Pub Date : 2020-11-10DOI: 10.1080/19434472.2020.1841266
Yuanbo Qi
ABSTRACT This paper sheds light upon ISIS global-level media operations based on an empirical analysis of 79 official English-language videos using the Braddock and Horgan’s analytical guideline for content analysis. This study results in a quantifiable assessment of videos based on their release dates, language, media centres, duration, musical arrangement, and many other production characteristics, and concludes that ISIS has created a highly sophisticated propaganda apparatus and media operation system with a strong ability to cope with the circumstances and various real-world events that ISIS faces on the ground. Additionally, ISIS’s message contains argumentative moves, and without the knowledge of what these moves are and how they respond to existing dialogues, our understanding of the group’s message in certain dimensions remains partial and incomplete.
{"title":"Illuminating terror: content analysis of official ISIS English-language videos from 2014 to 2017","authors":"Yuanbo Qi","doi":"10.1080/19434472.2020.1841266","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19434472.2020.1841266","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper sheds light upon ISIS global-level media operations based on an empirical analysis of 79 official English-language videos using the Braddock and Horgan’s analytical guideline for content analysis. This study results in a quantifiable assessment of videos based on their release dates, language, media centres, duration, musical arrangement, and many other production characteristics, and concludes that ISIS has created a highly sophisticated propaganda apparatus and media operation system with a strong ability to cope with the circumstances and various real-world events that ISIS faces on the ground. Additionally, ISIS’s message contains argumentative moves, and without the knowledge of what these moves are and how they respond to existing dialogues, our understanding of the group’s message in certain dimensions remains partial and incomplete.","PeriodicalId":54174,"journal":{"name":"Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression","volume":"14 1","pages":"187 - 215"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19434472.2020.1841266","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42224034","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-03DOI: 10.1080/19434472.2020.1839118
A. Speckhard, Molly Ellenberg
ABSTRACT The present study is a targeted analysis of in-depth interviews of ISIS defectors, returnees, and imprisoned cadres about the motivational effects of the Assad regime’s atrocities against the Syrian people and how they bolstered the calls to foreign fighters to come to Syria. This research question is examined within a larger study of 245 in-depth research interviews of male and female ISIS defectors, returnees, and imprisoned cadres. Many of these ISIS members joined early in the Syrian uprising, responding to calls from ISIS, rebel groups, and the Syrian people themselves to come to their aid. Motivated to travel and join in response to the world’s lack of meaningful remedies to Assad’s atrocities, many voiced their hatred of Assad as a primary factor in their willingness to join ISIS. Therefore, this study examines how ISIS cadres responded to Assad’s atrocities and ISIS’s self-portrayal as the defenders of Syrian Sunni Muslims.
{"title":"The effects of Assad’s atrocities and the call to foreign fighters to come to Syria on the rise and fall of the ISIS Caliphate","authors":"A. Speckhard, Molly Ellenberg","doi":"10.1080/19434472.2020.1839118","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19434472.2020.1839118","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The present study is a targeted analysis of in-depth interviews of ISIS defectors, returnees, and imprisoned cadres about the motivational effects of the Assad regime’s atrocities against the Syrian people and how they bolstered the calls to foreign fighters to come to Syria. This research question is examined within a larger study of 245 in-depth research interviews of male and female ISIS defectors, returnees, and imprisoned cadres. Many of these ISIS members joined early in the Syrian uprising, responding to calls from ISIS, rebel groups, and the Syrian people themselves to come to their aid. Motivated to travel and join in response to the world’s lack of meaningful remedies to Assad’s atrocities, many voiced their hatred of Assad as a primary factor in their willingness to join ISIS. Therefore, this study examines how ISIS cadres responded to Assad’s atrocities and ISIS’s self-portrayal as the defenders of Syrian Sunni Muslims.","PeriodicalId":54174,"journal":{"name":"Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression","volume":"15 9","pages":"169 - 185"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19434472.2020.1839118","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41262131","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-27DOI: 10.1080/19434472.2020.1834431
T. Ike, Danny Singh, S. Murphy, D. Jidong, F. Porritt, E. E. Ayobi
ABSTRACT Community perspectives of repentant terrorist combatants and militants alongside the trust accorded reintegration programmes are important for successful reintegration. This review attempt to fill a significant gap through the synthesis of evidence on community perspectives of interventions adopted to foster reintegration of former terrorist combatants and militants in Nigeria. Six databases including the International Bibliography of the Social Sciences, Applied Social Science Index and Abstracts, Web of Science, Scopus, Proquest and EBsco were searched. Eighteen studies met the inclusion criteria. Informed by the principles of thematic analysis and conceptual framework of synthesis, five themes emerged: (1) Design of reintegration programmes devoid of community consultation; (2) Scepticism towards the sincerity behind monetising rehabilitation and reintegration programmes; (3) Resistance towards reintegration due to perceived favourable incentives provided to repentant combatants; (4) Lack of confidence in the genuine repentance of former repentant combatants; and (5) Lack of confidence in government’s reintegration programme. The review recommends randomised controlled trials which incorporate context-specific community-centred interventions to encourage successful reintegration.
{"title":"Community perspectives of former terrorist combatants, militants and reintegration programmes in Nigeria: a systematic review","authors":"T. Ike, Danny Singh, S. Murphy, D. Jidong, F. Porritt, E. E. Ayobi","doi":"10.1080/19434472.2020.1834431","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19434472.2020.1834431","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Community perspectives of repentant terrorist combatants and militants alongside the trust accorded reintegration programmes are important for successful reintegration. This review attempt to fill a significant gap through the synthesis of evidence on community perspectives of interventions adopted to foster reintegration of former terrorist combatants and militants in Nigeria. Six databases including the International Bibliography of the Social Sciences, Applied Social Science Index and Abstracts, Web of Science, Scopus, Proquest and EBsco were searched. Eighteen studies met the inclusion criteria. Informed by the principles of thematic analysis and conceptual framework of synthesis, five themes emerged: (1) Design of reintegration programmes devoid of community consultation; (2) Scepticism towards the sincerity behind monetising rehabilitation and reintegration programmes; (3) Resistance towards reintegration due to perceived favourable incentives provided to repentant combatants; (4) Lack of confidence in the genuine repentance of former repentant combatants; and (5) Lack of confidence in government’s reintegration programme. The review recommends randomised controlled trials which incorporate context-specific community-centred interventions to encourage successful reintegration.","PeriodicalId":54174,"journal":{"name":"Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression","volume":"14 1","pages":"142 - 168"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19434472.2020.1834431","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46922547","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1080/19434472.2019.1690544
Leevia Dillon, Loo Seng Neo, Joshua D. Freilich
ABSTRACT This paper compares the social media posts of ISIS foreign fighters to those of ISIS supporters. We examine a random sample of social media posts made by violent foreign fighters (n = 14; 2000 posts) and non-violent supporters (n = 18; 2000 posts) of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) (overall n = 4,000 posts), from 2009 to 2015. We used a mixed-method study design. Our qualitative content analyses of the 4,000 posts identified five themes: Threats to in-group, societal grievances, pursuit for significance, religion, and commitment issues. Our quantitative comparisons found that the dominant themes in the foreign fighters’ online content were threats to in-group, societal grievances, and pursuit for significance, while religion and commitment issues were dominant themes in the supporters’ online content. We also identified thematic variations reflecting individual attitudes that emerged during the 2011–2015 period, when major geopolitical developments occurred in Syria and Iraq. Finally, our quantitative sentiment-based analysis found that the supporters (10 out of 18; 56%) posted more radical content than the foreign fighters (5 out of 14; 36%) on social media.
{"title":"A comparison of ISIS foreign fighters and supporters social media posts: an exploratory mixed-method content analysis","authors":"Leevia Dillon, Loo Seng Neo, Joshua D. Freilich","doi":"10.1080/19434472.2019.1690544","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19434472.2019.1690544","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper compares the social media posts of ISIS foreign fighters to those of ISIS supporters. We examine a random sample of social media posts made by violent foreign fighters (n = 14; 2000 posts) and non-violent supporters (n = 18; 2000 posts) of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) (overall n = 4,000 posts), from 2009 to 2015. We used a mixed-method study design. Our qualitative content analyses of the 4,000 posts identified five themes: Threats to in-group, societal grievances, pursuit for significance, religion, and commitment issues. Our quantitative comparisons found that the dominant themes in the foreign fighters’ online content were threats to in-group, societal grievances, and pursuit for significance, while religion and commitment issues were dominant themes in the supporters’ online content. We also identified thematic variations reflecting individual attitudes that emerged during the 2011–2015 period, when major geopolitical developments occurred in Syria and Iraq. Finally, our quantitative sentiment-based analysis found that the supporters (10 out of 18; 56%) posted more radical content than the foreign fighters (5 out of 14; 36%) on social media.","PeriodicalId":54174,"journal":{"name":"Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression","volume":"12 1","pages":"268 - 291"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19434472.2019.1690544","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46881738","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1080/19434472.2019.1691248
Anna O. Pechenkina, Nichole Argo
ABSTRACT Understanding the process by which civilians ascribe blame, praise, and intentionality to governments in conflict is key to formulating a successful counterinsurgency strategy. We conducted survey experiments with Palestinian civilians to examine perceived intentionality of Israeli forces for the outcomes of riot control methods with various consequences. We extend a psychological theory, the side-effect effect, to examine how individuals evaluate actors within conflict. Consistent with expectations, civilians assign more responsibility to state actors with regards to negative (versus positive) outcomes of an action. Additionally, we find a moderator: individuals exposed to violence assign even more responsibility for negative outcomes.
{"title":"How do civilians assign blame and praise amidst civil conflict?","authors":"Anna O. Pechenkina, Nichole Argo","doi":"10.1080/19434472.2019.1691248","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19434472.2019.1691248","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Understanding the process by which civilians ascribe blame, praise, and intentionality to governments in conflict is key to formulating a successful counterinsurgency strategy. We conducted survey experiments with Palestinian civilians to examine perceived intentionality of Israeli forces for the outcomes of riot control methods with various consequences. We extend a psychological theory, the side-effect effect, to examine how individuals evaluate actors within conflict. Consistent with expectations, civilians assign more responsibility to state actors with regards to negative (versus positive) outcomes of an action. Additionally, we find a moderator: individuals exposed to violence assign even more responsibility for negative outcomes.","PeriodicalId":54174,"journal":{"name":"Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression","volume":"12 1","pages":"243 - 267"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19434472.2019.1691248","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44852921","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-01DOI: 10.1080/19434472.2019.1701525
Omi Hodwitz, H. Tracy
ABSTRACT The implementation of President Trump’s Travel Ban resulted in resounding support and opposition in the United States and abroad. Both opponents and proponents presented strong arguments focused in part on national security. The study reported here seeks to assess these claims by empirically examining the effectiveness of the policy in achieving its purported goal of decreasing terrorism. The study, using multiple analytical strategies, assesses terrorism in the United States leading up to and following the implementation of the Travel Ban. Results indicate that the policy may have contributed to a short term decrease in terrorism in the days immediately following the policy. However, this trend quickly reversed as terrorism rates significantly increased in the weeks and months following implementation.
{"title":"President Trump’s Travel Ban: inciting or deterring terrorism?","authors":"Omi Hodwitz, H. Tracy","doi":"10.1080/19434472.2019.1701525","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19434472.2019.1701525","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The implementation of President Trump’s Travel Ban resulted in resounding support and opposition in the United States and abroad. Both opponents and proponents presented strong arguments focused in part on national security. The study reported here seeks to assess these claims by empirically examining the effectiveness of the policy in achieving its purported goal of decreasing terrorism. The study, using multiple analytical strategies, assesses terrorism in the United States leading up to and following the implementation of the Travel Ban. Results indicate that the policy may have contributed to a short term decrease in terrorism in the days immediately following the policy. However, this trend quickly reversed as terrorism rates significantly increased in the weeks and months following implementation.","PeriodicalId":54174,"journal":{"name":"Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression","volume":"12 1","pages":"292 - 306"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19434472.2019.1701525","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49112458","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-17DOI: 10.1080/19434472.2020.1822426
D. Koehler
ABSTRACT In recent years, extreme right-wing militancy and terrorism have increasingly become the major source of violent attacks, killings, and threats in many Western countries. Yet, the characteristics and logic of right-wing terrorism remain poorly understood. One aspect virtually unexplored is the apparent lack of suicide terror tactics within far-right terrorism. Suicide terrorism has been attributed mainly to religious and ethno-separatist terrorist organizations. This article explores the contemporary extreme right’s stance toward suicide, self-sacrifice, and martyrdom at the ideological, strategic, and subcultural levels through historic references to martyrdom in Nazi Germany and post-WWII far-right movements, as well as extreme right strategic manuals and ideological manifestos. In sum, this article argues that the extreme right is unlikely to use suicide attack tactics in the narrow sense since its own distinct sacrificial martyrdom mythology based on ideological steadfastness and a hypermasculine warrior identity of fighting until defeat incentivizes different types of attacks involving suicide, such as murder-suicides or mass shootings.
{"title":"Dying for the cause? The logic and function of ideologically motivated suicide, martyrdom, and self-sacrifice within the contemporary extreme right","authors":"D. Koehler","doi":"10.1080/19434472.2020.1822426","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19434472.2020.1822426","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In recent years, extreme right-wing militancy and terrorism have increasingly become the major source of violent attacks, killings, and threats in many Western countries. Yet, the characteristics and logic of right-wing terrorism remain poorly understood. One aspect virtually unexplored is the apparent lack of suicide terror tactics within far-right terrorism. Suicide terrorism has been attributed mainly to religious and ethno-separatist terrorist organizations. This article explores the contemporary extreme right’s stance toward suicide, self-sacrifice, and martyrdom at the ideological, strategic, and subcultural levels through historic references to martyrdom in Nazi Germany and post-WWII far-right movements, as well as extreme right strategic manuals and ideological manifestos. In sum, this article argues that the extreme right is unlikely to use suicide attack tactics in the narrow sense since its own distinct sacrificial martyrdom mythology based on ideological steadfastness and a hypermasculine warrior identity of fighting until defeat incentivizes different types of attacks involving suicide, such as murder-suicides or mass shootings.","PeriodicalId":54174,"journal":{"name":"Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression","volume":"14 1","pages":"120 - 141"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19434472.2020.1822426","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44318661","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-15DOI: 10.1080/19434472.2020.1819372
Adrian Cherney, E. Belton, Siti Amirah Binte Norham, Jack Milts
ABSTRACT Studies on youth radicalisation are few, even though it has been identified as an increasing problem. This paper aims to contribute insights on youth radicalisation by examining data from 33 cases of Australians, aged 19 and below, who have been identified as radicalising to violent extremism. It draws on a subset of data from the Profiles of Individual Radicalisation in Australia (PIRA) dataset. This is an open-source dataset that replicates variables from the Profiles of Individual Radicalisation in the United States (PIRUS) dataset. The PIRA dataset is outlined and we undertake a descriptive and exploratory analysis of selective key variables identified in the terrorism and criminology literature. Analysis shows that radicalisation amongst our sample of youth is associated with poor educational achievement, mental health problems, active engagement with online social media, exposure to other radicalised networks and associates, personal grievances and triggering events. The data both confirm and diverge from the existing literature. The paper, in particular, considers the role of social bond attachments and networks in the youth radicalisation problem. Limitations in the study design and sample size are acknowledged and implications for the prevention of youth radicalisation are considered.
{"title":"Understanding youth radicalisation: an analysis of Australian data","authors":"Adrian Cherney, E. Belton, Siti Amirah Binte Norham, Jack Milts","doi":"10.1080/19434472.2020.1819372","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19434472.2020.1819372","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Studies on youth radicalisation are few, even though it has been identified as an increasing problem. This paper aims to contribute insights on youth radicalisation by examining data from 33 cases of Australians, aged 19 and below, who have been identified as radicalising to violent extremism. It draws on a subset of data from the Profiles of Individual Radicalisation in Australia (PIRA) dataset. This is an open-source dataset that replicates variables from the Profiles of Individual Radicalisation in the United States (PIRUS) dataset. The PIRA dataset is outlined and we undertake a descriptive and exploratory analysis of selective key variables identified in the terrorism and criminology literature. Analysis shows that radicalisation amongst our sample of youth is associated with poor educational achievement, mental health problems, active engagement with online social media, exposure to other radicalised networks and associates, personal grievances and triggering events. The data both confirm and diverge from the existing literature. The paper, in particular, considers the role of social bond attachments and networks in the youth radicalisation problem. Limitations in the study design and sample size are acknowledged and implications for the prevention of youth radicalisation are considered.","PeriodicalId":54174,"journal":{"name":"Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression","volume":"14 1","pages":"97 - 119"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19434472.2020.1819372","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47758594","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-02DOI: 10.1080/19434472.2020.1800788
Ari D. Fodeman, Daniel W. Snook, J. Horgan
ABSTRACT Muslim converts are overrepresented in Islamist terrorism compared to non-convert Muslims – Why? To explore possible explanations, we probed aspects of radicalism and Islamic religiousness within relevant populations. Specifically, we surveyed 356 American Muslim adults, of which 177 were self-identified converts, with the Activism and Radicalism Intention Scale (ARIS: Moskalenko & McCauley [2009]. Measuring political mobilization: The distinction between activism and radicalism. Terrorism and Political Violence, 21(2), 239–260. https://doi.org/10.1080/09546550902765508) and the Psychological Measure of Islamic Religiousness (PMIR: Abu Raiya et al. [2008]. A psychological measure of Islamic religiousness: Development and evidence for reliability and validity. The International Journal for the Psychology of Religion, 18(4), 291–315. https://doi.org/10.1080/10508610802229270). We used the ARIS because terrorism is rare, but radicalism and activism are more common. Activism and radicalism engagement may correlate with terrorism engagement, though they are neither necessary nor sufficient antecedents. We found that converts, compared to non-converts, demonstrated higher intent to engage in activism and radicalism on the ARIS, and that they experienced greater Religious Struggle and lower Fear of Punishing Allah Reappraisal (PAR) on the PMIR. We also found that both of these PMIR factors partially mediated the relationships between conversion and activism/radicalism. We propose that this is because converts feel a pressure to prove their faith, especially when they believe Allah punishes unfaithfulness. We discuss these findings in light of current psychology and political mobilization literature and then offer suggestions for future research on the relationships between conversion, radicalism, and religious experiences.
与未皈依的穆斯林相比，穆斯林在伊斯兰恐怖主义中所占比例过高——为什么?为了探索可能的解释，我们在相关人群中探讨了激进主义和伊斯兰宗教信仰的各个方面。具体来说，我们用激进主义和激进主义意向量表(ARIS: Moskalenko & McCauley[2009])调查了356名美国成年穆斯林，其中177人是自我认定的皈依者。衡量政治动员:激进主义与激进主义的区别。恐怖主义与政治暴力，21(2)，239-260。https://doi.org/10.1080/09546550902765508)和伊斯兰宗教信仰的心理测量(PMIR: Abu Raiya et al.[2008])。伊斯兰教宗教性的心理测量:可靠性和有效性的发展和证据。国际宗教心理学杂志，18(4)，291-315。https://doi.org/10.1080/10508610802229270)。我们使用ARIS是因为恐怖主义是罕见的，但激进主义和激进主义更常见。激进主义和激进主义参与可能与恐怖主义参与相关，尽管它们既不是必要的先决条件，也不是充分的先决条件。我们发现，与非皈依者相比，皈依者在ARIS上表现出更高的参与激进主义和激进主义的意图，他们在PMIR上经历了更大的宗教斗争和更低的惩罚真主重新评估的恐惧(PAR)。我们还发现，这两个PMIR因素都部分地介导了皈依与激进主义/激进主义之间的关系。我们认为，这是因为皈依者感到证明自己信仰的压力，尤其是当他们相信真主会惩罚不忠的时候。我们结合当前的心理学和政治动员文献对这些发现进行了讨论，并对未来关于皈依、激进主义和宗教体验之间关系的研究提出了建议。
{"title":"Pressure to prove: Muslim converts’ activism and radicalism mediated by religious struggle and punishing Allah reappraisal","authors":"Ari D. Fodeman, Daniel W. Snook, J. Horgan","doi":"10.1080/19434472.2020.1800788","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19434472.2020.1800788","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Muslim converts are overrepresented in Islamist terrorism compared to non-convert Muslims – Why? To explore possible explanations, we probed aspects of radicalism and Islamic religiousness within relevant populations. Specifically, we surveyed 356 American Muslim adults, of which 177 were self-identified converts, with the Activism and Radicalism Intention Scale (ARIS: Moskalenko & McCauley [2009]. Measuring political mobilization: The distinction between activism and radicalism. Terrorism and Political Violence, 21(2), 239–260. https://doi.org/10.1080/09546550902765508) and the Psychological Measure of Islamic Religiousness (PMIR: Abu Raiya et al. [2008]. A psychological measure of Islamic religiousness: Development and evidence for reliability and validity. The International Journal for the Psychology of Religion, 18(4), 291–315. https://doi.org/10.1080/10508610802229270). We used the ARIS because terrorism is rare, but radicalism and activism are more common. Activism and radicalism engagement may correlate with terrorism engagement, though they are neither necessary nor sufficient antecedents. We found that converts, compared to non-converts, demonstrated higher intent to engage in activism and radicalism on the ARIS, and that they experienced greater Religious Struggle and lower Fear of Punishing Allah Reappraisal (PAR) on the PMIR. We also found that both of these PMIR factors partially mediated the relationships between conversion and activism/radicalism. We propose that this is because converts feel a pressure to prove their faith, especially when they believe Allah punishes unfaithfulness. We discuss these findings in light of current psychology and political mobilization literature and then offer suggestions for future research on the relationships between conversion, radicalism, and religious experiences.","PeriodicalId":54174,"journal":{"name":"Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression","volume":"14 1","pages":"49 - 69"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19434472.2020.1800788","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48612791","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-12DOI: 10.1080/19434472.2020.1800785
Nur Diyanah Binte Anwar, C. Sumpter
ABSTRACT The March 2019 assault on two mosques during Friday prayers in Christchurch, New Zealand, shocked a nation unaccustomed to the terrorist violence suffered elsewhere in recent years. The immediate reaction from political leaders and wider society was to stand in close solidarity with the targeted Muslim community, and a broad recovery process soon emerged which provided substantial ongoing support to anyone impacted by the incident. The authors spent two weeks in New Zealand in mid-2019 with the aim of understanding the apparent societal resilience displayed following the attack, and the ways in which the response was coordinated across different levels of government and civil society. It became clear that effective working relationships among national/municipal authorities and community members/associations established well before the tragedy facilitated communications, cooperation, and the appropriate targeting of support. High levels of institutional trust and authentic leadership enabled an organic, personable recovery process, and represents a pertinent example of societal resilience following an act of terrorism.
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