This article proposes a new typology of the V2 property, integrating new data from a corpus of Medieval Romance texts with data from Rhaeto-Romance, Early Germanic and Modern Germanic. The proposed analysis is that all V2 systems have a V-movement and phrasal movement trigger on the lowest left-peripheral head, Fin, and that in a subclass of V2 languages Force also has these properties. It is argued that the restrictions on and variation in licensing verb-initial and verb-third clauses within Romance and Germanic V2 systems fall out from the Fin/Force distinction.
{"title":"Redefining the typology of V2 languages","authors":"S. Wolfe","doi":"10.1075/lv.15026.wol","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/lv.15026.wol","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article proposes a new typology of the V2 property,\u0000 integrating new data from a corpus of Medieval Romance texts with data from\u0000 Rhaeto-Romance, Early Germanic and Modern Germanic. The proposed analysis is\u0000 that all V2 systems have a V-movement and phrasal movement trigger on the lowest\u0000 left-peripheral head, Fin, and that in a subclass of V2 languages Force also has\u0000 these properties. It is argued that the restrictions on and variation in\u0000 licensing verb-initial and verb-third clauses within Romance and Germanic V2\u0000 systems fall out from the Fin/Force distinction.","PeriodicalId":53947,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Variation","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47468269","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A micro-perspective on Verb Second in Romance and Germanic","authors":"","doi":"10.1075/lv.19.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/lv.19.1","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53947,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Variation","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46756925","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Old French is considered by many to have been a verb-second (V2) language. Furthermore, 13th century Old French featured a V2 system with strong restrictions on the prefield, meaning only a single constituent was generally accepted to the left of the finite verb. This bears a strong resemblance to the pattern found in the Modern Germanic V2 languages and has occasionally given rise to suggestions that V2 was a Germanic property inherited from the language of the Franks. In this paper, a concrete hypothesis is developed for the diachronic evolution of Old French V2 from Late Latin. It is argued that the hypothesis of Germanic influence is not necessarily incorrect, but too simplistic, as the two synchronic components of the Old French V2 construction -namely V-to-C movement and restrictions on the prefield – most likely have their own and independent diachronies as well. Comparative and historical evidence is presented to show that V-to-C movement is very unlikely to have been a product of Germanic influence and should rather be considered an internal development from Latin. As for the restricted prefield (so-called ‘linear V2’), the scarcity or even absence of evidence does not allow firm conclusions, but some general theoretical insights from the literature on language change and second language acquisition combine to make the idea of Germanic influence quite plausible.
{"title":"What is Germanic and what is not about Old French\u0000 V2","authors":"Espen Klævik-Pettersen","doi":"10.1075/lv.00011.kla","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/lv.00011.kla","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Old French is considered by many to have been a verb-second (V2)\u0000 language. Furthermore, 13th century Old French featured a V2 system with strong\u0000 restrictions on the prefield, meaning only a single constituent was generally\u0000 accepted to the left of the finite verb. This bears a strong resemblance to the\u0000 pattern found in the Modern Germanic V2 languages and has occasionally given\u0000 rise to suggestions that V2 was a Germanic property inherited from the language\u0000 of the Franks. In this paper, a concrete hypothesis is developed for the\u0000 diachronic evolution of Old French V2 from Late Latin. It is argued that the\u0000 hypothesis of Germanic influence is not necessarily incorrect, but too\u0000 simplistic, as the two synchronic components of the Old French V2 construction\u0000 -namely V-to-C movement and restrictions on the prefield – most likely have\u0000 their own and independent diachronies as well. Comparative and historical\u0000 evidence is presented to show that V-to-C movement is very unlikely to have been\u0000 a product of Germanic influence and should rather be considered an internal\u0000 development from Latin. As for the restricted prefield (so-called ‘linear V2’),\u0000 the scarcity or even absence of evidence does not allow firm conclusions, but\u0000 some general theoretical insights from the literature on language change and\u0000 second language acquisition combine to make the idea of Germanic influence quite\u0000 plausible.","PeriodicalId":53947,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Variation","volume":"440 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41315388","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Verb-second (V2) phenomenon is one of the central issues of modern linguistic theory. This volume examines V2 from a micro-perspective, comparing various languages and periods. At the heart of the work presented here lies the clear assumption that Verb-second is by no means a unitary phenomenon, but rather a heterogenous and rich system that affects languages in various ways.
{"title":"A micro-perspective on Verb-second in Romance and Germanic","authors":"C. Salvesen","doi":"10.1075/lv.00010.mek","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/lv.00010.mek","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The Verb-second (V2) phenomenon is one of the central issues of modern linguistic theory. This volume examines V2 from a micro-perspective, comparing various languages and periods. At the heart of the work presented here lies the clear assumption that Verb-second is by no means a unitary phenomenon, but rather a heterogenous and rich system that affects languages in various ways.","PeriodicalId":53947,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Variation","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46363980","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper, I sketch the CP layer in main and embedded clauses in the history of English. The Modern English main clause is not as easily expandable as the Old English one, but the reverse is true in the subordinate clause, where Modern English has a more flexible embedded CP than Old English. I focus on the developments of the embedded CP. It has been claimed that Old English lacks an embedded split CP and therefore lacks embedded V2 and a host of other embedded root phenomena. I show this to be true for complements to both assertive and non-assertive verbs. In contrast, the Modern English matrix verb has an effect on the strength of the C-position. Assertive verbs in Modern English allow main clause phenomena in subordinate clauses whereas non-assertives typically do not. The main point of the paper is to chronicle the changes that ‘stretch’ the embedded clause and the changing role of main verbs. It is descriptive rather than explanatory, e.g., in terms of changes in phase-head status.
{"title":"Main and embedded clausal asymmetry in the history of\u0000 English","authors":"E. Gelderen","doi":"10.1075/lv.15019.gel","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/lv.15019.gel","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In this paper, I sketch the CP layer in main and embedded\u0000 clauses in the history of English. The Modern English main clause is not as\u0000 easily expandable as the Old English one, but the reverse is true in the\u0000 subordinate clause, where Modern English has a more flexible embedded CP than\u0000 Old English. I focus on the developments of the embedded CP. It has been claimed\u0000 that Old English lacks an embedded split CP and therefore lacks embedded V2 and\u0000 a host of other embedded root phenomena. I show this to be true for complements\u0000 to both assertive and non-assertive verbs. In contrast, the Modern English\u0000 matrix verb has an effect on the strength of the C-position. Assertive verbs in\u0000 Modern English allow main clause phenomena in subordinate clauses whereas\u0000 non-assertives typically do not. The main point of the paper is to chronicle the\u0000 changes that ‘stretch’ the embedded clause and the changing role of main verbs.\u0000 It is descriptive rather than explanatory, e.g., in terms of changes in\u0000 phase-head status.","PeriodicalId":53947,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Variation","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45266268","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Through a focus on the properties of subject-finite verb inversion and XP fronting in three relaxed V2 languages, namely Cimbrian, Ladin and Mòcheno, this paper aims to widen and refine our understanding of relaxed V2 languages, i.e. languages in which the V2 property should be understood in a technical sense as obligatory V-to-C movement, not as a simple description referring to linearisation (Benincà 2006, 2013; Ledgeway 2016). It will be shown that inversion differs across relaxed V2 languages in two ways. In a first subtype, inversion is not associated with any marked pragmatic interpretation of the lexical subject and the subject appears in an A position in the IP area: this type is instantiated by Old Italian (Benincà 2006, Poletto 2014). A second option, instantiated by the languages considered in this paper, is that the lexical subject receives a pragmatically marked interpretation which is encoded in a Functional Projection (FP) in the vP periphery (Belletti 2004, Poletto 2006). This paper confirms that V3/V4 word orders involve the presence of a double articulation for foci and wh-elements, which appear in different positions in the CP layer in relaxed V2 languages (Poletto 2002, Wolfe 2015 a,b). It also contributes to our understanding of the syntax of topics in relaxed V2 languages by showing that (i) topics can be moved to CP and (ii) the movement option is not restricted to main clauses lacking an XP in the left periphery; it also occurs in interrogative clauses (unlike in the relaxed V2 varieties considered in Walkden 2014, 2015).
{"title":"On the left periphery of three languages of Northern Italy","authors":"Federica Cognola","doi":"10.1075/lv.16005.cog","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/lv.16005.cog","url":null,"abstract":"Through a focus on the properties of subject-finite verb inversion and XP fronting in three relaxed V2 languages, namely Cimbrian, Ladin and Mòcheno, this paper aims to widen and refine our understanding of relaxed V2 languages, i.e. languages in which the V2 property should be understood in a technical sense as obligatory V-to-C movement, not as a simple description referring to linearisation (Benincà 2006, 2013; Ledgeway 2016). It will be shown that inversion differs across relaxed V2 languages in two ways. In a first subtype, inversion is not associated with any marked pragmatic interpretation of the lexical subject and the subject appears in an A position in the IP area: this type is instantiated by Old Italian (Benincà 2006, Poletto 2014). A second option, instantiated by the languages considered in this paper, is that the lexical subject receives a pragmatically marked interpretation which is encoded in a Functional Projection (FP) in the vP periphery (Belletti 2004, Poletto 2006). This paper confirms that V3/V4 word orders involve the presence of a double articulation for foci and wh-elements, which appear in different positions in the CP layer in relaxed V2 languages (Poletto 2002, Wolfe 2015 a,b). It also contributes to our understanding of the syntax of topics in relaxed V2 languages by showing that (i) topics can be moved to CP and (ii) the movement option is not restricted to main clauses lacking an XP in the left periphery; it also occurs in interrogative clauses (unlike in the relaxed V2 varieties considered in Walkden 2014, 2015).","PeriodicalId":53947,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Variation","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"58996550","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this article I will show that there is not a single diachronic path that leads to the loss of the verb second property so that different languages can have different ways towards a non V2 grammar. I will also show that the progressive loss of subject inversion contexts is not the only factor that played a role in the change, because there are V2 languages in which nominal subject inversion was never attested but they are still V2, i.e. they have I to C movement. I will identify various factors which may play a role and are related to the type of verb second found in different languages. I will consider various types of factors and show that they can play a role or not in the loss of V2 depending on the type of V2 that the language displays. I will also identify an additional factor that has not been considered in the literature namely the type of complementizer system: a change in this area can contribute to destabilizing the V2 grammar.
{"title":"More than one way out","authors":"C. Poletto","doi":"10.1075/lv.16001.pol","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/lv.16001.pol","url":null,"abstract":"In this article I will show that there is not a single diachronic path that leads to the loss of the verb second property so that different languages can have different ways towards a non V2 grammar. I will also show that the progressive loss of subject inversion contexts is not the only factor that played a role in the change, because there are V2 languages in which nominal subject inversion was never attested but they are still V2, i.e. they have I to C movement. I will identify various factors which may play a role and are related to the type of verb second found in different languages. I will consider various types of factors and show that they can play a role or not in the loss of V2 depending on the type of V2 that the language displays. I will also identify an additional factor that has not been considered in the literature namely the type of complementizer system: a change in this area can contribute to destabilizing the V2 grammar.","PeriodicalId":53947,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Variation","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"58996407","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Our Aromanian data come from Diviakë, Libofshë and Fier, three locations close to one another in southern Albania, and from Këllez, also in southern Albania. We argue that the impossibility of embedding sentences directly under V-v (Agree Resistance Theorem) leads to the overall shape of complementation in Romance. Section 2, on finite complementizers, shows that Aromanian supports analyses of complementizers as wh- pronouns independently developed for other Romance languages. Section 3 elaborates a proposal originally put forth for Albanian, where the subjunctive particle is identical to the Linker – namely that the main role of subjunctive particles is introducing a variable EPP argument, subject to control. Section 4 argues that Prepositional introducers of non-finite sentences amount to an obliquization strategy to circumvent Agree Resistance – as does the nominalization (relativization) strategy of Section 2 (and the predication strategy in Section 3).
{"title":"Finite and non-finite complementation, particles and control in Aromanian, compared to other Romance varieties and\u0000 Albanian","authors":"M. R. Manzini, L. Savoia","doi":"10.1075/LV.16003.MAN","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LV.16003.MAN","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Our Aromanian data come from Diviakë, Libofshë and Fier, three locations close to one another in southern Albania,\u0000 and from Këllez, also in southern Albania. We argue that the impossibility of embedding sentences directly under V-v (Agree\u0000 Resistance Theorem) leads to the overall shape of complementation in Romance. Section 2, on\u0000 finite complementizers, shows that Aromanian supports analyses of complementizers as wh- pronouns independently developed for\u0000 other Romance languages. Section 3 elaborates a proposal originally put forth for Albanian,\u0000 where the subjunctive particle is identical to the Linker – namely that the main role of subjunctive particles is introducing a\u0000 variable EPP argument, subject to control. Section 4 argues that Prepositional introducers of\u0000 non-finite sentences amount to an obliquization strategy to circumvent Agree Resistance – as does the nominalization\u0000 (relativization) strategy of Section 2 (and the predication strategy in Section 3).","PeriodicalId":53947,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Variation","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2018-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45935101","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The object of study of this paper is a Romance construction characterized by the presence of the complementizer in root clauses and by an evidential or epistemic meaning (i.e. C-constructions). In these structures, the complementizer is preceded by a functional element that morphologically coincides with an adjective or an adverb. From a morphosyntactic viewpoint, we show that these structures are monoclausal and that the epistemic or evidential item preceding the complementizer has undergone a process of grammaticalization becoming a functional element. As for their use and interpretation, we describe their primary semantic meaning, as well as their pragmatic extensions and functions, which involve subjectification and intersubjectivity. We finally propose a syntactic configuration that can account for C-constructions and their properties in the syntax representation. This configuration involves the assumption of a projection – in fact, a set of projections – above ForceP which encode speaker-oriented and pragmatic features (e.g. evaluative, evidential, epistemic values).
{"title":"Speaker-oriented syntax and root clause complementizers","authors":"Silvio Cruschina, E. Remberger","doi":"10.1075/LV.16009.CRU","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LV.16009.CRU","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The object of study of this paper is a Romance construction characterized by the presence of the complementizer in\u0000 root clauses and by an evidential or epistemic meaning (i.e. C-constructions). In these structures, the\u0000 complementizer is preceded by a functional element that morphologically coincides with an adjective or an adverb. From a\u0000 morphosyntactic viewpoint, we show that these structures are monoclausal and that the epistemic or evidential item preceding the\u0000 complementizer has undergone a process of grammaticalization becoming a functional element. As for their use and interpretation,\u0000 we describe their primary semantic meaning, as well as their pragmatic extensions and functions, which involve subjectification and\u0000 intersubjectivity. We finally propose a syntactic configuration that can account for C-constructions and their properties in the\u0000 syntax representation. This configuration involves the assumption of a projection – in fact, a set of projections – above ForceP\u0000 which encode speaker-oriented and pragmatic features (e.g. evaluative, evidential, epistemic values).","PeriodicalId":53947,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Variation","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2018-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45132112","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Complementizers and variation in the CP","authors":"Jacopo Garzonio, Silvia Rossi","doi":"10.1075/LV.00009.GAR","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/LV.00009.GAR","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53947,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Variation","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2018-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46345961","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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