Pub Date : 2021-10-30DOI: 10.1080/19434472.2021.1993302
Guri Nordtorp Mølmen, Jacob Aasland Ravndal
ABSTRACT How does the internet affect the radicalisation of extreme-right lone actor terrorists? In the absence of an established theoretical model, this article identifies six mechanisms seen as particularly relevant for explaining online radicalisation. Having first reviewed a larger set of relevant lone actor terrorists, the study traces these mechanisms in three selected cases where the internet was reportedly used extensively during radicalisation. The findings show that the internet primarily facilitated radicalisation through information provision, as well as amplifying group polarisation and legitimising extreme ideology and violence through echoing. In all three cases, radicalisation was also affected considerably by offline push-factors that through their presence made extreme online messages more impactful. The results challenge the view that offline interaction is necessary for radicalisation to occur but also the view that online influence itself is sufficient.
{"title":"Mechanisms of online radicalisation: how the internet affects the radicalisation of extreme-right lone actor terrorists","authors":"Guri Nordtorp Mølmen, Jacob Aasland Ravndal","doi":"10.1080/19434472.2021.1993302","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19434472.2021.1993302","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT How does the internet affect the radicalisation of extreme-right lone actor terrorists? In the absence of an established theoretical model, this article identifies six mechanisms seen as particularly relevant for explaining online radicalisation. Having first reviewed a larger set of relevant lone actor terrorists, the study traces these mechanisms in three selected cases where the internet was reportedly used extensively during radicalisation. The findings show that the internet primarily facilitated radicalisation through information provision, as well as amplifying group polarisation and legitimising extreme ideology and violence through echoing. In all three cases, radicalisation was also affected considerably by offline push-factors that through their presence made extreme online messages more impactful. The results challenge the view that offline interaction is necessary for radicalisation to occur but also the view that online influence itself is sufficient.","PeriodicalId":54174,"journal":{"name":"Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression","volume":"15 1","pages":"463 - 487"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46479905","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-10DOI: 10.1080/19434472.2021.1987967
Chimere O. Iheonu, H. Ichoku
ABSTRACT Across African countries, terrorism has become a major challenge to socioeconomic development. While there are studies that have examined the influence of terrorism on economic growth, this study adds to the existing literature by investigating the role of military expenditure on the relationship between terrorism and economic growth in Africa. The study utilised a dataset comprising 24 African countries for which terrorism activities have increased substantially in the last decades. Utilising an instrumental variable Fixed Effects model with standard errors that account for cross-sectional dependence, serial correlation and group-wise heteroskedasticity, the study revealed that, (1) terrorism has a detrimental effect on economic growth in the selected African countries, (2) the interactive effect of military expenditure and terrorism on economic growth is significantly positive, (3) the net effect of military expenditure on the relationship between terrorism and economic growth is positive when the number of terrorism incidents act as a proxy for terrorism but negative when the number of terrorism fatalities acts as a proxy for terrorism. However, this negative effect is substantially lower when compared to the unconditional effect of terrorism on economic growth in Africa. Policy recommendations based on these findings are discussed.
{"title":"Terrorism and economic growth in Africa: understanding the role of military expenditure","authors":"Chimere O. Iheonu, H. Ichoku","doi":"10.1080/19434472.2021.1987967","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19434472.2021.1987967","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Across African countries, terrorism has become a major challenge to socioeconomic development. While there are studies that have examined the influence of terrorism on economic growth, this study adds to the existing literature by investigating the role of military expenditure on the relationship between terrorism and economic growth in Africa. The study utilised a dataset comprising 24 African countries for which terrorism activities have increased substantially in the last decades. Utilising an instrumental variable Fixed Effects model with standard errors that account for cross-sectional dependence, serial correlation and group-wise heteroskedasticity, the study revealed that, (1) terrorism has a detrimental effect on economic growth in the selected African countries, (2) the interactive effect of military expenditure and terrorism on economic growth is significantly positive, (3) the net effect of military expenditure on the relationship between terrorism and economic growth is positive when the number of terrorism incidents act as a proxy for terrorism but negative when the number of terrorism fatalities acts as a proxy for terrorism. However, this negative effect is substantially lower when compared to the unconditional effect of terrorism on economic growth in Africa. Policy recommendations based on these findings are discussed.","PeriodicalId":54174,"journal":{"name":"Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression","volume":"15 1","pages":"448 - 462"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48731555","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-10DOI: 10.1080/19434472.2021.1986110
Helma van den Berg, D. A. van Hemert
ABSTRACT Violent extremism is associated with an intricately linked network of variables. Existing psychological models and research tend to either focus on specific forms of violent extremism or take a broad perspective. We propose an abstract model for the path towards violent extremism that allows for specification when needed; the General Needs and Affect (GNA) process model. This model can be used by researchers to align research outcomes focusing on various forms of violent extremism but can also show practitioners which variables are more relevant for specific cases of violent extremism. We demonstrate how the GNA model can be used as a starting point for applications such as decision-making tools and data-collection methods and for hypothesis generation, intervention development, and simulation.
{"title":"Becoming a violent extremist: a General Need and Affect model of psychological variables","authors":"Helma van den Berg, D. A. van Hemert","doi":"10.1080/19434472.2021.1986110","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19434472.2021.1986110","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Violent extremism is associated with an intricately linked network of variables. Existing psychological models and research tend to either focus on specific forms of violent extremism or take a broad perspective. We propose an abstract model for the path towards violent extremism that allows for specification when needed; the General Needs and Affect (GNA) process model. This model can be used by researchers to align research outcomes focusing on various forms of violent extremism but can also show practitioners which variables are more relevant for specific cases of violent extremism. We demonstrate how the GNA model can be used as a starting point for applications such as decision-making tools and data-collection methods and for hypothesis generation, intervention development, and simulation.","PeriodicalId":54174,"journal":{"name":"Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression","volume":"15 1","pages":"429 - 447"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43930860","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-29DOI: 10.1080/19434472.2021.1983633
Yair Yassan
ABSTRACT Many members of minority groups clash violently with state agents. The case of the Israeli West-Bank Settlers’ Right-Wing Activists is particularly paradoxical. Unlike disempowered groups whose ability to bring about change is limited – the Settlers constitute a powerful sociopolitical force, and the security forces with which Settler Right-Wing Activists clash, also protect them in territories to which they claim sovereignty. Based on 20 semi-structured interviews, this article provides explanations Settler Right-Wing Activists give to violent clashes in which they were involved. The findings present two non-mutually exclusive possibilities: (1) violence is perceived as an acceptable sociopolitical change strategy. Interviewees agree to risk themselves as individuals (but not to risk their group) in exchange for potential benefits such as preventing settlement evacuation; (2) Violence indicates declining mainly four out of six different components of perceived state legitimacy: trust, distributive justice, procedural justice, and legality, but primarily not identification and effectiveness.
{"title":"Like a chess game: radical right-wing activists explain their part in violent clashes with the state","authors":"Yair Yassan","doi":"10.1080/19434472.2021.1983633","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19434472.2021.1983633","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Many members of minority groups clash violently with state agents. The case of the Israeli West-Bank Settlers’ Right-Wing Activists is particularly paradoxical. Unlike disempowered groups whose ability to bring about change is limited – the Settlers constitute a powerful sociopolitical force, and the security forces with which Settler Right-Wing Activists clash, also protect them in territories to which they claim sovereignty. Based on 20 semi-structured interviews, this article provides explanations Settler Right-Wing Activists give to violent clashes in which they were involved. The findings present two non-mutually exclusive possibilities: (1) violence is perceived as an acceptable sociopolitical change strategy. Interviewees agree to risk themselves as individuals (but not to risk their group) in exchange for potential benefits such as preventing settlement evacuation; (2) Violence indicates declining mainly four out of six different components of perceived state legitimacy: trust, distributive justice, procedural justice, and legality, but primarily not identification and effectiveness.","PeriodicalId":54174,"journal":{"name":"Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression","volume":"15 1","pages":"411 - 428"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44826990","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-29DOI: 10.1080/19434472.2021.1977372
M. Lakomy
ABSTRACT The primary objective of this paper is to map the online presence of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham’s (HTS) media branch – Ebaa News Agency (ENA) – on the surface web. It also measures three years of propaganda output of the group and its viewership, as well as outlines the thematic landscape of its productions based on the content analysis of a sample. It argues that Ebaa’s messaging pattern constitutes a peculiar mixture of opposing priorities. It paid a great deal of attention to portraying itself as an independent news agency that has nothing to do with violent terrorist organizations (VEOs). In effect, its productions are easily available on the surface web. A closer look, however, proves that since 2017 ENA has been dedicated to supporting HTS’s radical Islamist agenda. This paper provides evidence of this. Moreover, Ebaa adopted a two-vector distribution strategy of its productions, composed of standalone websites and Telegram channels. In this context, the output of this media cell appears to be quite impressive. Between 2017 and 2020, it was capable of releasing more than 13,000 pieces of propaganda on its websites. At the same time, however, their viewership was lower than initially expected.
{"title":"Crouching shahid, hidden jihad: mapping the online propaganda campaign of the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham-affiliated Ebaa News Agency","authors":"M. Lakomy","doi":"10.1080/19434472.2021.1977372","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19434472.2021.1977372","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The primary objective of this paper is to map the online presence of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham’s (HTS) media branch – Ebaa News Agency (ENA) – on the surface web. It also measures three years of propaganda output of the group and its viewership, as well as outlines the thematic landscape of its productions based on the content analysis of a sample. It argues that Ebaa’s messaging pattern constitutes a peculiar mixture of opposing priorities. It paid a great deal of attention to portraying itself as an independent news agency that has nothing to do with violent terrorist organizations (VEOs). In effect, its productions are easily available on the surface web. A closer look, however, proves that since 2017 ENA has been dedicated to supporting HTS’s radical Islamist agenda. This paper provides evidence of this. Moreover, Ebaa adopted a two-vector distribution strategy of its productions, composed of standalone websites and Telegram channels. In this context, the output of this media cell appears to be quite impressive. Between 2017 and 2020, it was capable of releasing more than 13,000 pieces of propaganda on its websites. At the same time, however, their viewership was lower than initially expected.","PeriodicalId":54174,"journal":{"name":"Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression","volume":"15 1","pages":"361 - 389"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42923897","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-16DOI: 10.1080/19434472.2021.1947867
Francesco Marone
ABSTRACT The secret and its social organisation are of course vital for terrorists. In particular, members of terrorist organisations usually have to deal with complex processes to conceal information from outside actors (external security) but also from other members (internal security). However, scholars have paid relatively little attention to this dark side from an analytical and theoretical standpoint. The practice of secrecy in terrorism deserves particular attention at the ‘meso’ level of analysis, related to organisations; unlike most ordinary organisations, terrorist organisations have to manage particularly demanding trade-offs due to their clandestine nature. This analytical contribution aims to explore how internal secrecy within terrorist organisations affects two crucial organisational dimensions – internal communication, and coordination and control. In doing so, it also critically assesses two well-developed asymmetric information approaches, signalling theory and agency theory, showing that these analytical frameworks could shed new light on the study of secrecy management in terrorist organisations, provided that they are disconnected from a reductionist assumption of individual behaviour as invariably utilitarian and atomistic. In addition, drawing upon Simmel’s classic interpretation of ‘secret societies’, the article argues that a fruitful interpretation of internal secrecy in terrorist organisations should include the critical role played by social trust.
{"title":"Dilemmas of the terrorist underworld: the management of internal secrecy in terrorist organisations","authors":"Francesco Marone","doi":"10.1080/19434472.2021.1947867","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19434472.2021.1947867","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The secret and its social organisation are of course vital for terrorists. In particular, members of terrorist organisations usually have to deal with complex processes to conceal information from outside actors (external security) but also from other members (internal security). However, scholars have paid relatively little attention to this dark side from an analytical and theoretical standpoint. The practice of secrecy in terrorism deserves particular attention at the ‘meso’ level of analysis, related to organisations; unlike most ordinary organisations, terrorist organisations have to manage particularly demanding trade-offs due to their clandestine nature. This analytical contribution aims to explore how internal secrecy within terrorist organisations affects two crucial organisational dimensions – internal communication, and coordination and control. In doing so, it also critically assesses two well-developed asymmetric information approaches, signalling theory and agency theory, showing that these analytical frameworks could shed new light on the study of secrecy management in terrorist organisations, provided that they are disconnected from a reductionist assumption of individual behaviour as invariably utilitarian and atomistic. In addition, drawing upon Simmel’s classic interpretation of ‘secret societies’, the article argues that a fruitful interpretation of internal secrecy in terrorist organisations should include the critical role played by social trust.","PeriodicalId":54174,"journal":{"name":"Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression","volume":"15 1","pages":"336 - 360"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19434472.2021.1947867","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49059621","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/19434472.2020.1733286
Anonymous
{"title":"Correction","authors":"Anonymous","doi":"10.1080/19434472.2020.1733286","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19434472.2020.1733286","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":54174,"journal":{"name":"Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression","volume":"13 1","pages":"250 - 250"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19434472.2020.1733286","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49360054","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-22DOI: 10.1080/19434472.2021.1942133
Annelotte Janse
ABSTRACT Extremists cooperate internationally to ‘influence and succeed’ or ‘survive and thrive’ [Moghadam, A. (2017). Nexus of Global Jihad: Understanding cooperation among terrorist actors. Columbia University Press (p. 21)]. Yet, the question of how such cooperation materializes and develops has been understudied, especially for right-wing extremism in the post-war era. Therefore, this paper studies a phase of heightened transnational activity of West German right-wing extremists between 1972 and 1978. It zooms in on the Nationalsozialistische Kampfgruppe Großdeutschland and the Gruppe Otte, which were spatially and temporally connected by the American neo-Nazi Gary Lauck, who led the Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei – Auslandsorganisation. To study and qualify the impact of transnational engagement on the West German extreme right, the paper introduces a new analytical framework that integrates the historical transnational approach with insights from terrorism studies. Pairing known case studies to previously unused primary source material, the paper argues that the transnational connections between the three groups transformed from indirect to direct cooperation, while evolving across ideological, logistical, and operational domains, and resulted in political violence. It concludes that the extremist cooperation marked the professionalization and multi-lateralization of the West German extreme right in the 1970s.
极端分子在国际上合作以“影响和成功”或“生存和繁荣”[Moghadam, A.(2017)]。全球圣战的联系:理解恐怖分子之间的合作。哥伦比亚大学出版社(第21页)。然而，这种合作如何实现和发展的问题一直没有得到充分的研究，特别是对战后时期的右翼极端主义而言。因此，本文研究了1972年至1978年间西德右翼极端分子跨国活动加剧的一个阶段。影片将镜头对准了大德意志国家党(Nationalsozialistische Kampfgruppe Großdeutschland)和奥特集团(Gruppe Otte)，这两个组织在空间和时间上都是由美国新纳粹分子加里·劳克(Gary Lauck)领导的，他领导了德意志国家党(Nationalsozialistische Deutsche arbeiterparttei - Auslandsorganisation)联系在一起的。为了研究和限定跨国参与对西德极右翼的影响，本文引入了一个新的分析框架，该框架将历史跨国方法与恐怖主义研究的见解相结合。本文将已知的案例研究与以前未使用的原始资料相结合，认为这三个群体之间的跨国联系从间接合作转变为直接合作，同时在意识形态、后勤和行动领域不断发展，并导致了政治暴力。极端合作是20世纪70年代西德极右翼专业化和多边化的标志。
{"title":"From letters to bombs. Transnational ties of West German right-wing extremists, 1972–1978","authors":"Annelotte Janse","doi":"10.1080/19434472.2021.1942133","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19434472.2021.1942133","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Extremists cooperate internationally to ‘influence and succeed’ or ‘survive and thrive’ [Moghadam, A. (2017). Nexus of Global Jihad: Understanding cooperation among terrorist actors. Columbia University Press (p. 21)]. Yet, the question of how such cooperation materializes and develops has been understudied, especially for right-wing extremism in the post-war era. Therefore, this paper studies a phase of heightened transnational activity of West German right-wing extremists between 1972 and 1978. It zooms in on the Nationalsozialistische Kampfgruppe Großdeutschland and the Gruppe Otte, which were spatially and temporally connected by the American neo-Nazi Gary Lauck, who led the Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei – Auslandsorganisation. To study and qualify the impact of transnational engagement on the West German extreme right, the paper introduces a new analytical framework that integrates the historical transnational approach with insights from terrorism studies. Pairing known case studies to previously unused primary source material, the paper argues that the transnational connections between the three groups transformed from indirect to direct cooperation, while evolving across ideological, logistical, and operational domains, and resulted in political violence. It concludes that the extremist cooperation marked the professionalization and multi-lateralization of the West German extreme right in the 1970s.","PeriodicalId":54174,"journal":{"name":"Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression","volume":"14 1","pages":"241 - 258"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19434472.2021.1942133","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42980918","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-22DOI: 10.1080/19434472.2021.1944272
G. Barton, M. Vergani, Y. Wahid
ABSTRACT Scholars continue to wrestle with determining the extent and ways in which religiosity – and particularly more strict religious views and practices – provides fertile ground for the emergence and growth of terrorism. Using large samples of Muslim respondents from across the Indonesian archipelago, we find that: (1) higher levels of orthodox religiosity are associated with more negative attitudes to non-Muslims, and (2) higher levels of orthodox religiosity are associated with lower support for terrorist groups. We propose that this finding is consistent with the type of orthodox religiosity of Indonesian santri – that is, observant Muslims – which is usually characterised by collective religious practices, affiliation with religious mass organisations and religious education. In the Indonesian context, orthodox religiosity might provide vehicles but not motives of terrorist mobilisation, and – although it can foster negative views of out-groups – it can actually constitute a barrier to broader support for terrorism.
{"title":"Santri with attitude: support for terrorism and negative attitudes to non-Muslims among Indonesian observant Muslims","authors":"G. Barton, M. Vergani, Y. Wahid","doi":"10.1080/19434472.2021.1944272","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19434472.2021.1944272","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Scholars continue to wrestle with determining the extent and ways in which religiosity – and particularly more strict religious views and practices – provides fertile ground for the emergence and growth of terrorism. Using large samples of Muslim respondents from across the Indonesian archipelago, we find that: (1) higher levels of orthodox religiosity are associated with more negative attitudes to non-Muslims, and (2) higher levels of orthodox religiosity are associated with lower support for terrorist groups. We propose that this finding is consistent with the type of orthodox religiosity of Indonesian santri – that is, observant Muslims – which is usually characterised by collective religious practices, affiliation with religious mass organisations and religious education. In the Indonesian context, orthodox religiosity might provide vehicles but not motives of terrorist mobilisation, and – although it can foster negative views of out-groups – it can actually constitute a barrier to broader support for terrorism.","PeriodicalId":54174,"journal":{"name":"Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression","volume":"15 1","pages":"321 - 335"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19434472.2021.1944272","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45999477","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-03DOI: 10.1080/19434472.2021.1936121
Omi Hodwitz, Kelley Massingale
ABSTRACT The former Trump Administration introduced policies focused on tightening national borders and limiting migration. These policies were often prefaced with strong rhetoric designed to disparage or derogate international racial, ethnic, and spiritual communities seeking entrance to the United States. In response, the media and members of the general public suggested that Trump’s words and actions resulted in a backlash effect by significantly influencing domestic hate crimes; however, these sources are missing the empirical evidence to support such a claim. Using the UCR and multiple analytical techniques, this study aims to explore this relationship further by examining the influence of the former Trump Administration’s rhetoric on hate crimes in the United States. Results indicate that, in support of public assumptions, Trump’s narrative may promote violence targeting select communities.
{"title":"Rhetoric and hate crimes: examining the public response to the Trump narrative","authors":"Omi Hodwitz, Kelley Massingale","doi":"10.1080/19434472.2021.1936121","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19434472.2021.1936121","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 The former Trump Administration introduced policies focused on tightening national borders and limiting migration. These policies were often prefaced with strong rhetoric designed to disparage or derogate international racial, ethnic, and spiritual communities seeking entrance to the United States. In response, the media and members of the general public suggested that Trump’s words and actions resulted in a backlash effect by significantly influencing domestic hate crimes; however, these sources are missing the empirical evidence to support such a claim. Using the UCR and multiple analytical techniques, this study aims to explore this relationship further by examining the influence of the former Trump Administration’s rhetoric on hate crimes in the United States. Results indicate that, in support of public assumptions, Trump’s narrative may promote violence targeting select communities.","PeriodicalId":54174,"journal":{"name":"Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression","volume":"15 1","pages":"303 - 320"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19434472.2021.1936121","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46083469","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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