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Correction to: International Studies and Struggles for Inclusion 更正:国际研究和为包容而奋斗
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.1093/isr/viad020
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引用次数: 0
The Forum: Global Challenges to Democracy? Perspectives on Democratic Backsliding 论坛:民主面临的全球挑战?对民主党倒退的看法
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-12 DOI: 10.1093/isr/viad019
Larry M Bartels, Ursula E Daxecker, Susan D Hyde, Staffan I Lindberg, Irfan Nooruddin
There is a widespread perception that we are witnessing a period of democratic decline, manifesting itself in varieties of democratic backsliding such as the manipulation of elections, marginalization and repression of regime opponents and minorities, or more incremental executive aggrandizement. Yet others are more optimistic and have argued that democracy is in fact resilient, or that we are observing coinciding trends of democratic decline but also expansion. This forum highlights key issues in the debate on democracy's decline, which center on conceptual and measurement issues, agreement on the phenomenon but not its nature or severity, the importance of international factors, the emphasis we should put on political elites versus citizens, and the consequences of backsliding for global politics. Staffan I. Lindberg provides an empirical perspective on the scope and severity of democracy's decline, and argues that polarization and misinformation are important drivers for this current wave of autocratization. Susan D. Hyde highlights the detrimental consequences of reduced support for democracy by the international community, which has affected civil society organizations—important arbiters of democracy—especially severely. Challenging some of these conclusions, Irfan Nooruddin claims that any gains for democracy after the end of the Cold War were short-lived, failing to sustain democracy because of an overemphasis on elections and a disregard for structural factors. Finally, Larry M. Bartels argues that we need to look to political elites and not citizens if we want to protect democracy in the United States and elsewhere, which has important implications for how we study democracy and its challenges.
人们普遍认为,我们正在目睹一个民主衰落的时期,表现为各种各样的民主倒退,如操纵选举、边缘化和镇压政权反对者和少数民族,或更多的行政权力扩大。然而,另一些人则更为乐观,他们认为民主实际上是有弹性的,或者我们正在观察民主衰落和扩张的同步趋势。本次论坛强调了关于民主衰落的辩论中的关键问题,这些问题集中在概念和衡量问题,对这种现象的共识,但不是其性质或严重程度,国际因素的重要性,我们应该强调政治精英与公民之间的关系,以及倒退对全球政治的后果。斯塔凡·i·林德伯格(Staffan I. Lindberg)对民主衰落的范围和严重程度提供了实证视角,并认为两极分化和错误信息是当前这波独裁浪潮的重要驱动因素。Susan D. Hyde强调了国际社会对民主支持减少的有害后果,这对公民社会组织——民主的重要仲裁者——的影响尤其严重。Irfan Nooruddin对其中一些结论提出了质疑,他声称冷战结束后民主的任何成果都是短暂的,由于过度强调选举和忽视结构性因素,民主未能维持下去。最后,拉里·m·巴特尔斯(Larry M. Bartels)认为,如果我们想要保护美国和其他地方的民主,我们需要关注政治精英,而不是公民,这对我们如何研究民主及其挑战具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 3
Religion and (Global) Politics: The State of the Art and Beyond 宗教和(全球)政治:艺术的状态和超越
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-25 DOI: 10.1093/isr/viad014
Petr Kratochvíl
The religion–politics nexus has become a thriving field within the study of global politics. However, the fast development has translated only into a moderate diversification of the research. Building on Bourdieu’s analysis of the social field, this paper argues that this limited pluralization is related to the strong heteronomy of the field. This heteronomy has three “concentric” sources—the dependence on the field of politics, the continued influence of the secularist bias of Western social science, and the dependence on the theoretical developments in the broader discipline of international relations. Methodologically, the article builds on a detailed analysis of eighteen top academic journals and their scholarly output related to religion in global politics.
宗教与政治的关系已经成为全球政治研究中的一个蓬勃发展的领域。然而,快速的发展只带来了适度的多样化研究。基于布迪厄对社会场域的分析,本文认为这种有限的多元化与场域的强烈他律性有关。这种他律有三个“同心”的来源——对政治领域的依赖,西方社会科学的世俗主义偏见的持续影响,以及对更广泛的国际关系学科的理论发展的依赖。在方法上,本文建立在对18份顶级学术期刊及其与全球政治中的宗教相关的学术成果进行详细分析的基础上。
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引用次数: 0
International Studies and Struggles for Inclusion 国际研究与融入的斗争
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-22 DOI: 10.1093/isr/viad018
Tarek Abou Chadi, Kanisha D Bond, Cassy Dorff, Jamie Hagen, Cullen S Hendrix, Cameron Thies
In the 3 years between the 2019 and 2022 International Studies Association (ISA) meetings, the profound state of global economic, social, and political upheaval around the world has become unavoidably evident for much, if not most, of the world. Against the backdrop of the COVID-19 pandemic, movements for inclusion and resulting backlashes sprang up across the globe. As scholars of international affairs, the members of the ISA seek to understand and contextualize world events. However, our members and the organization itself are not passive observers of history. These struggles directly influence the personal experiences of many of our members, within and beyond our profession. For these reasons, ISA leadership felt that it was important to mark the 2022 meeting with a Sapphire Series panel to discuss ``International Studies and Struggles for Inclusion.'' The panel brought together ISA members from various sections and backgrounds to offer diverse perspectives on a host of topics: How does the field of international studies understand these developments? How do struggles for inclusion affect our members and community of social scientists? And perhaps most importantly, what should the ISA be doing about them, in terms of both scholarship and organizational decisions?
在2019年至2022年国际研究协会(ISA)会议之间的三年里,世界各地的全球经济、社会和政治动荡的深刻状态,即使不是大多数,也不可避免地变得明显。在2019冠状病毒病大流行的背景下,包容运动及其引发的反弹在全球范围内兴起。作为研究国际事务的学者,ISA的成员试图理解世界事件并将其置于背景之中。然而,我们的成员和本组织本身并不是历史的被动观察者。这些斗争直接影响了我们许多成员的个人经历,无论是在我们的专业范围内还是在我们的专业范围之外。出于这些原因,ISA领导层认为,在2022年的会议上,蓝宝石系列小组讨论“国际研究和为包容而奋斗”是很重要的。该小组汇集了来自不同部门和背景的ISA成员,就一系列主题提供不同的观点:国际研究领域如何理解这些发展?争取融入社会的斗争如何影响我们的成员和社会科学家群体?也许最重要的是,从奖学金和组织决策的角度来看,ISA应该怎么做?
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引用次数: 2
Knowledge Production beyond West-Centrism in IR: Toward Global IR 2.0 超越西方中心主义的知识生产:走向全球工业革命2.0
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-16 DOI: 10.1093/isr/viad015
Yong-Soo Eun
The primary purpose of this article is to advance the ongoing global international relations (Global IR) debate and to offer some possible paths toward Global IR 2.0. To this end, this article first analyzes how Global IR has emerged, what contributions it makes to giving new impetus to IR knowledge (production), and, more importantly, what charges are leveled against Global IR. Although Global IR has produced an important body of scholarship, contributing substantially to identifying West-centrism as a key point of contention in IR and nudging the discipline toward theoretical pluralism, Global IR in its current form still carries the risk of reinforcing the old hierarchical and essentialized structure of knowledge production in ways that are analytic, epistemological, and ontological. Following this critical mapping exercise, I argue that while Global IR can serve as a key signifier of challenge to West-centrism, this important signifier needs to be redefined in terms of what it indicates and means—thereby becoming Global IR 2.0. In onto-epistemological terms, Global IR 2.0 relates more directly to questioning and dissolving essentialized ways of knowing in the discipline. In the final section of this article, I elaborate on how to realize this idea and harness it in practice.
本文的主要目的是推进正在进行的全球国际关系(global IR)辩论,并提供一些通往全球国际关系2.0的可能途径。为此,本文首先分析了Global IR是如何出现的,它为推动IR知识(生产)做出了哪些贡献,更重要的是,对Global IR提出了哪些指控。尽管全球国际关系已经产生了一个重要的学术体系,为确定西方中心主义作为国际关系争论的一个关键点做出了重大贡献,并推动该学科走向理论多元化,但目前形式的全球国际关系仍然存在以分析、认识论和本体论的方式强化旧的等级和本质化的知识生产结构的风险。在这一关键的映射练习之后,我认为,虽然全球工业革命可以作为挑战西方中心主义的一个关键标志,但这个重要的标志需要根据它的指示和含义进行重新定义——从而成为全球工业革命2.0。从本体认识论的角度来看,全球工业革命2.0更直接地涉及到质疑和消解学科中本质化的认识方式。在本文的最后一部分,我将详细说明如何实现这个想法并在实践中加以利用。
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引用次数: 0
Tracking Climate Securitization: Framings of Climate Security by Civil and Defense Ministries 跟踪气候证券化:民政部和国防部气候安全框架
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.1093/isr/viad010
Anselm Vogler
Defense ministries regularly frame climate security in their national security strategies. Recently, “civil” ministries also begun mentioning climate security. However, they do not mean the same thing. This article develops four indicators to assess the commitment of climate security framings to an understanding of climate security as either human/environmental or national security issue. It applies the indicators to fifty submissions of Nationally Determined Contributions (NDC) by civil ministries and seventy defense publications. The paper finds that NDC commonly refer to climate changes’ anthropogenic origins and biophysical impacts but rarely to indirect consequences such as migration or conflict. In contrast, military administrations rarely mention anthropogenic origins but warn more often than NDC of indirect consequences. This shows that a civil domestic discourse on climate security has emerged, more attuned to human security and environmental security and more conducive to climate change mitigation and adaptation. The paper argues that organizational theory can explain these differences in securitization: defense and civil ministries frame climate security differently so that it falls in line with their respective mandates and established organizational features. The article concludes with a checklist for assessing framings of climate security.
各国国防部定期将气候安全纳入国家安全战略。最近,“民间”部门也开始提到气候安全。然而,它们的意思并不相同。本文制定了四个指标来评估气候安全框架对将气候安全理解为人类/环境或国家安全问题的承诺。它将这些指标应用于民政部门提交的50份国家自主贡献(NDC)和70份国防出版物。研究发现,NDC通常指气候变化的人为起源和生物物理影响,但很少指移民或冲突等间接后果。相比之下,军事当局很少提及人为的起源,但比国家气候变化委员会更经常地警告间接后果。这表明,一种更加符合人类安全和环境安全、更有利于减缓和适应气候变化的国内民间气候安全话语已经出现。本文认为,组织理论可以解释这些证券化的差异:国防和民用部门对气候安全的框架不同,从而符合各自的任务和既定的组织特征。文章最后列出了评估气候安全框架的清单。
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引用次数: 0
Systemism and International Relations: How a Graphic Method Can Enhance Communication 系统主义与国际关系:图形化方法如何促进交流
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-10 DOI: 10.1093/isr/viad013
Sercan Canbolat, Sarah Gansen, Patrick James
This article brings a broad array of works, which pertain to different research areas of international relations (IR), into contact with each other via a graphic method, systemism, to obtain insights that otherwise might prove elusive. Completion of these tasks is anticipated to exemplify how the systemist approach can enhance communication throughout IR. Systemism is introduced as a graphic technique for communicating arguments. Systemist graphics are used to convey the contents of (a) two studies that focus on theory per se and (b) a range of topics—foreign policy analysis, forecasting, and conflict processes. Systematic synthesis focusing on the two works about theory and bricolagic bridging that is based on all five studies reveal the contributions of a systemist approach, respectively, to the logics of confirmation and discovery. Value added from the systemist approach is confirmed for both IR research and pedagogy.
本文将涉及国际关系(IR)不同研究领域的大量著作,通过一种图形化的方法,即系统主义,相互联系起来,以获得否则可能难以捉摸的见解。预计这些任务的完成将举例说明系统方法如何在整个IR中加强沟通。系统主义是作为一种交流论点的图形技术而引入的。系统图形用于传达以下内容:(a)两项研究侧重于理论本身;(b)一系列主题——外交政策分析、预测和冲突过程。系统的综合集中在两个关于理论和桥接的工作,这是基于所有五个研究揭示了系统方法的贡献,分别对确认和发现的逻辑。系统方法的附加值在IR研究和教学中都得到了证实。
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引用次数: 1
Technological Sovereignty as Ability, Not Autarky 技术主权是一种能力,而不是自给自足
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1093/isr/viad012
Christoph March, Ina Schieferdecker
Aspirations toward technological sovereignty increasingly pervade the political debate. Yet, an ambiguous definition leaves the exact goal of those aspirations and the policies to fulfil them unclear. This opens the door for vested interests who benefit from misinterpreting the goal, e.g., as a strive for autarky, nationalism, and the rollback of globalization. To close this gap, we show how certain key technologies challenge state sovereignty as conventionally understood. By interpreting technological sovereignty in this light, we develop a competence-based definition, which puts innovation policy at the core of fulfilling sovereignty aspirations. Moreover, we establish the important role of international cooperation and trade to enhance technological sovereignty understood as ability. Hence, autarky would be detrimental rather than helpful to technological sovereignty. Two case studies illustrate how innovation policy helps to achieve technological sovereignty.
对技术主权的渴望日益渗透到政治辩论中。然而,模棱两可的定义使得这些愿望的确切目标和实现这些目标的政策不明确。这为既得利益者打开了大门,他们通过误解目标而受益,例如,将其视为争取自给自足、民族主义和全球化倒退。为了缩小这一差距,我们展示了某些关键技术如何挑战传统意义上的国家主权。通过从这个角度解释技术主权,我们提出了一个基于能力的定义,将创新政策置于实现主权愿望的核心。此外,我们建立了国际合作和贸易的重要作用,以提高技术主权理解为能力。因此,对技术主权来说,闭关自守是有害的,而不是有益的。两个案例研究说明了创新政策如何有助于实现技术主权。
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引用次数: 7
Understanding German Foreign Policy in the (Post-)Merkel Era—Review Essay 理解(后)默克尔时代的德国外交政策-评论文章
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-13 DOI: 10.1093/isr/viad007
Jakub Eberle
This essay reviews four recent books on Germany's foreign policy with emphasis on the era of Angela Merkel. The evaluation is based on their (a) added value to scholarship on German foreign policy, (b) theoretical sophistication and contribution to IR, and (c) relevance also for the post-Merkel era. I argue that the books bring in valuable insights regarding the enduring, yet also changeable role of anti-militarism and provide knowledgeable analyses of the failure of Germany's policies toward Russia. Importantly, they enrich also broader literatures, especially in their focus on discursive change and state power in the European Union context. I demonstrate that these ideas help us understand Germany's struggle to redefine its role after Russia's invasion of Ukraine, and offer more nuanced analyses of Germany's policies and their specifics, staying clear of treating the country as a priori exceptional.
这篇文章回顾了最近出版的四本关于德国外交政策的书,重点是安格拉•默克尔(Angela Merkel)的时代。评估是基于他们(a)对德国外交政策学术研究的附加值,(b)对国际关系的理论复杂性和贡献,以及(c)对后默克尔时代的相关性。我认为,这些书对反军国主义的持久而又多变的作用提供了有价值的见解,并对德国对俄政策的失败提供了有见地的分析。重要的是,他们也丰富了更广泛的文献,特别是在他们对欧盟背景下话语变化和国家权力的关注。我证明,这些想法有助于我们理解德国在俄罗斯入侵乌克兰后重新定义其角色的努力,并对德国的政策及其具体内容进行了更细致的分析,避免将该国视为先天的例外。
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引用次数: 0
European Regional International Society and the Political Economy of the Global Sugar Regime 欧洲、区域、国际社会和全球食糖制度的政治经济
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-11 DOI: 10.1093/isr/viad008
Kieran Andrieu, Rowan Lubbock
This paper seeks to contribute to the English School's (ES) understanding of the European Regional International Society (ERIS) through the work of Karl Polanyi. While ES theory has long been interested in regional international societies, its general approach remains limited to a methodologically internationalist frame that fails to capture the dynamism and historical change of regional formations. We therefore aim to better ground the ES account of the ERIS within a more robust political economy framework that incorporates domestic dynamics with international processes. The article first examines the making of the nineteenth-century liberal order and its eventual breakdown during the turn of the century—the “great transformation”, which ultimately informed the rationale for the European Community (EC). We then focus our analysis on the EC's Common Agricultural Policy. With specific examination of sugar production, we explore the tensions and contradictions bound up with the formation of a protected domestic and regional sugar market, the pressures it exerted on the wider international society, and the ways in which European officials skillfully exploited the post-Cold War liberalization of international society as a means of (partially) “disembedding” European sugar. Lastly, we hope that this article begins a new conversation on how the tenets of political economy (Polanyian or otherwise) might, at long last, make an impact on ES theory.
本文试图通过卡尔·波兰尼的工作,为英国学派(ES)对欧洲区域国际社会(ERIS)的理解做出贡献。虽然ES理论长期以来一直对区域国际社会感兴趣,但其一般方法仍然局限于方法论上的国际主义框架,未能捕捉区域形成的动力和历史变化。因此,我们的目标是将ERIS的ES账户更好地建立在一个更强大的政治经济框架中,该框架将国内动态与国际进程结合起来。本文首先考察了19世纪自由秩序的形成及其在世纪之交的最终崩溃——“大变革”,它最终为欧共体(EC)的成立提供了依据。然后,我们将重点分析欧共体的共同农业政策。通过对食糖生产的具体考察,我们探讨了与受保护的国内和区域食糖市场形成有关的紧张和矛盾,它对更广泛的国际社会施加的压力,以及欧洲官员巧妙地利用冷战后国际社会自由化作为(部分)“脱离”欧洲食糖的手段的方式。最后,我们希望这篇文章能开启一场新的对话,讨论政治经济学(波兰学派或其他学派)的原则最终如何对社会经济学理论产生影响。
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引用次数: 1
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International Studies Review
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