This paper introduces a comparative examination of two media products, which have been delivered by the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God (UCKG): An advertising piece for the "I am Universal"campaign, available on the internet and a believer’s testimony, which has been publicized in one of the shows the UCKG programming is comprised of (set of shows exhibited by the church during the early hours), broadcast in the Brazilian State of Minas Gerais. Both objects of study share the history of Claudio Soares, this ex-homeless man who has become a well-succeeded entrepreneur. Making use of the Franco-Brazilian Discourse Analysis of Eni Orlandi and Michel Pecheux as our theoretical referential, additionally to elements from the Aristotelian Rhetoric, we aimed at identifying the various discursive strategies that the UCKG deploys, based on these two enunciating contexts. Given these points, it has been observed that such strategies differ, according to the specific objectives of each product and the audience for which they are intended.
{"title":"Entre o convencer e o admirar: estratégias discursivas da Igreja Universal na Programação IURD e na campanha Eu Sou A Universal","authors":"Marco Túlio de Sousa, Jênifer Rosa de Oliveira","doi":"10.20287/EC.N26.V1.A04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20287/EC.N26.V1.A04","url":null,"abstract":"This paper introduces a comparative examination of two media products, which have been delivered by the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God (UCKG): An advertising piece for the \"I am Universal\"campaign, available on the internet and a believer’s testimony, which has been publicized in one of the shows the UCKG programming is comprised of (set of shows exhibited by the church during the early hours), broadcast in the Brazilian State of Minas Gerais. Both objects of study share the history of Claudio Soares, this ex-homeless man who has become a well-succeeded entrepreneur. Making use of the Franco-Brazilian Discourse Analysis of Eni Orlandi and Michel Pecheux as our theoretical referential, additionally to elements from the Aristotelian Rhetoric, we aimed at identifying the various discursive strategies that the UCKG deploys, based on these two enunciating contexts. Given these points, it has been observed that such strategies differ, according to the specific objectives of each product and the audience for which they are intended.","PeriodicalId":55854,"journal":{"name":"Estudos em Comunicacao","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47297839","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since the early days of television the children’s audience is considered an engaged consumer of transmedia storytelling and the research on this scenario is increasingly expressive. This research was inspired by this context and aims to analyze transmedia intertextuality practices in television serial fiction in cartoon of Back to the future film (1991-1992), co- ming from the movie’s trilogy with the same name (1985-1990). Six episodes were selected and analy zed based on transmedia intertextuality concept proposed by Kinder (1991). The results show that the television series provides educational and informative experiences, as well as being considered an expansion of the universe of originals cinematographic films. The practice of transmedia intertextuality occurs mainly through citation and allusion procedures.
{"title":"As narrativas audiovisuais destinadas ao público infantil no início da década de 1990: práticas de intertextualidade transmídia em desenhos animados","authors":"R. Bona","doi":"10.20287/EC.N26.V1.A12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20287/EC.N26.V1.A12","url":null,"abstract":"Since the early days of television the children’s audience is considered an engaged consumer of transmedia storytelling and the research on this scenario is increasingly expressive. This research was inspired by this context and aims to analyze transmedia intertextuality practices in television serial fiction in cartoon of Back to the future film (1991-1992), co- ming from the movie’s trilogy with the same name (1985-1990). Six episodes were selected and analy zed based on transmedia intertextuality concept proposed by Kinder (1991). The results show that the television series provides educational and informative experiences, as well as being considered an expansion of the universe of originals cinematographic films. The practice of transmedia intertextuality occurs mainly through citation and allusion procedures.","PeriodicalId":55854,"journal":{"name":"Estudos em Comunicacao","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49176607","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this essay, which is divided into three parts, we attempt to distinguish the concept of lie/manipulation of post-truth. Beginning with Plato’s Hippias Minor and ending with Donald Trump, we discuss the con sequences and dangers of post-truth for journalism and information, in particular, as well as for res publica and democracy.
{"title":"De Hípias Menor a Trump: das virtudes do erro (e da mentira) ao erro da pós-verdade","authors":"E. Barroso, Rui Estrada","doi":"10.20287/EC.N26.V1.A17","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20287/EC.N26.V1.A17","url":null,"abstract":"In this essay, which is divided into three parts, we attempt to distinguish the concept of lie/manipulation of post-truth. Beginning with Plato’s Hippias Minor and ending with Donald Trump, we discuss the con sequences and dangers of post-truth for journalism and information, in particular, as well as for res publica and democracy.","PeriodicalId":55854,"journal":{"name":"Estudos em Comunicacao","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48174306","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The international financial crisis, originated in the United States in 2007, was not anticipated by most scholars and policymakers. The Brexit and the vic- tory of Donald Trump in the US elections also surprised the majority of opinion makers. These events raise important issues, namely the actual forecasting capacity of experts. According to some authors, the spectre of populism is haunting the Western world. On the other hand, elitism, a kind of populism turned upside down, seems to gain a new life. Somehow, faith in humankind is scarce these days. There is a new coming of the views of the masses’ ignorance, irresponsibility and irrationality. Furthermore, today the masses have a wide-ranging participation in pu- blic discussion through social media, without medi- ation. In this article, standing on the views of several authors on the relation between experts and the public, we explore the following questions: (1) In a democratic society, what is the contribution of experts to improve the methods and the setting of public discussion and, on the other hand, to the poli- tical decision-making processes? (2) in which conditions can experts’ forecasts be more accurate than the public emotions and intuitions?
{"title":"Os especialistas e o público","authors":"José Carlos Alexandre","doi":"10.20287/EC.N26.V2.A01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20287/EC.N26.V2.A01","url":null,"abstract":"The international financial crisis, originated in the United States in 2007, was not anticipated by most scholars and policymakers. The Brexit and the vic- tory of Donald Trump in the US elections also surprised the majority of opinion makers. These events raise important issues, namely the actual forecasting capacity of experts. According to some authors, the spectre of populism is haunting the Western world. On the other hand, elitism, a kind of populism turned upside down, seems to gain a new life. Somehow, faith in humankind is scarce these days. There is a new coming of the views of the masses’ ignorance, irresponsibility and irrationality. Furthermore, today the masses have a wide-ranging participation in pu- blic discussion through social media, without medi- ation. In this article, standing on the views of several authors on the relation between experts and the public, we explore the following questions: (1) In a democratic society, what is the contribution of experts to improve the methods and the setting of public discussion and, on the other hand, to the poli- tical decision-making processes? (2) in which conditions can experts’ forecasts be more accurate than the public emotions and intuitions?","PeriodicalId":55854,"journal":{"name":"Estudos em Comunicacao","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48822457","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Considering the background of the refugee crisis, September 2, 2015 unequivocally marks the media coverage given to this issue around the world. The appearance of a corpse of a three-year-old Syrian child on a Turkish beach has greatly contributed to a different framework of the crisis that has come to have a face and a name: Aylan Kurdi. Without setting a comparison between the before and after this media event, the purpose is to analyze how this event influenced media coverage of the refugee crisis in subsequent moments. Using a convenience sample will be analyzed four specific moments relying on the image of Aylan Kurdi that seem significant to us of what this photo came to signify, during the framing process. This paper aims to extract the analysis of the online version of two quality newspapers from Portugal and Spain, at a time of the refugees’ crisis. Through the discourse analysis of the collected data related with framing and priming effects one tries to add a new concept to the many ones already existing in the field of effects theory: the concept of awakening-image, as an element that triggers a set of memories and latent knowledge associated with an issue, subject or protagonist.
{"title":"Aylan Kurdi como imagem-despertador da crise dos refugiados: o enquadramento da imprensa ibérica","authors":"Rafael Mangana","doi":"10.20287/ec.n26.v2.a05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20287/ec.n26.v2.a05","url":null,"abstract":"Considering the background of the refugee crisis, September 2, 2015 unequivocally marks the media coverage given to this issue around the world. The appearance of a corpse of a three-year-old Syrian child on a Turkish beach has greatly contributed to a different framework of the crisis that has come to have a face and a name: Aylan Kurdi. Without setting a comparison between the before and after this media event, the purpose is to analyze how this event influenced media coverage of the refugee crisis in subsequent moments. Using a convenience sample will be analyzed four specific moments relying on the image of Aylan Kurdi that seem significant to us of what this photo came to signify, during the framing process. This paper aims to extract the analysis of the online version of two quality newspapers from Portugal and Spain, at a time of the refugees’ crisis. Through the discourse analysis of the collected data related with framing and priming effects one tries to add a new concept to the many ones already existing in the field of effects theory: the concept of awakening-image, as an element that triggers a set of memories and latent knowledge associated with an issue, subject or protagonist.","PeriodicalId":55854,"journal":{"name":"Estudos em Comunicacao","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48386487","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article aims to analyze the communication established among the social actors through twitter during the protests for the impeachment of Brazil’s former president, Dilma Rousseff. A total of 250 posts were analyzed, categorized to search aspects such as violence, humor, gender of the social actors, position adopted (against or in favor of the government). We used a bibliographic review to perform the research and analysis of qualitative and quantitative content of the material. It is noticed that there is ample use of the humor for violence manifestations that are processed in the digital network. There is also a higher prevalence of posts with content linked to humor and irony compared to posts with content involving violence.
{"title":"Humor e violência no Tuíter durante os protestos pelo impeachment de Dilma Rousseff","authors":"Anelisa Maradei","doi":"10.20287/ec.n26.v2.a10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20287/ec.n26.v2.a10","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to analyze the communication established among the social actors through twitter during the protests for the impeachment of Brazil’s former president, Dilma Rousseff. A total of 250 posts were analyzed, categorized to search aspects such as violence, humor, gender of the social actors, position adopted (against or in favor of the government). We used a bibliographic review to perform the research and analysis of qualitative and quantitative content of the material. It is noticed that there is ample use of the humor for violence manifestations that are processed in the digital network. There is also a higher prevalence of posts with content linked to humor and irony compared to posts with content involving violence.","PeriodicalId":55854,"journal":{"name":"Estudos em Comunicacao","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48759402","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper analyses the media news frames by the French newspapers Le Monde and Le Figaro about Brazil’s former president Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva in the Lava Jato investigation. The analysis of 32 articles published by the papers suggests that Lula is constantly framed as a successful in his two terms as president and to his personality. However, the titles frames are more negative than the content of the texts.
{"title":"Enquadramentos midiáticos de Lula na imprensa francesa: uma análise do Le Monde e Le Figaro","authors":"A. Hoffmann, Luís Mauro Sá Martino","doi":"10.20287/EC.N26.V2.A11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20287/EC.N26.V2.A11","url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyses the media news frames by the French newspapers Le Monde and Le Figaro about Brazil’s former president Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva in the Lava Jato investigation. The analysis of 32 articles published by the papers suggests that Lula is constantly framed as a successful in his two terms as president and to his personality. However, the titles frames are more negative than the content of the texts.","PeriodicalId":55854,"journal":{"name":"Estudos em Comunicacao","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47408502","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
R. D. Castro, José Shirley Pessoa do Nascimento, Francisca Izabel A. dos Santos
From 2013 Brazil has given a new meaning to its policy in a very particular way. One of the most striking consequences for the country’s democracy was the culmination of the impeachment of the twice- elected president (2010 and 2014) with more than 51 million direct votes, Dilma Rousseff, of the Partido dos Trabalhadores. The new government started in 2015 was marked by intense oppositionist manifestations articulated by right-wing parties and rightwing politicians, together with conservative and neo- liberal sectors and institutions such as the Federacao da Industria de Sao Paulo (FIESP) and with broad support, in an alternation of scheduling and spiral of silence, of much of the traditional and corporatist Brazilian media. Parallel to this, the isolation of the legislative branch from one of the largest investigations into corruption (which begins within Petrobras and expands to other institutions, including the real estate market and the political class) -the Lava Jato, which included the name of most Brazilian politicians ended up generating a crisis not only of political representation, but within the political system itself. President Dilma suffers a coup d’etat and leaves the government in 2016. Assumes its deputy president, Michel Temer, with the proposal of being "the president of the great reforms". In this context are inserted the proposals for social security reform (PEC 287) that among other things changes the minimum age required for retirement; and the labor reform that dilutes some rights of the formal workers in the name of a generation of employment and income of the productive sector, as an alternative to come out of the economic crisis. However, the mood of dissatisfaction and polarization between left and right did not calm down after impeachment. And since the beginning of 2017, when these two reforms were put on the agenda of the media and Congress for voting, a series of protests, demonstrations and strikes reasserted the forces of desire for direct political participation. The left, somewhat discouraged post-impeachment, saw the popular dissatisfaction with the two reforms, the possibility of union of a large part of the population in a single cause: stop the dismantling of workers’ rights. Thus, some demonstrations and striking movements were carried out in the first year of the Temer Government, but silenced or scheduled in a distorted way by the mainstream media. This article therefore proposes to analyze the implementation of reforms of Social Security and Labor Legislation as mechanisms of popular cohesion around dissatisfaction with the new government of Michel Temer and how this relates directly to the media coverage that has made on social manifestations after the impeachment of President Dilma. Qualitatively it will proceed the analysis of discourse of the main news made around the reforms.
{"title":"Reforma da previdência e trabalhista no Brasil: a democracia midiatizada no pós-impeachment de 2016","authors":"R. D. Castro, José Shirley Pessoa do Nascimento, Francisca Izabel A. dos Santos","doi":"10.20287/ec.n26.v2.a20","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20287/ec.n26.v2.a20","url":null,"abstract":"From 2013 Brazil has given a new meaning to its policy in a very particular way. One of the most striking consequences for the country’s democracy was the culmination of the impeachment of the twice- elected president (2010 and 2014) with more than 51 million direct votes, Dilma Rousseff, of the Partido dos Trabalhadores. The new government started in 2015 was marked by intense oppositionist manifestations articulated by right-wing parties and rightwing politicians, together with conservative and neo- liberal sectors and institutions such as the Federacao da Industria de Sao Paulo (FIESP) and with broad support, in an alternation of scheduling and spiral of silence, of much of the traditional and corporatist Brazilian media. Parallel to this, the isolation of the legislative branch from one of the largest investigations into corruption (which begins within Petrobras and expands to other institutions, including the real estate market and the political class) -the Lava Jato, which included the name of most Brazilian politicians ended up generating a crisis not only of political representation, but within the political system itself. President Dilma suffers a coup d’etat and leaves the government in 2016. Assumes its deputy president, Michel Temer, with the proposal of being \"the president of the great reforms\". In this context are inserted the proposals for social security reform (PEC 287) that among other things changes the minimum age required for retirement; and the labor reform that dilutes some rights of the formal workers in the name of a generation of employment and income of the productive sector, as an alternative to come out of the economic crisis. However, the mood of dissatisfaction and polarization between left and right did not calm down after impeachment. And since the beginning of 2017, when these two reforms were put on the agenda of the media and Congress for voting, a series of protests, demonstrations and strikes reasserted the forces of desire for direct political participation. The left, somewhat discouraged post-impeachment, saw the popular dissatisfaction with the two reforms, the possibility of union of a large part of the population in a single cause: stop the dismantling of workers’ rights. Thus, some demonstrations and striking movements were carried out in the first year of the Temer Government, but silenced or scheduled in a distorted way by the mainstream media. This article therefore proposes to analyze the implementation of reforms of Social Security and Labor Legislation as mechanisms of popular cohesion around dissatisfaction with the new government of Michel Temer and how this relates directly to the media coverage that has made on social manifestations after the impeachment of President Dilma. Qualitatively it will proceed the analysis of discourse of the main news made around the reforms.","PeriodicalId":55854,"journal":{"name":"Estudos em Comunicacao","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48532177","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this essay, we focus on how the three main Brazilian weekly magazines – Veja, Epoca e Isto E – portrayed judges Joaquim Barbosa and Sergio Moro, in the period between 2007 and 2017, in search of image construction of the "judge-hero". To support our view that there was a deliberate action by the editors to promote greater visibility to the aforementioned judges, we have compared the frequency of appearances by members of the Brazilian Judiciary on the covers of the weeklies in all editions between 1968 and 2017. Subsequently, we have dedicated more attention to the covers that presented the two judges, and we have carried out the textual analysis of the titles and subtitles that made up with the imagistic construction of the message objectified by the editorials of the magazines. Finally, we have cros- sed the information obtained with the results of a survey carried out in Brazil in 2017, where we have found the flagrant opposition, on the level of credi- bility manifested by Brazilians, between politicians and political institutions and between members of the judiciary and judicial institutions.
本文以2007年至2017年间巴西三家主要周刊《Veja》、《Epoca e Isto e》对法官若阿金·巴博萨和塞尔吉奥·莫罗的刻画为研究对象，探讨“法官英雄”的形象建构。为了支持我们的观点，即编辑们有意采取行动，提高上述法官的知名度，我们比较了巴西司法机构成员在1968年至2017年期间在所有版本的周刊封面上露面的频率。随后，我们将更多的注意力放在了两位评委的封面上，并对标题和副标题进行了文本分析，这些标题和副标题构成了杂志社论对象化信息的意象建构。最后，我们将获得的信息与2017年在巴西进行的一项调查的结果进行了交叉，在那里我们发现，在巴西人表现出的信誉水平上，政治家和政治机构之间以及司法机构成员和司法机构之间存在公然反对。
{"title":"Heróis de capa: dos tribunais para as listas de intenção de votos. A representação dos juízes Joaquim Barbosa e Sérgio Moro nas capas das principais revistas brasileiras entre 2007 e 2017","authors":"Marcos Queiroz","doi":"10.20287/EC.N26.V2.A17","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20287/EC.N26.V2.A17","url":null,"abstract":"In this essay, we focus on how the three main Brazilian weekly magazines – Veja, Epoca e Isto E – portrayed judges Joaquim Barbosa and Sergio Moro, in the period between 2007 and 2017, in search of image construction of the \"judge-hero\". To support our view that there was a deliberate action by the editors to promote greater visibility to the aforementioned judges, we have compared the frequency of appearances by members of the Brazilian Judiciary on the covers of the weeklies in all editions between 1968 and 2017. Subsequently, we have dedicated more attention to the covers that presented the two judges, and we have carried out the textual analysis of the titles and subtitles that made up with the imagistic construction of the message objectified by the editorials of the magazines. Finally, we have cros- sed the information obtained with the results of a survey carried out in Brazil in 2017, where we have found the flagrant opposition, on the level of credi- bility manifested by Brazilians, between politicians and political institutions and between members of the judiciary and judicial institutions.","PeriodicalId":55854,"journal":{"name":"Estudos em Comunicacao","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48345185","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In our article we seek to reflect on the implications of the word "post-truth" as a way of characterizing our societies suffering from a media, cultural, social and political malaise. We believe that the important research that has already been produced on this issue linking it to the media culture should extend its scope beyond the media in order to understand the unprecedented advance of populism and its formulas that support ultra-right movements which have resurface our democratic horizons. To this end, we consider five elements – what we call truth bubbles – to signal a number of perspectives which we consider critical to understand what is at stake.
{"title":"Bolhas de verdade: cinco alfinetes para (re)construir a democracia","authors":"Maria João Silveirinha","doi":"10.20287/EC.N26.V2.A03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20287/EC.N26.V2.A03","url":null,"abstract":"In our article we seek to reflect on the implications of the word \"post-truth\" as a way of characterizing our societies suffering from a media, cultural, social and political malaise. We believe that the important research that has already been produced on this issue linking it to the media culture should extend its scope beyond the media in order to understand the unprecedented advance of populism and its formulas that support ultra-right movements which have resurface our democratic horizons. To this end, we consider five elements – what we call truth bubbles – to signal a number of perspectives which we consider critical to understand what is at stake.","PeriodicalId":55854,"journal":{"name":"Estudos em Comunicacao","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47665581","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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