show that if KA-particles are assigned a uniform denotation as variables over choice functions we can account for their appearance in what otherwise appears to be a set of heterogeneous environments. Crosslinguistic and diachronic variation in the distribution of Q-particles – including, in some cases, the appearance of multiple morphologically-distinct Q-particles in different contexts – can be handled largely in terms of differing formal morphosyntactic features and/or pragmatic components of specific KA-particles. This study focuses on tracking the evolution of KA-type particles in the history of Sinhala, with comparison to other languages of the Indian subcontinent (including Malayalam and Tamil) as well as to Japanese, Tlingit, and English.
{"title":"Quantifier particle environments","authors":"Benjamin Slade","doi":"10.1075/LV.17007.SLA","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LV.17007.SLA","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 I examine the set of environments in which KA-type quantifier particles appear crosslinguistically. These\u0000 environments include interrogatives, disjunctions, indefinites, all of which arguably involve elements with Hamblin-type\u0000 ‘alternative’ semantic values. I show that if KA-particles are assigned a uniform denotation as variables over choice functions we\u0000 can account for their appearance in what otherwise appears to be a set of heterogeneous environments. Crosslinguistic and\u0000 diachronic variation in the distribution of Q-particles – including, in some cases, the appearance of multiple\u0000 morphologically-distinct Q-particles in different contexts – can be handled largely in terms of differing formal morphosyntactic\u0000 features and/or pragmatic components of specific KA-particles. This study focuses on tracking the evolution of KA-type particles\u0000 in the history of Sinhala, with comparison to other languages of the Indian subcontinent (including Malayalam and Tamil) as well\u0000 as to Japanese, Tlingit, and English.","PeriodicalId":53947,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Variation","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41656059","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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