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Socializing Warlord Democrats: Analyzing Violent Discursive Practices in Post-Civil War Politics 军阀民主社会化:分析内战后政治中的暴力话语实践
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-02-19 DOI: 10.1093/isr/viae005
Roxanna Sjöstedt, Mimmi Söderberg Kovacs, Anders Themnér, Henrik Persson
Across the world, so-called warlord democrats (WDs) – former military or political leaders of armed groups who subsequently enter formal electoral politics – strongly influence the dynamics and trajectory of post-civil war politics. However, scholarship on war-to-peace transitions and post-conflict politics have often failed to pay attention to the agency of these important actors. This article rectifies this oversight, and thereby adds to the overarching scholarly debate on what enhances or hampers democratic processes after violent conflict. It makes two main contributions. First, by putting an explicit focus on the individual level of analysis and on the agency of WDs, the article opens up an avenue of research that previously has been black-boxed. Second, it demonstrates that the assumptions of socialization theory are particular suitable for enhancing our understanding of variations in the agency of WDs and their impact on post-conflict electoral politics. A novel analytical framework that refines the concept guides the empirical examination of the socialization processes of two WDs over time: Julius Maada Bio, the ex-junta leader who became President of Sierra Leone and Prince Johnson, the ex-warlord in Liberia who became Senator and presidential candidate. The findings suggest that the socialization theory holds promise as a new perspective on the study of WDs, but the theory may also need additional conceptual development and adjustment when applied outside its traditional empirical context and at the individual levels of analysis. Specifically, we find that the democratic socialization of our selected WDs display the characteristics of hybrid socialization, where conflicting normative frameworks result in lopsided socialization processes. But more research is needed on how to empirically distinguish between cost-benefit calculations and a logic of appropriateness, the long-term implications of hybrid socialization, and how to theoretically reconcile individual level socialization processes with that of states or groups.
在世界各地,所谓的军阀民主人士(WDs)--武装组织的前军事或政治领导人,后来进入正式的选举政治--强烈地影响着内战后政治的动态和轨迹。然而,有关战争向和平过渡和冲突后政治的学术研究往往未能关注这些重要角色的作用。本文纠正了这一疏忽,从而为学术界关于暴力冲突后什么会加强或阻碍民主进程的争论添砖加瓦。本文有两大贡献。首先,通过明确将重点放在个人层面的分析和妇女发展机构上,文章开辟了一条以前被束之高阁的研究途径。其次,文章证明了社会化理论的假设特别适合于加深我们对妇女发展机构的变化及其对冲突后选举政治的影响的理解。一个新颖的分析框架对这一概念进行了完善,并指导我们对两个西部民主国家随着时间推移的社会化进程进行了实证研究:朱利叶斯-马达-比奥(Julius Maada Bio),前军政府领导人,后成为塞拉利昂总统;约翰逊王子(Prince Johnson),前利比里亚军阀,后成为参议员和总统候选人。研究结果表明,社会化理论有望成为研究可持续发展问题的一个新视角,但当该理论应用于传统的经验背景之外和个人分析层面时,可能还需要进一步的概念发展和调整。具体地说,我们发现,我们所选择的福利机构的民主社会化表现出混合社会化的特征,即相互冲突的规范框架导致社会化过程的片面性。但是,对于如何从经验上区分成本效益计算和适当性逻辑、混合社会化的长期影响,以及如何从理论上协调个人层面的社会化进程与国家或团体层面的社会化进程,我们还需要更多的研究。
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引用次数: 0
The Methodological Machinery of Wargaming: A Path toward Discovering Wargaming’s Epistemological Foundations 战争游戏的方法论机制:探索战争游戏认识论基础之路
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-02-01 DOI: 10.1093/isr/viae002
David E Banks
This paper proposes a comprehensive research program for determining the epistemological foundations of analytic wargaming. Wargaming has been used in military, government, and private sectors for decades, with tens of millions of dollars spent annually on it. In light of the changing strategic circumstances of the twenty-first century, it has only become more popular. However, the epistemological foundations of the method are poorly understood. Many professional wargamers contend that wargaming is an “art” and thus unable to be systemically evaluated. Recent work by a small coterie of international relations scholars has contended that wargaming can be reconciled with social science, typically by evaluating wargaming according to experimental standards. However, this solution strips wargames of most of their unique features and cannot explain why some of the most prominent wargames in history produced meaningful results. In this paper, I argue that in the attempt to better understand wargaming’s epistemology, scholars should begin by recognizing the prominent features of wargames and research each of these to determine if and how wargames produce rigorous knowledge. In making this argument, I identify five distinct “methodological machineries” of wargaming—the recurring processes through which wargames may produce knowledge—that distinguish wargaming from other social science methods: (i) they are representative, (ii) they feature consequential decisions made by human players, (iii) they are adjudicated, (iv) they are immersive, and (v) they are bespoke designs. I show how each of these machineries offers potential opportunities and dangers in the production of knowledge through the method of wargaming. In outlining these distinct features, I offer a clear and viable research program for epistemologists of wargaming.
本文提出了一项综合研究计划,以确定分析战争博弈的认识论基础。几十年来,军事、政府和私营部门一直在使用战争博弈,每年为此花费数千万美元。随着二十一世纪战略环境的不断变化,战争博弈只会变得更加流行。然而,人们对这种方法的认识论基础却知之甚少。许多职业战争游戏玩家认为,战争游戏是一门 "艺术",因此无法对其进行系统评价。最近,一小撮国际关系学者认为,战争博弈可以与社会科学相协调,通常是根据实验标准对战争博弈进行评估。然而,这种解决方案剥夺了战争游戏的大部分独特性,也无法解释为什么历史上一些最著名的战争游戏会产生有意义的结果。在本文中,我认为在试图更好地理解战争游戏的认识论时,学者们应首先认识到战争游戏的突出特点,并逐一进行研究,以确定战争游戏是否以及如何产生严谨的知识。在提出这一论点的过程中,我指出了战争游戏的五个不同的 "方法论机制"--战争游戏产生知识的循环过程--它们将战争游戏与其他社会科学方法区分开来:(i)它们具有代表性;(ii)它们以人类玩家做出的后果性决定为特征;(iii)它们是裁决性的;(iv)它们是身临其境的;(v)它们是定制设计。我将展示这些机制中的每一种如何通过战争游戏的方法为知识的生产提供潜在的机遇和危险。通过概述这些不同的特征,我为战争游戏认识论者提供了一个清晰可行的研究计划。
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引用次数: 0
Triangulating the Legitimacy of International Organizations: Beliefs, Discourses, and Actions 三角测量国际组织的合法性:信念、话语和行动
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-30 DOI: 10.1093/isr/viad054
Jens Steffek
It is commonplace to say that international organizations (IOs) face a legitimacy crisis because they are perceived as undemocratic, unaccountable, and inefficient. Plausible as it may seem, this still must count as a conjecture. In this article, I review the rapidly growing literature that has explored this connection empirically. I follow three strands of research that approach the legitimacy of IOs from different angles. The first strand explores individual beliefs through observational and experimental surveys. The second strand analyzes public discourses, mapping arguments deployed to (de-)legitimize IOs. The third strand studies political action related to legitimacy, such as protest voting, street demonstrations, and withdrawal of member states from IOs. The empirical evidence shows that citizens expect fair procedures and balanced outcomes also in international politics; that legitimation discourses revolve around democratic standards and not only performance; and that institutions respond to protests. It is less clear, however, how the three dimensions of (de-)legitimation interact. I argue that we need to triangulate them more systematically to see the connections between beliefs, arguments, and political action at work. I suggest in-depth case studies, sensitive to the context and content of legitimation debates, that cover these three dimensions and their interactions simultaneously.
人们常说,国际组织面临合法性危机,因为人们认为它们不民主、不负责任、效率低下。尽管看起来似乎有理,但这仍必须算作一种猜测。在这篇文章中,我回顾了快速增长的文献,这些文献从经验上探讨了这种联系。我从三个不同的角度来研究IOs的合法性。第一部分通过观察和实验调查来探索个人信仰。第二部分分析了公共话语,映射了用于(去)合法化IOs的论据。第三个分支研究与合法性相关的政治行动,如抗议投票、街头示威和成员国退出国际组织。经验证据表明,在国际政治中,公民也期望公平的程序和平衡的结果;合法性论述围绕着民主标准而不仅仅是绩效;这些机构会对抗议做出回应。然而,不太清楚的是,(非)合法化的三个维度如何相互作用。我认为,我们需要更系统地对它们进行三角测量,以了解信仰、论点和政治行动之间的联系。我建议深入的案例研究,对合法性辩论的背景和内容敏感,同时涵盖这三个维度及其相互作用。
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引用次数: 0
The International Recognition of Governments in Practice(s): Creatures, Mirages, and Dilemmas in Post-2011 Libya 政府在实践中的国际承认:2011年后利比亚的生物、幻影和困境
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-07 DOI: 10.1093/isr/viad050
Irene Fernández-Molina
The international (non)recognition of governments is a composite macro practice that has grown in visibility in recent years in response to contentious domestic political processes such as coups d’état, revolutions, and civil wars, yet it remains understudied in international relations. Doctrinal debates in international law and foreign policy reveal the normative vacuum and normative competition that have long surrounded this phenomenon, but say little about its specific operation and effects. This article brings together insights from recognition theory and international practice theory, and uses post-2011 Libya as an in-depth case study, drawing on elite interviews with diplomats, international officials, and other practitioners. The aim is to sketch a new research agenda by building a generalizable typology of smaller-scale government recognition micro practices (declaratory, diplomatic, informal engagement, intergovernmental cooperation, and support practices), and uncovering their guiding logics and consequences. I argue that, first, the international (non)recognition of governments is endowed with a distinct generative power, as it produces its own creatures through a range of micro practices that have identity formation and change, material empowerment, political legitimation, and sovereignty line-drawing effects. Secondly, it is geopolitically inevitable, as external actors involved in a country cannot ultimately avoid engaging with territorially grounded domestic political actors. Thirdly, it is not a black-and-white situation, as it involves a broad variety of practices guided by different, often contradictory logics. Finally, international government recognition practices are likely to run into three dilemmas stemming from three tensions: international versus domestic recognition, legitimacy versus effectiveness, and coherence versus inclusivity in conflict mediation.
对政府的国际(不)承认是一种综合的宏观做法,近年来,随着政变、革命和内战等有争议的国内政治进程,这种做法的知名度越来越高,但在国际关系中,这种做法仍然研究不足。国际法和外交政策中的理论辩论揭示了长期以来围绕这一现象的规范真空和规范竞争,但很少提及其具体运作和影响。本文汇集了承认理论和国际实践理论的见解,并以2011年后的利比亚为深入案例研究,借鉴了对外交官、国际官员和其他从业者的精英采访。其目的是通过建立小规模政府承认微观实践(声明性、外交性、非正式参与、政府间合作和支持性实践)的可推广类型,并揭示其指导逻辑和后果,勾勒出一个新的研究议程。我认为,首先,国际(不)承认政府被赋予了独特的生成力,因为它通过一系列微观实践产生了自己的生物,这些微观实践具有身份形成和改变、物质赋权、政治合法化和主权划线效应。其次,这在地缘政治上是不可避免的,因为参与一个国家的外部行为者最终无法避免与基于领土的国内政治行为者接触。第三,这不是一个非黑即白的情况,因为它涉及到由不同的、往往是矛盾的逻辑指导的各种各样的实践。最后,国际政府承认做法可能会因三种紧张关系而陷入三个困境:国际承认与国内承认、合法性与有效性以及冲突调解的一致性与包容性。
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引用次数: 0
Collective Memory, Contestations, and Global Politics 集体记忆、争论和全球政治
1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-18 DOI: 10.1093/isr/viad049
Adarsh Badri
Journal Article Collective Memory, Contestations, and Global Politics Get access Kathrin Bachleitner. Collective Memory in International Relations. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2021. 176 pp., £65 hardback. e-book available. Adarsh Badri Adarsh Badri Jawaharlal Nehru University, India https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1148-5640 Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Studies Review, Volume 25, Issue 4, December 2023, viad049, https://doi.org/10.1093/isr/viad049 Published: 10 October 2023 Article history Received: 28 September 2022 Revision received: 24 June 2023 Accepted: 26 September 2023 Published: 10 October 2023
期刊文章集体记忆,争论和全球政治获取访问凯瑟琳·巴赫莱特纳。国际关系中的集体记忆。牛津,英国:牛津大学出版社,2021。176页,精装本售价65英镑。电子书。Adarsh Badri Adarsh Badri贾瓦哈拉尔尼赫鲁大学,印度https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1148-5640搜索作者的其他作品:牛津学术谷歌学者国际研究评论,第25卷,第4期,2023年12月,viad049, https://doi.org/10.1093/isr/viad049发布:2023年10月10日文章历史接收:2022年9月28日修订收到:2023年6月24日接收:2023年9月26日发布:2023年10月10日
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引用次数: 0
Civilian Agency in Civil War? Militia Formation and Diffusion in Mozambique 内战中的民间机构?莫桑比克民兵的形成和扩散
1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-18 DOI: 10.1093/isr/viad044
I M R A N A BUBA
Journal Article Civilian Agency in Civil War? Militia Formation and Diffusion in Mozambique Get access Violent Resistance: Militia Formation and Civil War in Mozambique. By Corinna Jentzsch. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2022. 221 pp. ISBN: 978-1108837453. $99.99. Available as hardcover and e-book. I M R A N A BUBA I M R A N A BUBA University of Oslo, Norway https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1303-4472 Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Studies Review, Volume 25, Issue 4, December 2023, viad044, https://doi.org/10.1093/isr/viad044 Published: 10 October 2023 Article history Received: 01 April 2023 Published: 10 October 2023
内战中的民事机构?莫桑比克民兵的形成和扩散参见《暴力抵抗:莫桑比克民兵的形成和内战》。作者:Corinna Jentzsch剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2022。221页。ISBN: 978-1108837453。99.99美元。提供精装和电子书。I M R A N A BUBA I M R A N A BUBA挪威奥斯陆大学https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1303-4472查找作者的其他作品:牛津学术谷歌学者国际研究评论,第25卷,第4期,2023年12月,viad044, https://doi.org/10.1093/isr/viad044出版日期:2023年10月10日文章历史收稿日期:2023年4月1日出版日期:2023年10月10日
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引用次数: 0
New Directions in the Study of Populism in International Relations 国际关系中民粹主义研究的新方向
1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-18 DOI: 10.1093/isr/viad035
Angelos Chryssogelos, Erin K Jenne, Christopher David LaRoche, Bertjan Verbeek, Andrej Zaslove, Sandra Destradi, David Cadier, Fabrizio Coticchia, Federico Donelli, Christian Lequesne
Abstract In recent years, there has been a growing interest in the international dimensions of populism, by now a major political phenomenon around the world. This interest, however, has been confined largely to the state level, especially the influence of populism on foreign policy. In this Forum, we argue that it is important for analysis to move beyond the state level and view populism as a concept and phenomenon of international relations (IR) rather than simply a factor of foreign policy. The Forum discusses implications of the rise of populism for IR theory, the role of international systemic change in the emergence of populism in national arenas, and the ways that regime type, state structure and institutions, ideational content, and the political strategies of populists condition the impact of populism on world politics. In this way, the Forum identifies specific directions for the study of populism in IR that scholars can follow in the future.
近年来,人们对民粹主义的国际维度越来越感兴趣,民粹主义目前已成为世界范围内的一种主要政治现象。然而,这种兴趣主要局限于国家层面,尤其是民粹主义对外交政策的影响。在本论坛中,我们认为,重要的是要超越国家层面,将民粹主义视为国际关系(IR)的一个概念和现象,而不仅仅是外交政策的一个因素。论坛讨论了民粹主义的兴起对国际关系理论的影响,国际系统变化在民粹主义在国家领域出现中的作用,以及民粹主义者的政权类型、国家结构和制度、理念内容和政治战略如何影响民粹主义对世界政治的影响。通过这种方式,论坛确定了未来学者可以遵循的民粹主义在国际关系研究中的具体方向。
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引用次数: 0
“Eliding Joy” No More: Bringing Joy Back to Human Rights 不再“忽略快乐”:将快乐带回人权
1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-18 DOI: 10.1093/isr/viad046
Tracy Hoffmann Slagter
Journal Article “Eliding Joy” No More: Bringing Joy Back to Human Rights Get access Simmons William Paul. 2019. Joyful Human Rights. Philadephia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 290 pp., $75.00 Hardcover (ISBN-13 978-0812251012). Tracy Hoffmann Slagter Tracy Hoffmann Slagter University of Wisconsin Oshkosh, US Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Studies Review, Volume 25, Issue 4, December 2023, viad046, https://doi.org/10.1093/isr/viad046 Published: 19 October 2023 Article history Received: 29 December 2022 Published: 19 October 2023
期刊文章《不再忽略快乐:将快乐带回人权》获取西蒙斯·威廉·保罗。2019。快乐的人权。费城,宾夕法尼亚州:宾夕法尼亚大学出版社,290页,75美元精装(ISBN-13 978-0812251012)。Tracy Hoffmann Slagter Tracy Hoffmann Slagter威斯康星大学奥什科什,美国搜索作者的其他作品:牛津学术谷歌学者国际研究评论,第25卷,第4期,2023年12月,viad046, https://doi.org/10.1093/isr/viad046出版:2023年10月19日文章历史收稿:2022年12月29日出版:2023年10月19日
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引用次数: 0
What Is Christendom to Us? Making Better Sense of Christianity in Global Politics 基督教对我们来说是什么?在全球政治中更好地理解基督教
1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-18 DOI: 10.1093/isr/viad051
John Heathershaw
Abstract What is Christendom in international relations? We argue that Christendom does not equate to a long-lost historical empire but an enduring imaginary of a political order where government secures the church and the church ministers to government. Such imaginaries have taken a diverse range of historical and geographical forms, which have barely been explored in International Relations (IR). They may be state-centric or decentered. As intellectual historians of the discipline have demonstrated, international relations was founded on a Christendom ontology and theology, and then rapidly forgot that fact. One major feature of this forgetting is a narrow historical conception of Christendom—its equation with Latin Christendom—in contrast with the wealth of scholarship in the humanities, which has revealed various conceptual forms and discursive practices of Christendom from at least the fourth century CE to the present. The effect of this narrowness has been to confirm IR’s historical Eurocentrism and prevent it from exploring the international politics of Eurasian, Eastern Orthodox forms of Christendom, and signs of new imaginaries of Christendom emerging in the Global South. But such neo-Christendoms—which imagine government as re-centered on the church—raise the possibility of the emergence of modern variations of the legitimized violence associated with Latin Christendom. Alternative theologies of post-Christendom—imagining the church as politically active but decentered from government—indicate that such an imaginary is contested not just beyond but within Christian theology. The paper provides a new definition of Christendom and re-evaluation of its afterlives for the study of religion and theology in international relations.
国际关系中的基督教世界是什么?我们认为,基督教国并不等同于一个消失已久的历史帝国,而是一种持久的政治秩序想象,在这种政治秩序中,政府保护教会,教会为政府服务。这种想象以各种各样的历史和地理形式出现,在国际关系(IR)中几乎没有探讨过。它们可能以国家为中心,也可能以国家为中心。正如该学科的知识历史学家所证明的那样,国际关系是建立在基督教本体和神学之上的,然后很快就忘记了这一事实。这种遗忘的一个主要特征是对基督教世界的狭隘的历史概念——它等同于拉丁基督教世界——与丰富的人文学科学术形成鲜明对比,后者揭示了至少从公元四世纪到现在基督教世界的各种概念形式和话语实践。这种狭隘的影响已经证实了国际关系的历史欧洲中心主义,并阻止它探索欧亚的国际政治,东正教形式的基督教世界,以及全球南方出现的基督教世界的新想象的迹象。但是这样的新基督教世界——想象政府重新以教会为中心——提出了与拉丁基督教世界相关的合法化暴力的现代变体出现的可能性。后基督教世界的另类神学——想象教会在政治上活跃,但远离政府——表明这种想象不仅在基督教神学之外,而且在基督教神学内部都受到质疑。本文为国际关系中的宗教和神学研究提供了对基督教世界的新定义和对其后世的重新评价。
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引用次数: 0
Deter, Disrupt, or Deceive: Assessing Cyber Conflict as an Intelligence Contest 威慑、干扰或欺骗:评估作为情报竞赛的网络冲突
1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-18 DOI: 10.1093/isr/viad047
Gil Baram
Journal Article Deter, Disrupt, or Deceive: Assessing Cyber Conflict as an Intelligence Contest Get access Robert Chesney Max Smeets Editors. Deter, Disrupt, or Deceive: Assessing Cyber Conflict as an Intelligence Contest. Georgetown University Press, 2023. 318pp. $36.95 (ISBN: 978-1647123260) Gil Baram Gil Baram University of California, USA https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0384-612X Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Studies Review, Volume 25, Issue 4, December 2023, viad047, https://doi.org/10.1093/isr/viad047 Published: 02 November 2023 Article history Received: 04 May 2023 Revision received: 07 July 2023 Published: 02 November 2023
期刊文章威慑,扰乱,还是欺骗:评估网络冲突作为一场智力竞赛获取链接Robert Chesney Max Smeets编辑威慑、干扰或欺骗:评估作为情报竞赛的网络冲突。乔治城大学出版社,2023。318页。$36.95 (ISBN: 978-1647123260) Gil Baram Gil Baram美国加州大学https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0384-612X查找作者的其他作品:Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Studies Review, Volume 25, Issue 4, December 2023, viad047, https://doi.org/10.1093/isr/viad047出版日期:2023年11月2日文章历史收稿日期:2023年5月4日修订日期:2023年7月7日出版日期:2023年11月2日
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引用次数: 1
期刊
International Studies Review
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