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The Mutiny of Conon's Cypriot Mercenaries 科农的塞浦路斯雇佣兵叛变
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 1962-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500005307
I. Bruce
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引用次数: 3
An Augustan Inscription in the Rijksmuseum at Leyden ( S.E.G. xviii , no. 555) 莱顿国立博物馆收藏的奥古斯都铭文(s.g.a xviii, no。555)
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 1962-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500005320
J. Crook
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引用次数: 29
The First Satire of Juvenal 朱维纳利斯的第一部讽刺作品
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 1962-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500005332
E. J. Kenney
Juvenal's First Satire is programmatic, a statement of why he proposes to write satire and what kind of satire he proposes to write. Obviously it is important for our understanding of Juvenal as poet and satirist to interpret it correctly. Much of what I have to say on the subject is not new, and I do not flatter myself that I am advancing a ‘solution’ in die sense of an answer that has eluded all other interpreters. My purpose is to suggest fresh emphases that may lead to a more just and satisfying appreciation. In particular I believe that the concluding section of die satire, vv . 147–71, stands in need of more careful appraisal, and it is my primary purpose to discuss that section. That I am considerably in the debt of previous writers on the subject will become clear as the discussion proceeds. First, a few preliminary (and I fear somewhat polemical) remarks on method and principles.
尤维纳利斯的《第一讽刺》是纲领性的,它陈述了他为什么要写讽刺以及他打算写什么样的讽刺。很明显,正确地解读它对于我们理解尤维纳利斯作为诗人和讽刺作家是很重要的。关于这个问题,我要说的很多东西并不新鲜,我也不认为自己提出了一种“解决方案”,即一种所有其他解释者都没有找到的答案。我的目的是建议新的重点,可能导致更公正和令人满意的欣赏。我尤其认为,《讽刺》的结语部分,第1章。147-71,需要更仔细的评估,这是我讨论这部分的主要目的。随着讨论的进行,我将清楚地认识到,我在这个问题上欠了前人许多作者的债。首先,对方法和原则进行一些初步的评论(我担心有些争议性)。
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引用次数: 17
The Athenian Embassy to Sparta in 371 B.C. 公元前371年雅典驻斯巴达大使馆
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 1962-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500005344
D. J. Mosley
Xenophon records that in 371 an embassy was sent from Athens to Sparta in order to negotiate a settlement. His account contains several peculiar features concerning both the procedure of the embassy and the personnel employed. To submit the historical writings of Xenophon to close and detailed scrutiny is often an unrewarding task, yet it is well to bear in mind that at the time of the events under discussion Xenophon, who had been exiled from Athens, was resident in the Peloponnese and he ought therefore to have been in a position to combine an understanding of the political workings of Athens with a knowledge of what went on in Sparta. We read that Callias the son of Hipponicus, Autocles the son of Strombichides, Demostratus the son of Aristophon, Aristocles, Cephisodotus, Melanopus and Lycaethus, seven names in all, were sent as envoys, and further that the popular orator Callistratus was also present in Sparta. Included in the account are three speeches which at first sight are discordant and which Xenophon attributes to Callias, Autocles and Callistratus.
色诺芬记载,在371年,雅典向斯巴达派遣了一个使团,以便谈判解决问题。他的叙述在使馆的程序和雇用的人员方面有几个特别之处。对色诺芬的历史著作进行细致细致的审查往往是一项毫无意义的任务,但我们应该记住,在我们讨论的事件发生时,被雅典流放的色诺芬,居住在伯罗奔尼撒半岛,因此他应该能够将对雅典政治运作的理解与对斯巴达发生的事情的了解结合起来。我们读到希波尼克斯的儿子卡利亚、斯特隆比西尔斯的儿子欧特克利斯、阿里斯托丰的儿子德摩斯特拉托斯、阿里斯托克利斯、塞菲索多图斯、墨拉诺普斯和吕喀托斯,一共七个人被派去当使节,而且广受欢迎的演说家卡利斯特拉托斯也在斯巴达。其中包括三次演讲,乍一看是不和谐的,色诺芬认为是卡利亚、欧托克利斯和卡利斯特拉图说的。
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引用次数: 26
Thucydides IV, 108, 4 修昔底德四世,188,4
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 1961-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500003023
H. D. Westlake
. This sentence belongs to a passage in which Thucydides discusses the reactions of the Athenians (108, 1–2) and of their subject allies (108, 3–6) to the fall of Amphipolis. He describes very graphically the incautious enthusiasm with which the allies embarked upon plans for revolt, encouraged by the Athenian failure to save Amphipolis, which closely followed the defeat at Delium, and by the tempting propaganda of Brasidas. The phrase ὅση ὔστeρον διeϕάνη in the sentence quoted above is widely interpreted as a reference to the unexpected recovery of the Athenians in the period after the Sicilian disaster and is accordingly accepted as evidence that this sentence at least, and perhaps the whole discussion to which it belongs, cannot have been written before the closing years of the Peloponnesian war.
. 这句话属于修昔底德讨论雅典人(108,1 - 2)及其臣民盟友(108,3 - 6)对安菲波利斯陷落的反应的一段话。他绘声绘色地描述了盟军在发动起义时的不谨慎的热情,这是由于雅典人未能拯救安菲波利斯而受到鼓舞的,而安菲波利斯紧随Delium的失败,以及Brasidas诱人的宣传。上面引用的句子中的短语ν ση ο στ ρον δι eν νη被广泛地解释为是指雅典人在西西里灾难之后的一段时间里意外的恢复,因此被认为至少这句话,也许它所属于的整个讨论,不可能是在伯罗奔尼撒战争结束前写的。
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引用次数: 0
Notes on the ‘Aetna’ 关于“Aetna”的说明
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 1961-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500002972
F. Goodyear
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引用次数: 0
The Problem of Classical Ionia 古典伊奥尼亚问题
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 1961-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500002960
J. Cook
The sixth century B.C. was a brilliant age in Ionia. Milesian academic research and Samian opportunism set the bounds for intellectual and mechanical progress, the Chians made money and the Phocaeans sailed the seven seas. The surviving fragments of Ionic sculpture and architecture, the massive relics of the biggest-ever temples, and engineering feats like those of Polycrates in the town of Samos still demonstrate the scale on which the Ionic achievement was conceived. But when the archaeologist turns his attention to the fifth century in Ionia he seeks in vain for comparable creations. Sculpture has virtually disappeared, while painting seems to have come to an end with the Clazomenian sarcophagi and the schools of vase decoration that were associated with them. There are no new city layouts rivalling that of Samos; and only one small temple at Miletus stands out as a meagre creation of this century. The minor arts also were virtually at an end; and—whether in excavation or in surface reconnaissance—the archaeologist discovers scarcely any recognizable testimony of Ionic culture, or even of habitation, on the sites of the Ionic cities in this epoch. In material civilization the fifth century seems to have been the Dark Age of Ionia.
公元前6世纪是爱奥尼亚的辉煌时代。米利都人的学术研究和萨米人的机会主义为智力和机械进步设定了界限,中国人赚钱,福喀人航行七大洋。现存的爱奥尼亚雕塑和建筑的残片,有史以来最大的寺庙的巨大遗迹,以及像波利克拉底在萨摩斯镇的工程壮举,仍然证明了爱奥尼亚成就的规模。但是,当考古学家把注意力转向五世纪的伊奥尼亚时,他没有找到类似的创作。雕塑几乎消失了,而绘画似乎随着克拉索门尼亚石棺和与之相关的花瓶装饰学派而走向终结。没有新的城市布局可以与萨摩斯相媲美;只有米利都的一座小神庙是本世纪的一个微不足道的创造物。小艺术实际上也走到了尽头;而且,无论是在挖掘中还是在地面勘测中,考古学家在这个时代的爱奥尼亚城市遗址上几乎找不到任何可辨认的爱奥尼亚文化的证据,甚至也找不到任何居住的证据。在物质文明方面,五世纪似乎是爱奥尼亚的黑暗时代。
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引用次数: 51
Tragic History and Aristotle's School 悲剧史与亚里士多德学派
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 1960-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500002868
C. O. Brink
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引用次数: 16
(i) De Tribunis Plebis Reficiendis; (ii) De Legibus Iunia et Acilia Repetundarum (i) Reficiendis广场;(ii)Yunia和Acilia Repetundarum的法律
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 1960-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500002893
A. H. Jones
It is evident that there was no law expressly forbidding the re-election of tribunes of the plebs. When Tiberius Gracchus raised the issue, his colleagues were in doubt, though the majority apparently held that his candidature was inadmissible (Appian, B.C. I, 14–15). Two years later Papirius Carbo proposed a bill ‘ut eundem tribunum plebi quotiens vellet creare liceret’, which was rejected by the plebs (Livy, Epit. LIX, Cic., de Amic. 95). This event would have confirmed the presumption against the reeligibility of tribunes, but of course made no change in the legal position. In fact Gaius Gracchus was re-elected in 123 (for 122) without any recorded protest.
很明显,没有法律明文禁止平民保民官的连任。当提比略·格拉古提出这个问题时,他的同事们表示怀疑,尽管大多数人显然认为他的候选人资格是不被接受的(阿庇安,公元前1年,14-15)。两年后,帕皮里乌斯·卡波提出了一项议案,即“全民论坛”,但被民众拒绝(Livy, Epit)。LIX,中投公司。, de Amic. 95)。这一事件肯定了对保民官重新获得资格的推定,但当然没有改变法律地位。事实上,盖尤斯·格拉古在123年再次当选,没有任何抗议记录。
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引用次数: 19
Two Passages in the ‘Ciris’ 1 《危机》中的两段
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 1960-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500002881
F. Goodyear
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Cambridge Classical Journal
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