Pub Date : 1978-01-01DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500003990
Andrew Barker
A cursory glance at the reports of the later students of harmonic theory is enough to give a clear if perhaps artificially systematic picture of the character and relations of the major conflicting schools of thought in the first century or so A.D. In the centre of the field are the supposed followers of Aristoxenus, lined up against the forces of the so-called Pythagoreans. Each side is linked with a more or less lunatic fringe; to the right of the Pythagoreans those mathematical extremists who find no place in harmonic studies for αἴσθησις at all, and to the left of the more empirical Aristoxeneans a collection of persons known as ὀργανικοί, whose work, whatever it was, is based wholly in perception and in familiarity with the properties of musical instruments, and who find no place for theory or for the pursuit of the αἰτίαι of harmonic truths.
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Pub Date : 1978-01-01DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500004053
R. Nisbet
The text of Catullus is notoriously corrupt, and though much has been healed, something remains to be done. An article may still be useful if it encourages scepticism and speculation. I have found Baehrens the best commentator for this particular purpose; for information about the manuscripts I rely on Mynors. The text printed is that of V where I wish to discuss it, but it is sometimes silently altered where I do not. Textual variants are mentioned only where they are relevant to the argument.
{"title":"Notes on the text of Catullus","authors":"R. Nisbet","doi":"10.1017/S0068673500004053","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068673500004053","url":null,"abstract":"The text of Catullus is notoriously corrupt, and though much has been healed, something remains to be done. An article may still be useful if it encourages scepticism and speculation. I have found Baehrens the best commentator for this particular purpose; for information about the manuscripts I rely on Mynors. The text printed is that of V where I wish to discuss it, but it is sometimes silently altered where I do not. Textual variants are mentioned only where they are relevant to the argument.","PeriodicalId":53950,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Classical Journal","volume":"24 1","pages":"92-115"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"1978-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0068673500004053","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57325442","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1978-01-01DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500004041
A. Long
The twentieth century has been so begrudging to Timon of Phlius that he could be forgiven for identifying himself with his misanthropic namesake. About a hundred and fifty of his ‘glanzenden Sillen’ (the phrase is Wilamowitz's) survive, but in Albin Lesky's Geschichte der griechischen Literatur Timon gets only a third of the space devoted to Anaximander from whom we possess one possible sentence. Serious work on Timon largely came to a stop with Hermann Diels who edited the fragments and testimonia in Poetarum philosophorum fragmenta (Berlin, 1901), a book which is as difficult to come by as the older and much fuller study of Timon by C. Wachsmuth in Sillographorum Graecorum reliquiae (Leipzig, 1885). In spite of his skilful parody of Homer and his Aristophanic versatility in language (some sixty neologisms, many of them comic formations, occur in the fragments), Timon has been ignored by those who give such generous attention to Hellenistic poetry. Many fragments raise at least one major textual difficulty. A new edition and literary study of the material is badly needed.
20世纪对菲利乌斯的丁满(Timon of Phlius)如此不情不愿，以至于他将自己与这位厌世的同名人物等同起来，这是可以原谅的。他的“glanzenden Sillen”(这个短语是Wilamowitz的)大约有150篇流传下来，但在阿尔宾·莱斯基的《文学史》中，Timon只占了阿那克西曼德的三分之一，我们从他那里得到了一个可能的句子。关于丁满的严肃研究在赫尔曼·迪尔斯(Hermann Diels)编辑了《Poetarum philosophorum fragmenta》(柏林，1901年)中的片段和证据后基本上停止了，这本书和C. Wachsmuth在《希腊遗志》(Leipzig, 1885年)中对丁满的更古老、更全面的研究一样难以获得。尽管丁满对荷马的巧妙模仿和他的阿里斯托芬式的语言多样性(大约60个新词，其中许多是喜剧形式，出现在碎片中)，但那些对希腊诗歌给予如此慷慨关注的人却忽视了他。许多片段至少造成了一个主要的文本困难。迫切需要对这些材料进行新的版本和文学研究。
{"title":"Timon of Phlius: Pyrrhonist and satirist","authors":"A. Long","doi":"10.1017/S0068673500004041","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068673500004041","url":null,"abstract":"The twentieth century has been so begrudging to Timon of Phlius that he could be forgiven for identifying himself with his misanthropic namesake. About a hundred and fifty of his ‘glanzenden Sillen’ (the phrase is Wilamowitz's) survive, but in Albin Lesky's Geschichte der griechischen Literatur Timon gets only a third of the space devoted to Anaximander from whom we possess one possible sentence. Serious work on Timon largely came to a stop with Hermann Diels who edited the fragments and testimonia in Poetarum philosophorum fragmenta (Berlin, 1901), a book which is as difficult to come by as the older and much fuller study of Timon by C. Wachsmuth in Sillographorum Graecorum reliquiae (Leipzig, 1885). In spite of his skilful parody of Homer and his Aristophanic versatility in language (some sixty neologisms, many of them comic formations, occur in the fragments), Timon has been ignored by those who give such generous attention to Hellenistic poetry. Many fragments raise at least one major textual difficulty. A new edition and literary study of the material is badly needed.","PeriodicalId":53950,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Classical Journal","volume":"24 1","pages":"68-91"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"1978-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0068673500004041","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57325429","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1975-01-01DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500003667
T. Cornell
It is often observed that the familiar story of the origins of Rome appears to combine two distinct and incompatible legends: that of Aeneas, and that of Romulus and Remus. The first of these was in origin a development of a Greek story, with its roots in the epic tradition. Aeneas, the son of Venus and Anchises, escaped from Troy with his family and friends and after a series of adventures arrived in Italy where he founded Rome. The other story, that of Romulus and Remus, was localised in Latium. Romulus and Remus were the twin sons of the god Mars and Rea Silvia, daughter of a king of Alba Longa. On the orders of their grandfather they were cast into the Tiber. The river happened to be in flood, and when the waters receded the boat containing the infants was left high and dry at the foot of the Palatine, under a fig tree later known as the ficus Ruminalis . There they were suckled by a she-wolf, whose den was the near-by cave of the Lupercal . Rescued by shepherds, the boys grew up and after the death of Remus in suspicious circumstances Romulus founded a city on the Palatine, where his original dwelling, the casa Romuli , was preserved in later times.
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Pub Date : 1975-01-01DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500003734
D. Whitehead
‘Le fondateur du Lycee etait a Athenes un meteque; cette position marginale est pour quelque chose dans son detachement et sa lucidite.’ Thus a recent and stimulating commentary upon the economic and social structure of Greek society, in a formulation of the obvious difference between Plato's participation in and Aristotle's observation of contemporary political phenomena. In one area, however, it was Aristotle rather than Plato whose experience was the more direct – that of life, over a prolonged period, as a resident alien. In this brief παίγνιον I shall pursue the Aristotelian side of this contrast along three paths: ( a ) Aristotle's exact juristic status in Athens; ( b ) the feelings aroused by his presence there; and ( c ) what he himself has to say on the subject of metics and foreigners. I advise the reader to derive what satisfaction he may from the journeys themselves, for no startling revelations await him ἐν τριπλαἴς ἁμαξιτοῖς.
Le fondateur du Lycee etait a Athenes unmeteque;小白的位置边缘倒了一层，选择了小白的分离层。这是一篇关于希腊社会经济和社会结构的最新的、令人振奋的评论，它阐述了柏拉图对当代政治现象的参与和亚里士多德对当代政治现象的观察之间的明显区别。然而，在某一方面，亚里士多德比柏拉图的经验更直接——在很长一段时间里，作为一个外来居民的生活。在这段简短的πα末梢- γνιον中，我将沿着三条路径探讨这种对比的亚里士多德方面:(a)亚里士多德在雅典的确切法律地位;(b)由于他在场而引起的感情;(c)他自己对犹太人和外国人的看法。我建议读者尽量从这些旅程中得到满足，因为没有什么惊人的启示在等着他:ν τριπλα ι ς ν μαξιτο ο ς。
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Pub Date : 1975-01-01DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500003679
C. D. N. Costa
It is always a useful opening to say what one is not going to talk about, so I shall start by saying that I am not going to talk about the influence of Seneca on Elizabethan tragedy. That is a topic which during the last couple of generations has probably suffered from over-exposure, and the pendulum has now swung from excessive claims for Senecan influence (ghosts, blood-and-thunder, the whole apparatus of the ‘Revenge’ play, and so forth) to the other extreme of allowing perhaps too little of Seneca in sixteenth-century tragedy – not even as much as the rhetorical features for which it seems to me he is clearly responsible. So perhaps we can give this topic a rest – a lot of books and articles have been written about it anyway. What I want to do is to explore some sixteenth-century critical attitudes to Seneca – mainly his tragedies, but his prose works will come into it as well. We shall see, I think, some interesting preoccupations which a wide-ranging and intelligent number of scholars had in what they said about Seneca – in particular, his style – and this will lead to a consideration of Polonius' well-known remark to the players in Hamlet (II. 2. 392 ff.): ‘Seneca cannot be too heavy nor Plautus too light’, and the question what precisely he meant by ‘heavy’. In doing this we shall not simply be burrowing into a rather dusty and recherche corner of literary criticism, but I think we shall be able to throw some light on wider aspects of Renaissance poetic and dramatic theory, which I am certainly not competent to discuss in detail; but I may stimulate somebody else to go further than I have done.
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Pub Date : 1963-01-01DOI: 10.1017/S1750270500001354
J. Reynolds
By courtesy of the owner, I publish a standard weight found in Asia Minor and now in the Collection Breusch. It is a hexagonal plaque of lead, pierced at one angle for suspension by a cord, of maximum width 0·16 m. and weight 2·6 kg. Both faces are inscribed with letters in relief, within a raised border. On face ( a ) the letters are above and on either side of a relief showing the bust of a curly-headed man facing right and carrying a caduceus over his left shoulder—certainly Hermes Agoraios, patron of the market-place. The inscription on face ( b ) is upside down to that on face ( a ). Face ( a ). Letters, c. 0·012; (See Plate I.) The final is badly formed and looks more like
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Pub Date : 1963-01-01DOI: 10.1017/S1750270500001408
Keith W. Hopkins
Why Eunuchs? Primarily because they were important. No-one who has waded through the church histories of the fourth and fifth centuries or the numerous later Byzantine chronicles, or those lives of the saints which touch upon court life, can have failed to be struck by die frequent imputation that, in the Eastern Empire especially, the real power lay in the hands not of the emperor nor of his aristocrats, but of his chief eunuch; or alternatively that the corps of eunuchs as a group wielded considerable if not predominant power at court. Yet the eunuchs were barbarians by birth and slaves into the bargain. The purpose of this paper is to explain why eunuchs held so much power in the imperial and aristocratic society of Eastern Rome, to put this power in the context of the socio-political developments of the later Empire, and to analyse some of the social functions of this power. Yet here, right at the beginning, the objection might be raised that we are faced with nothing but a problem in historiography. Eunuchs might have been to Byzantine historians nothing more than women and gods were to Herodotus, convenient personal pegs to hang historical causes on.
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Pub Date : 1962-01-01DOI: 10.1017/S0068673500005290
R. Browning
The Byzantinist has one advantage over the student of classical antiquity—unless the latter happens to be a papyrologist. With a little diligence and a minimum of good luck he can easily unearth unpublished texts and find himself producing an editio princeps . And however often one has turned over the leaves of a manuscript and laboriously read words which have remained unread for perhaps five centuries or more, it never loses its thrill. Yet one must admit that the advantage is less than it seems. The classical scholar's texts are usually worth reading from some point of view, while what the Byzantinist finds is so often empty rhetorical verbiage. Byzantine funeral orations are notorious for their lack of information on the life of the deceased. Yet they never tell us absolutely nothing if we read them alertly, and they are sometimes remarkably informative on the ideas and values of the times. When the subject is a major figure of medieval Greek literature about the details of whose life we are very much in the dark, even the most trifling addition to our knowledge is welcome. It is this thought which encourages me to present a hitherto unknown Byzantine writer of the middle of the twelfth century—George Tornikes, Metropolitan of Ephesus—and to dwell in particular on his funeral oration on Anna Comnena.
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