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Systemism and International Relations: How a Graphic Method Can Enhance Communication 系统主义与国际关系:图形化方法如何促进交流
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-05-10 DOI: 10.1093/isr/viad013
Sercan Canbolat, Sarah Gansen, Patrick James
This article brings a broad array of works, which pertain to different research areas of international relations (IR), into contact with each other via a graphic method, systemism, to obtain insights that otherwise might prove elusive. Completion of these tasks is anticipated to exemplify how the systemist approach can enhance communication throughout IR. Systemism is introduced as a graphic technique for communicating arguments. Systemist graphics are used to convey the contents of (a) two studies that focus on theory per se and (b) a range of topics—foreign policy analysis, forecasting, and conflict processes. Systematic synthesis focusing on the two works about theory and bricolagic bridging that is based on all five studies reveal the contributions of a systemist approach, respectively, to the logics of confirmation and discovery. Value added from the systemist approach is confirmed for both IR research and pedagogy.
本文将涉及国际关系(IR)不同研究领域的大量著作,通过一种图形化的方法,即系统主义,相互联系起来,以获得否则可能难以捉摸的见解。预计这些任务的完成将举例说明系统方法如何在整个IR中加强沟通。系统主义是作为一种交流论点的图形技术而引入的。系统图形用于传达以下内容:(a)两项研究侧重于理论本身;(b)一系列主题——外交政策分析、预测和冲突过程。系统的综合集中在两个关于理论和桥接的工作,这是基于所有五个研究揭示了系统方法的贡献,分别对确认和发现的逻辑。系统方法的附加值在IR研究和教学中都得到了证实。
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引用次数: 1
Technological Sovereignty as Ability, Not Autarky 技术主权是一种能力,而不是自给自足
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1093/isr/viad012
Christoph March, Ina Schieferdecker
Aspirations toward technological sovereignty increasingly pervade the political debate. Yet, an ambiguous definition leaves the exact goal of those aspirations and the policies to fulfil them unclear. This opens the door for vested interests who benefit from misinterpreting the goal, e.g., as a strive for autarky, nationalism, and the rollback of globalization. To close this gap, we show how certain key technologies challenge state sovereignty as conventionally understood. By interpreting technological sovereignty in this light, we develop a competence-based definition, which puts innovation policy at the core of fulfilling sovereignty aspirations. Moreover, we establish the important role of international cooperation and trade to enhance technological sovereignty understood as ability. Hence, autarky would be detrimental rather than helpful to technological sovereignty. Two case studies illustrate how innovation policy helps to achieve technological sovereignty.
对技术主权的渴望日益渗透到政治辩论中。然而,模棱两可的定义使得这些愿望的确切目标和实现这些目标的政策不明确。这为既得利益者打开了大门,他们通过误解目标而受益,例如,将其视为争取自给自足、民族主义和全球化倒退。为了缩小这一差距,我们展示了某些关键技术如何挑战传统意义上的国家主权。通过从这个角度解释技术主权,我们提出了一个基于能力的定义,将创新政策置于实现主权愿望的核心。此外,我们建立了国际合作和贸易的重要作用,以提高技术主权理解为能力。因此,对技术主权来说,闭关自守是有害的,而不是有益的。两个案例研究说明了创新政策如何有助于实现技术主权。
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引用次数: 7
Understanding German Foreign Policy in the (Post-)Merkel Era—Review Essay 理解(后)默克尔时代的德国外交政策-评论文章
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-13 DOI: 10.1093/isr/viad007
Jakub Eberle
This essay reviews four recent books on Germany's foreign policy with emphasis on the era of Angela Merkel. The evaluation is based on their (a) added value to scholarship on German foreign policy, (b) theoretical sophistication and contribution to IR, and (c) relevance also for the post-Merkel era. I argue that the books bring in valuable insights regarding the enduring, yet also changeable role of anti-militarism and provide knowledgeable analyses of the failure of Germany's policies toward Russia. Importantly, they enrich also broader literatures, especially in their focus on discursive change and state power in the European Union context. I demonstrate that these ideas help us understand Germany's struggle to redefine its role after Russia's invasion of Ukraine, and offer more nuanced analyses of Germany's policies and their specifics, staying clear of treating the country as a priori exceptional.
这篇文章回顾了最近出版的四本关于德国外交政策的书,重点是安格拉•默克尔(Angela Merkel)的时代。评估是基于他们(a)对德国外交政策学术研究的附加值,(b)对国际关系的理论复杂性和贡献,以及(c)对后默克尔时代的相关性。我认为,这些书对反军国主义的持久而又多变的作用提供了有价值的见解,并对德国对俄政策的失败提供了有见地的分析。重要的是,他们也丰富了更广泛的文献,特别是在他们对欧盟背景下话语变化和国家权力的关注。我证明,这些想法有助于我们理解德国在俄罗斯入侵乌克兰后重新定义其角色的努力,并对德国的政策及其具体内容进行了更细致的分析,避免将该国视为先天的例外。
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引用次数: 0
European Regional International Society and the Political Economy of the Global Sugar Regime 欧洲、区域、国际社会和全球食糖制度的政治经济
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-11 DOI: 10.1093/isr/viad008
Kieran Andrieu, Rowan Lubbock
This paper seeks to contribute to the English School's (ES) understanding of the European Regional International Society (ERIS) through the work of Karl Polanyi. While ES theory has long been interested in regional international societies, its general approach remains limited to a methodologically internationalist frame that fails to capture the dynamism and historical change of regional formations. We therefore aim to better ground the ES account of the ERIS within a more robust political economy framework that incorporates domestic dynamics with international processes. The article first examines the making of the nineteenth-century liberal order and its eventual breakdown during the turn of the century—the “great transformation”, which ultimately informed the rationale for the European Community (EC). We then focus our analysis on the EC's Common Agricultural Policy. With specific examination of sugar production, we explore the tensions and contradictions bound up with the formation of a protected domestic and regional sugar market, the pressures it exerted on the wider international society, and the ways in which European officials skillfully exploited the post-Cold War liberalization of international society as a means of (partially) “disembedding” European sugar. Lastly, we hope that this article begins a new conversation on how the tenets of political economy (Polanyian or otherwise) might, at long last, make an impact on ES theory.
本文试图通过卡尔·波兰尼的工作,为英国学派(ES)对欧洲区域国际社会(ERIS)的理解做出贡献。虽然ES理论长期以来一直对区域国际社会感兴趣,但其一般方法仍然局限于方法论上的国际主义框架,未能捕捉区域形成的动力和历史变化。因此,我们的目标是将ERIS的ES账户更好地建立在一个更强大的政治经济框架中,该框架将国内动态与国际进程结合起来。本文首先考察了19世纪自由秩序的形成及其在世纪之交的最终崩溃——“大变革”,它最终为欧共体(EC)的成立提供了依据。然后,我们将重点分析欧共体的共同农业政策。通过对食糖生产的具体考察,我们探讨了与受保护的国内和区域食糖市场形成有关的紧张和矛盾,它对更广泛的国际社会施加的压力,以及欧洲官员巧妙地利用冷战后国际社会自由化作为(部分)“脱离”欧洲食糖的手段的方式。最后,我们希望这篇文章能开启一场新的对话,讨论政治经济学(波兰学派或其他学派)的原则最终如何对社会经济学理论产生影响。
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引用次数: 1
The Challenges of Multilateralism 多边主义的挑战
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1093/isr/viad009
Philip Giurlando
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引用次数: 0
Forum: Challenges to Scholarship and Policy During Crises 论坛:危机时期学术与政策面临的挑战
1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1093/isr/viad017
Graeme Davies, Jessica De Alba-Ulloa, Faten Ghosn, Kristian Skrede Gleditsch, Marianne Kneuer, Helen Milner, Etel Solingen
Abstract The COVID-19 pandemic has had a dramatic influence on mortality and public health and generated much speculation on potential impacts on international politics. Fast-moving crises such as the COVID pandemic and 2008 financial crises entail many challenges for scholarship; events evolve rapidly, our prior knowledge base is limited, it is unclear whether existing theories or analogies apply, and new research findings emerge quickly but also erratically. Researchers face demands to engage with policy and general audiences when normal standards of scholarship may be difficult to apply. Crises can also have a dramatic impact on how we conduct research and interact with other scholars. The forum introduction outlines how crises pose challenges for scholarship and policy and the value of approaching crises such as COVID-19 in comparative perspective. Milner highlights the important differences between the immediately observable short-term impact of crises and the more difficult to evaluate long-run impacts. Kneuer examines how crises can impact political change, detailing how COVID countermeasures can serve as a pretext for autocratization and the safeguards afforded by institutions. Solingen examines the impact of serial crises on global value chains and the difficulties in tracing impacts when crises are compounded. De Alba-Ulloa documents how scholars in the Global South and North face similar challenges during the COVID pandemic, but differences in resources to mitigate can exacerbate inequalities. Davies highlights the difficulties in studying public opinion during COVID and need for behavioral data to understand global health emergencies. Ghosn examines dilemmas in interacting with severely affected communities during crises and offers advice on better practices.
2019冠状病毒病(COVID-19)大流行对死亡率和公共卫生产生了巨大影响,并引发了对国际政治潜在影响的诸多猜测。快速发展的危机,如COVID大流行和2008年金融危机,给奖学金带来了许多挑战;事件发展迅速,我们的先验知识基础有限,不清楚现有的理论或类比是否适用,新的研究成果迅速出现,但也不稳定。当正常的学术标准可能难以适用时,研究人员面临着与政策和普通受众接触的要求。危机也会对我们如何进行研究以及如何与其他学者互动产生巨大影响。论坛介绍概述了危机如何给学术和政策带来挑战,以及从比较的角度看待COVID-19等危机的价值。米尔纳强调了危机直接可见的短期影响与更难以评估的长期影响之间的重要区别。Kneuer研究了危机如何影响政治变革,详细介绍了COVID对策如何成为专制和机构提供保障的借口。索林根研究了一系列危机对全球价值链的影响,以及在危机加剧时追踪影响的困难。De Alba-Ulloa记录了全球南方和北方的学者如何在COVID大流行期间面临类似的挑战,但缓解资源的差异可能会加剧不平等。Davies强调了在COVID期间研究公众舆论的困难,以及需要行为数据来了解全球突发卫生事件。戈恩研究了在危机期间与受严重影响的社区互动时面临的困境,并就更好的做法提出了建议。
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引用次数: 0
Redefining Development: The Extraordinary Genesis of the Sustainable Development Goals 重新定义发展:可持续发展目标的非凡起源
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1093/isr/viad011
C. Stevens
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引用次数: 0
A Typology of Ontological Insecurity Mechanisms: Russia's Military Engagement in Syria 本体论不安全机制的类型学:俄罗斯在叙利亚的军事介入
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1093/isr/viad016
Hugo von Essen, August Danielson
Because of the novel explanations it generates for states’ security- and identity-related behavior, the concept of ontological security has been used increasingly in the International Relations (IR) literature in recent years. However, the abundance of interpretations of the concept means that it is often used in conflicting ways. To counter the risk of conceptual stretching and provide the foundation for a common research agenda, this article constructs a typology of ontological security mechanisms. Two dimensions of ontological insecurity are highlighted: the sources and the causes of anxiety. We argue that the source of anxiety can be reflexive, relational, or systemic, while the cause of anxiety can be either shame or discontinuity. These two dimensions produce six mechanisms of ontological insecurity that reflect how the concept is used in the contemporary ontological security literature in IR. By specifying these mechanisms, we argue that the typology offers IR scholars the ability to produce even more nuanced and fine-grained explanations of state behavior driven by ontological insecurity. Finally, to demonstrate the utility of this typology, the article provides an illustrative case study of Russia's engagement in the conflict in Syria in 2015–2017.
由于本体论安全的概念对国家安全和身份相关行为产生了新的解释,近年来,本体论安全的概念在国际关系文献中得到了越来越多的应用。然而,对这个概念的大量解释意味着它经常以相互冲突的方式使用。为了应对概念延伸的风险并为共同的研究议程提供基础,本文构建了一个本体论安全机制的类型学。本体论不安全感的两个维度被强调:焦虑的来源和原因。我们认为,焦虑的来源可以是反射性的、关系性的或系统性的,而焦虑的原因可以是羞耻感或不连续性。这两个维度产生了本体不安全的六种机制,反映了该概念在当代本体安全文献中的使用情况。通过指定这些机制,我们认为类型学为IR学者提供了对本体不安全驱动的状态行为进行更细致和细粒度解释的能力。最后,为了证明这一类型学的实用性,本文提供了2015-2017年俄罗斯参与叙利亚冲突的说明性案例研究。
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引用次数: 0
Civilizationism and the Ideological Contestation of the Liberal International Order 文明主义与自由国际秩序的意识形态之争
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1093/isr/viad006
Gregorio Bettiza, D. Bolton, David G. Lewis
Discourses and practices reproducing a world where a plurality of distinct civilizations clash or dialogue, rise or fall, color multiple facets of global politics today. How should we interpret this unexpected surge in civilizational politics, especially notable in the United States, Europe, the Middle East, China, and Russia? This paper argues that the growing turn to civilizations or, better, civilizationism should be understood as a counter-hegemonic ideological reaction to the globalization of the liberal international order. It theorizes the deepening and widening of the liberal international order in the aftermath of the Cold War as enabled by powerful constitutive ideological forces, which congeal into a distinctively modern, informal, universal standard of civilization. This liberal civilizational standard can be experienced by a particular category of non (fully) liberal actors within and beyond the West as ideologically entrapping them—through processes of socialization or stigmatization—in a state of symbolic disempowerment. The paper shows how civilizationism provides an ideological path for resisting and contesting the liberal standard of civilization by articulating a distinct and valued (essentialized) sense of collective belonging, and an alternative (generally illiberal) normative system and (broadly multipolar) vision of international order. Along with theorizing and exploring in original ways the drivers of civilizational politics in the current historical juncture, the paper makes two further contributions. It highlights and unpacks the key role of ideological dynamics in the making and contestation of international orders in general and the liberal one in particular. It suggests and shows why civilizations are best approached as ideological constructs rather than cultures, identities, or discourses.
话语和实践再现了一个世界,在这个世界上,多种不同的文明发生冲突或对话,兴起或衰落,为当今全球政治的多个方面增添了色彩。我们应该如何解释文明政治的这种意想不到的激增,尤其是在美国、欧洲、中东、中国和俄罗斯?本文认为,日益增长的文明转向,或者更好地说,文明主义应该被理解为对自由主义国际秩序全球化的反霸权意识形态反应。它将冷战后自由国际秩序的深化和扩大理论化,这是由强大的构成性意识形态力量促成的,这些力量凝结成一种独特的现代、非正式的、普遍的文明标准。这种自由主义的文明标准可以被西方内外的一类特殊的非(完全)自由主义行为者体验到,通过社会化或污名化的过程,他们在意识形态上被困在一种象征性的权力剥夺状态中。本文展示了文明主义如何通过阐明一种独特的、有价值的(本质化的)集体归属感,以及另一种(通常是非自由主义的)规范体系和国际秩序(广泛的多极)愿景,为抵制和挑战自由主义的文明标准提供了一种意识形态路径。在对当前历史关头的文明政治动因进行理论化和原创性探索的同时,本文还做出了两方面的贡献。它强调并揭示了意识形态动态在国际秩序的制定和争论中的关键作用,特别是自由主义秩序。它暗示并展示了为什么文明最好是作为意识形态结构而不是文化、身份或话语来研究的。
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引用次数: 0
Reducing and Managing Risk: The Dimensions of Strong Ceasefires in Intra-State Conflict 减少和管理风险:国内冲突中强力停火的维度
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-02-08 DOI: 10.1093/isr/viac065
Laurie Nathan, Ajay Sethi
This article presents a conceptual framework for analyzing the strength of ceasefires in intra-state conflict. The framework is based on the perspectives of ceasefire practitioners. The practitioners view the essence of ceasefire design as the reduction and management of risk, which ranges in severity from violations to complete breakdown of the ceasefire agreement. The framework identifies three determinants of ceasefire risk: the design's objective quality, being the extent to which the ceasefire arrangements reduce and manage risk; the design's subjective quality, being the parties’ satisfaction with these arrangements; and the will of the parties to end the conflict through negotiations. Each dimension is negatively associated with risk, such that strong objective quality, strong subjective quality, and strong political will reduce the level of risk. We explore the effects of these dimensions and the relationship between them. We discuss two exceptions to the standard thesis that objectively strong design leads to subjectively strong design and ceasefire durability: “spurious agreements,” which are signed by the parties under duress with no intention of honoring them, and preliminary ceasefires, which the parties generally prefer to be objectively weak. We illustrate the conceptual framework through case studies of ceasefires in Sudan and South Sudan.
本文提出了一个分析国内冲突中停火强度的概念框架。该框架以停火执行者的观点为基础。从业人员认为,停火设计的本质是减少和管理风险,风险的严重程度从违反停火协议到完全破坏停火协议不等。该框架确定了停火风险的三个决定因素:设计的客观质量,即停火安排减少和管理风险的程度;设计的主观质量,即当事人对这些安排的满意程度;以及各方通过谈判结束冲突的意愿。每个维度都与风险负相关,因此强客观质量、强主观质量和强政治意愿会降低风险水平。我们将探讨这些维度的影响以及它们之间的关系。我们讨论了客观上强大的设计导致主观上强大的设计和停火持久性的标准论点的两个例外:“虚假协议”,即各方在胁迫下签署的,无意履行它们;以及初步停火,各方通常更喜欢客观上软弱的停火。我们通过对苏丹和南苏丹停火的案例研究来阐述这一概念框架。
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引用次数: 0
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International Studies Review
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