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Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression最新文献

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Classifying terrorism: a latent class analysis of primary source socio-political and psychological data 恐怖主义分类:主要来源社会政治和心理数据的潜在阶级分析
IF 2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-01-26 DOI: 10.1080/19434472.2021.1874041
P. Candilis, S. Cleary, S. Dhumad, A. Dyer, N. Khalifa
ABSTRACT Attempts to define terrorist typologies often emphasise the importance of socio-political and psychological factors and the distinction between lone and group actors. However, these attempts are predominantly driven by theory or secondary data, and controversies still surround how much influence family, ideology, and personality factors exercise on terrorist behaviour. Using Latent Class Analysis (LCA), we developed a typology for terrorism utilising common social, family, childhood, ideology, and personality factors. The sample comprised 160 incarcerated offenders convicted of terrorism in Iraq. We applied LCA, including a total of 21 variables representing participant characteristics, attitudes, perceptions, and behaviours commonly identified in the literature. Analysis indicated a three-class model fit was better than two- and four-class models. The largest class in the LCA (40.6%, n = 65) was classified as ‘non-religious nationalists’ (class 1). The second largest class (40%, n = 64) was classified as ‘oppressed instrumentalists’ (class 2). The smallest class (19.4%, n = 31) was classified as ‘aggrieved antisocials’ (class 3). The new typology merits further investigation in different settings with a larger sample Although the widely supported distinction between lone and group actor terrorism was not borne out in this sample, the new categorisation can nonetheless offer opportunities for identifying those at risk and offering social interventions.
定义恐怖主义类型的尝试往往强调社会政治和心理因素的重要性,以及单独行为者和群体行为者之间的区别。然而,这些尝试主要是由理论或次要数据驱动的,关于家庭、意识形态和个性因素对恐怖行为的影响程度,仍存在争议。利用潜在阶级分析(LCA),我们利用常见的社会、家庭、童年、意识形态和个性因素,开发了恐怖主义的类型学。样本包括160名在伊拉克被判犯有恐怖主义罪的被监禁罪犯。我们应用了生命周期评价,包括总共21个变量,代表文献中常见的参与者特征、态度、感知和行为。分析表明,三类模型的拟合效果要好于二类和四类模型。LCA中最大的类别(40.6% = 65)被归类为“非宗教民族主义者”(第1类)。第二大类(40%,n = 64)被归类为“受压迫的乐器演奏家”(第2类)。最小类(19.4%,n = 31)被归类为“愤愤不平的反社会分子”(第3类)。新的分类值得在更大样本的不同环境中进行进一步调查。尽管在这个样本中没有证实单独和集体行为者恐怖主义之间得到广泛支持的区别,但新的分类仍然可以为识别风险人群和提供社会干预提供机会。
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引用次数: 3
Weaponized words: the strategic role of persuasion in violent radicalization and counter-radicalization 武器化话语:说服在暴力激进化和反激进化中的战略作用
IF 2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-01-26 DOI: 10.1080/19434472.2021.1875022
Chi Zhang
Counter-radicalisation programmes are not new. In the much-criticised global War on Terror, different governments have designed, implemented, and evaluated their counter-radicalisation strategies, ...
反激进化计划并不是什么新鲜事。在备受批评的全球反恐战争中,不同的政府设计、实施和评估了他们的反激进化战略。。。
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引用次数: 19
Fascist aspirants: Fascist Forge and ideological learning in the extreme-right online milieu 法西斯追求者:极右网络环境下的法西斯锻造与意识形态学习
IF 2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-01-08 DOI: 10.1080/19434472.2020.1850842
B. Lee, K. Knott
ABSTRACT Learning in extremist settings is often treated as operational, with little regard to how aspiring participants in extremist settings engage with complex and abstract ideological material. This paper examines learning in the context of the amorphous network of digital channels that compose the extreme-right online milieu. Through an in-depth qualitative analysis, we explore how well the prevailing model of extremist ideological learning (in ‘communities of practice’) accounts for the behaviour of aspiring participants of Fascist Forge, a now-defunct extreme-right web forum. The findings suggest that some of the social aspects of communities of practice have been replicated in the online setting of Fascist Forge. However, for a combination of technical and ideological reasons, the more directed and nurturing aspects of learning have not. Several issues are raised about the role of ideological learning in online communities, notably the open accessibility of extremist material, the lack of ideological control leading to potential mutation and innovation by self-learners, and the role of digital learning in the preparation, shaping and recruitment of individuals for real world organising and activism.
摘要极端主义环境中的学习通常被视为可操作的,很少考虑极端主义环境中有抱负的参与者如何参与复杂抽象的意识形态材料。本文研究了在构成极右翼网络环境的无定形数字渠道网络的背景下的学习。通过深入的定性分析,我们探讨了极端主义意识形态学习的主流模式(在“实践社区”中)如何很好地解释了法西斯锻造(一个现已解散的极右翼网络论坛)有抱负的参与者的行为。研究结果表明,实践社区的一些社会方面已经在法西斯锻造的网络环境中复制。然而,由于技术和意识形态的综合原因,学习的更有针对性和培养性的方面没有。关于意识形态学习在网络社区中的作用,人们提出了几个问题,特别是极端主义材料的开放获取,缺乏意识形态控制导致自我学习者的潜在变异和创新,以及数字学习在为现实世界的组织和行动主义准备、塑造和招募个人方面的作用。
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引用次数: 5
The effects of the 9/11 terrorist attacks on suicide terrorism 9/11恐怖袭击对自杀式恐怖主义的影响
IF 2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-01-06 DOI: 10.1080/19434472.2020.1866052
M. Demir, Ahmet Guler
ABSTRACT Suicide terrorism is one of the deadliest terrorist strategies adopted by various terrorist groups around the world, but the 9/11 terrorist attacks have made suicide terrorism a popular attack strategy among terrorist organizations at the global level. However, there is scarce research on the effect of the 9/11 attacks on suicide terrorism. Using data obtained from the Global Terrorism Database (GTD) between 1981 and 2018, this research examines the effect of the 9/11 terrorist attacks on suicide terrorism and different types of terrorist organizations that commit suicide terrorism before and after 9/11 and the changes in the trends in the outcomes. The results of negative binomial regression tests comparing pre-9/11 and post-9/11 and monthly interrupted time series analyses showed that the 9/11 terrorist attacks had significant impacts on the above-mentioned outcomes. The results suggested that the 9/11 attacks have played a critical role in inspiring and encouraging terrorist organizations – religious-based ones in particular – to adopt suicide terrorism as an attack strategy.
自杀式恐怖主义是世界上各种恐怖组织采用的最致命的恐怖主义策略之一,但9/11恐怖袭击事件使自杀式恐怖主义成为全球恐怖组织流行的袭击策略。然而,关于911袭击对自杀性恐怖主义的影响的研究却很少。本研究利用1981年至2018年全球恐怖主义数据库(GTD)的数据,考察了9/11恐怖袭击对自杀性恐怖主义和实施自杀性恐怖主义的不同类型恐怖组织在9/11前后的影响,以及结果的趋势变化。对9/11前和9/11后进行的负二项回归检验和每月中断时间序列分析的结果表明,9/11恐怖袭击对上述结果有重大影响。结果表明,9/11袭击在激发和鼓励恐怖组织——特别是宗教恐怖组织——采取自杀式恐怖主义作为袭击策略方面发挥了关键作用。
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引用次数: 9
Responses of US-based Muslim organizations to being stereotyped as ‘terrorists’ 美国穆斯林组织对被定型为“恐怖分子”的反应
IF 2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-01-06 DOI: 10.1080/19434472.2020.1867222
Hakim Zainiddinov
ABSTRACT The stereotype literature views responses of a subordinated group to stereotypes as a unified attempt to counter the control and domination of its identity. Complexities that exist within the unified response of the subordinated group have drawn less attention. Using a qualitative content analysis of text-based data (newspapers, legal documents, press releases, scholarly works), the paper examines responses of two American Muslim organizations to the terrorism stereotype. The Council on American-Islamic Relations, a representative of the American Muslim mainstream majority and the American Islamic Forum for Democracy, a representative of ‘moderate’ Muslims have been consistently denouncing terrorism in all its forms. The unified response, voiced in the denouncement of terrorism, is explained through the depersonalization hypothesis of self-categorization theory, suggesting that an increase in saliency of the Muslim identity predicts greater perceived homogeneity of the group. Yet, beyond this unified response, there are profound differences in these organizations’ views, positions, and tactics toward combating the terrorism stereotype. Such variations depend on the perceived legitimacy of the source of negative stereotypes. Future research should study other stereotypical traits associated with Muslims in the US, to identify the existence of complex internal dynamics within various Muslim groups countering negative stereotypes.
刻板印象文学将从属群体对刻板印象的反应视为对抗其身份控制和支配的统一尝试。下属集团统一反应中存在的复杂性引起的关注较少。本文通过对基于文本的数据(报纸、法律文件、新闻稿、学术著作)进行定性内容分析,考察了两个美国穆斯林组织对恐怖主义刻板印象的反应。代表美国穆斯林主流多数派的美国伊斯兰关系委员会和代表“温和”穆斯林的美国伊斯兰民主论坛一直在谴责一切形式的恐怖主义。在谴责恐怖主义时表达的统一反应,可以通过自我分类理论的去人格化假说来解释,这表明穆斯林身份显著性的增加预示着该群体的同质性更强。然而,除了这种统一的回应之外,这些组织在打击恐怖主义刻板印象方面的观点、立场和策略存在着深刻的差异。这种差异取决于负面陈规定型观念来源的合法性。未来的研究应该研究与美国穆斯林相关的其他刻板印象特征,以确定不同穆斯林群体内部是否存在复杂的内部动力来对抗负面刻板印象。
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引用次数: 1
Militant extremist mind-set in Serbian football supporters: relations with the adherence to extremist social movements 塞尔维亚足球支持者的激进极端主义心态:与坚持极端主义社会运动的关系
IF 2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-12-22 DOI: 10.1080/19434472.2020.1859583
Janko Međedović, Uroš Kovačević, G. Knežević
ABSTRACT Football supporters represent a specific social group which is prone to violence and ideologically based extremist behavior. In the present study we explored whether football supporters in Serbia are characterized by Militant Extremist Mind-Set (MEM), a set of beliefs characterized by terrorists and ideological extremists. MEM is constituted of three factors: Proviolence, Vile World and Divine Power. We hypothesized that all three factors are more pronounced in football supporters than in the control group of participants; furthermore, we assumed that MEM factors have an independent contribution in the prediction of support for extremist social movements. Relations between these variables are explored in a combined sample of male football supporters (N = 128) and the control group (N = 118). Obtained results confirmed all hypotheses. All MEM factors were found to be more pronounced in football supporters. All three beliefs independently predicted support for extremist social movements. Finally, the interaction between group membership and Vile World in predicting support for the extremist movements was found: football supporters with elevated belief in Vile World were especially prone to affiliate with extremist movements. Study findings provided additional insight into the ideological characteristics of football supporters in Serbia and contributed to the identification of individuals who are particularly susceptible to violent extremism.
足球支持者代表了一个特定的社会群体,他们容易发生暴力和基于意识形态的极端主义行为。在本研究中,我们探讨了塞尔维亚足球支持者是否具有军事极端主义心态(MEM)的特征,这是一组以恐怖分子和意识形态极端分子为特征的信仰。MEM由三个因素构成:唯唯诺诺、邪恶世界和神圣力量。我们假设这三个因素在足球支持者中比在参与者的对照组中更明显;此外,我们假设MEM因素在预测对极端主义社会运动的支持方面有独立的贡献。在男性足球支持者的组合样本中探讨了这些变量之间的关系(N = 128)和对照组(N = 118)。所获得的结果证实了所有的假设。所有MEM因素在足球支持者中都更为明显。这三种信仰都独立预测了对极端主义社会运动的支持。最后,在预测对极端主义运动的支持方面,发现了团体成员和邪恶世界之间的互动:对邪恶世界有更高信仰的足球支持者特别容易加入极端主义运动。研究结果进一步深入了解了塞尔维亚足球支持者的意识形态特征,并有助于识别特别容易受到暴力极端主义影响的个人。
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引用次数: 2
Counter-terrorism technologies. A critical assessment 反恐技术。关键评估
IF 2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-12-22 DOI: 10.1080/19434472.2020.1859584
Zsófia Hacsek
Peter Lehr’s book offers us what the title suggests: a three-part critical assessment of how counter-terrorism shapes Western societies, from a detailed explanation of several digital and urban-pla...
彼得·莱尔(Peter Lehr)的书向我们提供了书名所暗示的东西:对反恐如何塑造西方社会进行了三部分的批判性评估,从对几个数字和城市规划的详细解释……
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引用次数: 0
The ‘tarrant effect’: what impact did far-right attacks have on the 8chan forum? “塔兰特效应”:极右翼的攻击对8chan论坛有什么影响?
IF 2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-12-22 DOI: 10.1080/19434472.2020.1862274
Stephane J. Baele, Lewys Brace, Travis G. Coan
ABSTRACT This paper analyses the impact of a series of mass shootings committed in 2018–2019 by right-wing extremists on 8chan/pol, a prominent far-right online forum. Using computational methods, it offers a detailed examination of how attacks trigger shifts in both forum activity and content. We find that while each shooting is discussed by forum participants, their respective impact varies considerably. We highlight, in particular, a ‘Tarrant effect’: the considerable effect Brenton Tarrant’s attack of two mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand, had on the forum. Considering the rise in far-right terrorism and the growing and diversifying online far-right ecosystem, such interactive offline-online effects warrant the attention of scholars and security professionals.
本文分析了右翼极端分子在2018年至2019年期间在著名极右翼网络论坛8chan/pol上犯下的一系列大规模枪击事件的影响。使用计算方法,它提供了攻击如何触发论坛活动和内容变化的详细检查。我们发现,虽然每一次拍摄都是由论坛参与者讨论的,但它们各自的影响差异很大。我们特别强调“塔兰特效应”:布伦顿·塔兰特袭击新西兰克赖斯特彻奇两座清真寺的事件对论坛产生了相当大的影响。考虑到极右恐怖主义的兴起和日益多样化的在线极右生态系统,这种离线-在线互动效应值得学者和安全专业人士的关注。
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引用次数: 2
The impact of the narrative of victimization: an experiment with university students in Spain 受害叙事的影响:西班牙大学生实验
IF 2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-12-09 DOI: 10.1080/19434472.2020.1856168
María Jiménez Ramos
ABSTRACT Narratives have become a promising approach in the study of terrorism due to their intrinsic value in understanding complex sociopolitical phenomena. In Spain, a ‘battle of narratives’ is developing in the current post-ETA period. This offers an interesting setting for the examination of their effects on their audiences among the growing remembrance policies and educational initiatives. This paper focuses on the narrative of victimization and its relevance in post-violent contexts. It uses the methodology of pre- and post-surveys to study the impact of the indirect testimonies of ETA’s victims on a sample of 225 undergraduate students in Navarre, a region with a high incidence of ETA terrorism.
摘要叙述由于其理解复杂社会政治现象的内在价值,已成为研究恐怖主义的一种很有前途的方法。在西班牙,在当前的后埃塔时期,一场“叙事之战”正在发展。在不断增长的纪念政策和教育举措中,这为研究它们对受众的影响提供了一个有趣的环境。本文着重于受害的叙述及其在后暴力语境中的相关性。它使用事前和事后调查的方法,研究了埃塔受害者的间接证词对纳瓦拉225名本科生的影响,纳瓦拉是埃塔恐怖主义高发地区。
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引用次数: 2
More attacks or more services? Insurgent groups’ behaviour during the COVID-19 pandemic in Afghanistan, Syria, and Somalia 更多攻击还是更多服务?2019冠状病毒病疫情期间阿富汗、叙利亚和索马里叛乱组织的行为
IF 2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-12-08 DOI: 10.1080/19434472.2020.1856911
Mohammed Ibrahim Shire
ABSTRACT Since the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, service-providing insurgent groups have responded differently, with some initiating more attacks amid ongoing destabilisation while others have immediately veered towards precautionary measures such as initiating public awareness campaigns and setting up quarantine centres. What drives these divergent responses? Relying on publicly available and semi-private sources, this article examines how the Taliban in Afghanistan, Ha'ayt Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) in Syria, and Al-Shabaab in Somalia have operationalised their responses to the COVID-19 pandemic. The findings reveal that the divergent responses are rooted in the framing of the pandemic discourse. The Taliban and HTS both interpreted it as a calamity that needs responding to and repurposed their activities accordingly by stepping up their attacks against combatants while concomitantly exploiting the humanitarian vacuum created by the pandemic by delivering health services. However, as the pandemic surged, the two groups gradually scaled down their combatant targeting and prioritised delivering health services to bolster their legitimacy and build popular support for their proto-states. By contrast, Al-Shabaab labelled the pandemic as a Western and Chinese ‘problem’, and made no visible changes to their operations in response to the crisis, only belatedly beginning to offer health services as the pandemic worsened.
摘要自新冠肺炎疫情爆发以来,以服务为目的的叛乱组织做出了不同的反应,一些组织在持续的不稳定中发起了更多的袭击,而另一些组织则立即转向了预防措施,如发起公众意识运动和建立隔离中心。是什么导致了这些不同的反应?根据公开和半私人来源,本文研究了阿富汗的塔利班、叙利亚的Ha’ayt Tahrir al-Sham(HTS)和索马里的al-Shabaab如何应对新冠肺炎大流行。研究结果表明,不同的反应源于疫情话语的框架。塔利班和HTS都将其解释为一场灾难,需要做出回应,并相应地调整其活动方向,加强对战斗人员的袭击,同时通过提供医疗服务来利用疫情造成的人道主义真空。然而,随着疫情的激增,这两个团体逐渐减少了战斗人员的目标,并优先提供医疗服务,以增强其合法性,并为其原始国家建立民众支持。相比之下,青年党将疫情称为西方和中国的“问题”,并没有对应对危机的行动做出明显改变,只是在疫情恶化时才姗姗来迟地开始提供医疗服务。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression
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