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Leo Strauss on Reform in the Era of Technological Democracy 论技术民主时代的改革
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10457097.2022.2140000
B. Frost
Abstract This new and penetrating book offers perhaps the first sustained discussion of themes not usually associated with Leo Strauss, namely democracy, technology, and liberal education. Through the use of published and unpublished sources, Timothy W. Burns reveals that Strauss was deeply immersed in and concerned with all three themes and their interconnectedness. This is especially true when it comes to modern technology and the modern, Enlightenment project.
这本新颖而深刻的书提供了可能是第一次持续讨论通常与利奥·施特劳斯无关的主题,即民主,技术和自由教育。蒂莫西·w·伯恩斯(Timothy W. Burns)通过使用已发表和未发表的资料,揭示了施特劳斯深深沉浸在并关注这三个主题及其相互联系。当涉及到现代技术和现代启蒙运动时,这一点尤其正确。
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引用次数: 0
Liberal Education as the Recovery of Classical Moral and Political Reasoning 通识教育是对古典道德政治推理的恢复
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10457097.2022.2140001
I. Macfarlane
Abstract Tim Burns’ Leo Strauss on Democracy, Technology, and Liberal Education presents a new dimension of Leo Strauss’ treatment of liberal education. Namely, he shows that for Strauss liberal education meant not only liberation from conventional opinions, but also, especially in modernity, a reawakening of a gentlemanly moral seriousness, which both supports political life and provides a foundation for a philosophic education in the strict sense. In this essay, I articulate the key features of Burns’ argument and raise critical questions about his picture of this kind of liberal education in the modern world.
摘要蒂姆·伯恩斯的《利奥·施特劳斯关于民主、技术和自由教育》为利奥·施特劳斯对待自由教育提供了一个新的维度。也就是说,他表明,对施特劳斯来说,自由主义教育不仅意味着从传统观点中解放出来,而且,尤其是在现代性中,意味着对绅士道德严肃性的重新唤醒,这既支持政治生活,又为严格意义上的哲学教育奠定了基础。在这篇文章中,我阐述了伯恩斯论点的主要特征,并对他对现代世界这种自由教育的看法提出了批判性的问题。
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引用次数: 0
Interpretation and Change 诠释与改变
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.4324/9780203079188-16
James R. Stoner
Timothy W. Burns’s Leo Strauss on Democracy, Technology, and Liberal Education is an extraordinary scholarly achievement. Burns offers a lucid and wide-ranging exploration of Strauss’s political philosophy based on an extensive and intimate knowledge not only of Strauss’s voluminous scholarly writing— which itself is difficult, because most of what Strauss wrote supposes extensive and intimate knowledge of the whole canon of political philosophy—but also of much of Strauss’s unpublished work, especially lectures whose typescripts remain among his papers, as well as transcripts of classes, letters, and other notes. Let me raise a preliminary question about this before turning to Burns’s interpretation itself. Recourse to unpublished works is a curious strategy, particularly reliance on unpublished versions of lectures that were later revised and published. Ordinarily one would think an author’s published works provided the most considered record of his thought, assuming he was not edited against his will. Is it that, because Strauss wrote about esoteric writing and was alert to the difference between speaking and writing, Burns believes his thought might be captured better in his lectures than in his publications, the latter of which were by definition exoteric? Would not the usual presumption be to give more authority to a published text—recognizing of course, as Strauss taught, the circumstances surrounding publication—than to a typescript that was never reworked or rewritten? If the lecture was rewritten, should not more authority be given to the finished version rather than the draft? As for his classes, Strauss surely knew they were being recorded, and while it is delightful to hear him teach, can we suppose his statements to a particular class instruct us better than his writings? Or is Burns’s point pedagogical rather than scientific, to help those of us who have read and reread Strauss’s published books and essays over a lifetime to think about him afresh? Turning from this question of methodology to Burns’s account of Strauss’s thought, he begins with a question of political science: How is it with our world today? What kind of politics do we observe and engage in? What is our regime, and is it good? The answer to the “what” question is “liberal democracy,” a regime founded by philosophers and so absent from Aristotle’s schema of natural forms. Would that Marx had been correct in that last thesis on Feuerbach, that philosophers had only interpreted the world, not tried to change it. Instead, since Machiavelli they have done the latter, and with great success, at least at first: transforming the face of the globe and focusing the attention of most men on worldly happiness. What Marx attributes to the bourgeoisie, Strauss attributes to their teachers. He does agree with Marx, it seems, that this has us hurtling toward catastrophe, and without Marx’s sanguine hope that all will be well after the revolution. Having observed the rise of Nazism
Timothy W.Burns关于民主、技术和自由教育的Leo Strauss是一项非凡的学术成就。伯恩斯对施特劳斯的政治哲学进行了清晰而广泛的探索,其基础不仅是对施特劳斯大量学术著作的广泛而深入的了解——这本身就很困难,因为施特劳斯所写的大部分内容都假设对整个政治哲学经典有广泛而深入了解——而且还包括施特劳斯许多未发表的作品,尤其是在他的论文中保留了打字稿的讲座,以及课堂记录、信件和其他笔记。在谈到伯恩斯的解释之前,让我提出一个初步的问题。求助于未出版的作品是一种奇怪的策略,尤其是依赖于后来修订和出版的未出版版本的讲座。通常,人们会认为一位作家出版的作品提供了他思想的最深思熟虑的记录,假设他没有被违背自己的意愿编辑。是不是因为施特劳斯写的是深奥的写作,并对口语和写作之间的区别保持警惕,伯恩斯认为他的思想可能在他的演讲中比在他的出版物中更好地被捕捉到,后者从定义上来说是开放的?通常的假设不是赋予出版文本更多的权力吗?当然,正如施特劳斯所教导的那样,承认出版的环境,而不是赋予从未被改写或改写的打字稿更多的权力?如果讲座被改写了,难道不应该给完成的版本而不是草稿更多的权力吗?至于他的课,施特劳斯当然知道这些课是被记录下来的,虽然听到他讲课很愉快,但我们能假设他对某个特定班级的陈述比他的作品对我们的指导更好吗?或者,伯恩斯的观点是教育性的,而不是科学性的,是为了帮助我们这些一生都在阅读和重读施特劳斯出版的书籍和文章的人重新思考他?从这个方法论问题转向伯恩斯对施特劳斯思想的描述,他从一个政治学问题开始:我们今天的世界怎么样?我们观察和参与什么样的政治?我们的政权是什么?它好吗?“什么”问题的答案是“自由民主”,这是一个由哲学家建立的制度,因此在亚里士多德的自然形式图式中是不存在的。如果马克思在关于费尔巴哈的最后一篇论文中是正确的,那么哲学家们只是解释了世界,而不是试图改变它。相反,自从马基雅维利以来,他们做了后者,并取得了巨大成功,至少在一开始是这样:改变了世界的面貌,并将大多数人的注意力集中在世俗的幸福上。马克思把资产阶级归因于资产阶级,施特劳斯把资产阶级归咎于他们的老师。他似乎确实同意马克思的观点,即这让我们冲向灾难,而没有马克思对革命后一切都会好起来的乐观希望。施特劳斯观察到了纳粹主义的兴起——他在某个地方说,纳粹主义是最高文明中的野蛮行为——他看到了比马克思更糟糕的东西,并通过他对海德格尔的分析和他的致命错误(对他的人民是致命的,而不是他自己)来解释这一点,伯恩斯对此进行了精彩而细致的分析,施特劳斯随后考虑了另一种选择。如果错误是因为误解了哲学家的任务,那么首先要做的就是恢复这项任务,换句话说,证明理解哲学正是苏格拉底所理解的,即极其严肃地学习如何死亡,也就是说,学习如何在人类在宇宙中只会致命的地位面前获得平静。只有到那时,我们才能支持我们的政治,维护我们体面的宪政,复兴我们的传统和与之相结合的信仰,并重新发现自由主义教育,这将有助于形成一种承认(有时甚至会真正实现)人类或政治伟大的绅士。
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引用次数: 0
Statesmanship in Modern Times 近代的政治家风度
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/10457097.2022.2121116
Aaron L. Herold
Abstract The thread uniting the preceding four essays concerns the place of statesmanship within a modern world characterized by mass politics, impersonal forces, and the simultaneous emancipation and denigration of the democratic soul. In this brief response, I consider the capacity of statesmanship to encourage political prudence and moderation today. Noting the importance of the disagreement between Spinoza and Tocqueville for helping us understand this problem, I describe Tocqueville’s acuity in articulating its peculiar dimensions, but I also highlight the importance for today’s liberalism of Spinoza’s defense of reason.
在以大众政治、非个人力量以及民主灵魂的解放和诋毁为特征的现代世界中,将前面四篇文章联系在一起的主线是政治家的地位。在这篇简短的回答中,我思考了政治家在今天鼓励政治审慎和节制的能力。注意到斯宾诺莎和托克维尔之间的分歧对帮助我们理解这个问题的重要性,我描述了托克维尔在阐明其独特维度方面的敏锐,但我也强调了斯宾诺莎对理性的辩护对今天自由主义的重要性。
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引用次数: 1
Unaccommodating Spinoza’s Liberal Theology 斯宾诺莎的自由主义神学
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/10457097.2022.2121112
Samuel A. Stoner
Abstract This review essay explores Chapter One of Aaron Herold’s recent book, The Democratic Soul: Spinoza, Tocqueville, and Enlightenment Theology. After tracing out the logic of Herold’s reconstruction of “Spinoza’s Liberal Theology,” it suggests a Spinozistic rejoinder to the Tocquevillian critique of Spinoza that Herold develops in his book. Further, it raises the question of Spinoza’s understanding of the scope and character of the project of enlightenment that he envisions. Finally, it points toward a Tocquevillian critique of Spinoza’s liberal theology that Herold suggests but does not explicitly develop.
这篇评论文章探讨了亚伦·赫罗尔德的新书《民主灵魂:斯宾诺莎、托克维尔和启蒙神学》的第一章。在追溯了赫罗尔德重建“斯宾诺莎的自由神学”的逻辑之后,它提出了一种斯宾诺莎式的反驳,以反驳赫罗尔德在他的书中对斯宾诺莎的托克维尔式批评。此外,它提出了斯宾诺莎对他所设想的启蒙工程的范围和特征的理解的问题。最后,它指向了托克维尔式的对斯宾诺莎自由主义神学的批判,赫罗尔德提出了这种批评,但没有明确地加以发展。
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引用次数: 1
Sickness and Remedy for the Modern Soul 现代灵魂的疾病与治疗
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/10457097.2022.2121115
Vickie B. Sullivan
Abstract On Aaron Herold’s interpretation, Tocqueville understands that human beings long for a type of transcendence that cannot be satisfied merely by the earthly goods that liberalism promises. Herold finds Tocqueville writing artfully to attempt to return human beings to a deeper understanding of themselves, and in so doing, exercising a type of statesmanship in his writing. This review raises three questions regarding Herold’s presentation of Tocqueville: first, the degree to which noble self-sacrifice is embedded in the American tradition; second, the ultimate status of religious toleration as a moral good in Tocqueville’s thought; and third, Tocqueville’s view of the relation of religion and philosophy.
托克维尔从亚伦·赫罗尔德的解读中理解到,人类渴望一种超越,这种超越不能仅仅由自由主义所承诺的世俗利益来满足。赫罗尔德发现,托克维尔的写作巧妙地试图让人类更深入地了解自己,在这样做的过程中,他在写作中运用了一种政治家的风度。本文对赫罗尔德对托克维尔的描述提出了三个问题:第一,崇高的自我牺牲在多大程度上植根于美国传统;第二,宗教宽容作为道德善在托克维尔思想中的终极地位;第三,托克维尔对宗教与哲学关系的看法。
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引用次数: 1
Religious Statesmanship as Medicine for the Soul 宗教治国作为心灵之药
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/10457097.2022.2121114
Rachel K. Alexander
Abstract Herold’s rich treatment of Tocqueville reminds us of the powerful and indelible spiritual longings of the human soul, and the need for a statesmanship akin to Tocqueville’s own that understands both the nature of the soul and the character of the regime. In short, Herold’s Tocqueville helps us moderate our hopes for American liberal democracy without despairing that nothing can be done.
摘要赫罗尔德对托克维尔的丰富处理让我们想起了人类灵魂强大而不可磨灭的精神渴望,以及对类似托克维尔那样既了解灵魂本质又了解政权特征的政治家风度的需要。简言之,赫罗尔德的托克维尔帮助我们缓和了对美国自由民主的希望,而不会对无能为力感到绝望。
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引用次数: 1
Introduction: Religion and Enlightenment in the Democratic Age 导论:民主时代的宗教与启蒙
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/10457097.2022.2121111
Paul T. Wilford
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引用次数: 0
Locke or Spinoza: Who’s better in a Crisis (of Modernity)? 洛克和斯宾诺莎:在现代性危机中谁更优秀?
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/10457097.2022.2121113
M. Hawley
Abstract The American Founding seems to reflect Spinozist principles, despite the fact that few of the Founders evince any real engagement with Spinoza’s ideas. I argue that the surface-level similarities between the American regime and Spinoza’s political ideal mask deep disagreements. The Lockeanism of the American Founding may in fact contain resources to ameliorate the crisis of modern liberal democracy that Spinoza would only intensify.
美国的建国史似乎反映了斯宾诺莎的原则,尽管事实上很少有开国者真正认同斯宾诺莎的思想。我认为,美国政体与斯宾诺莎的政治理想表面上的相似之处掩盖了深刻的分歧。事实上,美国建国的洛克主义可能包含了一些资源,可以改善斯宾诺莎只会加剧的现代自由民主危机。
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引用次数: 0
His Greatest Speeches: How Lincoln Moved the Nation 他最伟大的演讲:林肯如何感动全国
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-21 DOI: 10.1080/10457097.2022.2123673
P. Myers
barriers created by the differences between previous and contemporary culture, between medieval religiosity and modern secularism, for instance. Montás is deeply concerned about the barriers that current students face to immersing themselves in liberal learning. This is why he so firmly emphasizes the role pedagogy plays in whether a student feels alienated from or invited into the beauty and power of these texts. To demonstrate this point, Montás describes his own experiences reading and teaching St. Augustine’s Confessions. As a student who had a formative encounter with Evangelicalism before his arrival at Columbia, Montás found in Augustine a deeply sincere seeker of the truth at a time in which he was desperate to understand his place in the world. Augustine’s embrace of the doctrine of original sin and the ways this surfaces in his discussion of human infancy did present impediments to Montás. However, these barriers differ from the obstacles most common among his own students. For undergraduates raised in a secular, post-modern, and often cynical age, it can be quite difficult to sympathize with an author “who lives with a vivid sense of God’s presence” or to “admit to a sincere longing for truth.” This is the kind of barrier Montás thinks we must overcome with deliberate pedagogy. For instance, he spends significant time drawing readers into Augustine’s “sensual and passionate personality,” pointing out the way in which his asceticism is not a shutting off, but an expansion. Hinting at links to future chapters on Freud and Gandhi, Austine’s asceticism is framed as enabling another kind of pleasure, “inner drama, adventure, and life-expanding discoveries” made possible by such a singular focus on knowing God. Part of what is so helpful about Montás’s “show rather than tell” approach is the positive vision of a flourishing liberal arts core curriculum he offers. Perhaps unsurprising coming from a program director and teacher, Montás suggests the path forward is in the teaching and the program design; he emphasizes the collaborative elements of the Columbia Core program in which faculty meet on a weekly basis to discuss how they will be treating the same texts. When changes to this common syllabus are considered, it is done in a highly democratic and collaborative process in which faculty propose and debate texts to be added or subtracted. As a result of such substantial faculty in-put, a new syllabus is usually soundly approved. Montás’s model for collaborative teaching and learning serves as a welcome rallying call in a sometimes isolating and individualistic academy. Having highlighted these more practical insights offered in Rescuing Socrates, readers should be advised: to absorb the full value of Montás’s narrative approach, I can only recommend that faculty, administrators, and the public read it! It is a joy to do so.
前代和当代文化之间的差异所造成的障碍,例如中世纪的宗教信仰和现代的世俗主义之间的差异。Montás对当前学生在自由学习中所面临的障碍深感担忧。这就是为什么他如此坚定地强调教育学在学生是否感到被疏远或被邀请进入这些文本的美丽和力量中所扮演的角色。为了证明这一点,Montás描述了他自己阅读和教授圣奥古斯丁忏悔录的经历。作为一名在抵达哥伦比亚之前与福音派有过形成性接触的学生,Montás在奥古斯丁身上发现了一个非常真诚的真理寻求者,当时他迫切希望了解自己在世界上的地位。奥古斯丁对原罪学说的接受,以及在他对人类婴儿期的讨论中出现的原罪学说,确实给蒙塔斯带来了障碍。然而,这些障碍与他自己的学生中最常见的障碍不同。对于在一个世俗、后现代、常常愤世嫉俗的时代长大的本科生来说,很难同情一个“生活在上帝面前的生动感觉中”的作者,也很难“承认对真理的真诚渴望”。这就是蒙特斯认为我们必须通过深思熟虑的教育学来克服的障碍。例如,他花了大量时间将读者吸引到奥古斯丁的“感性和激情的个性”中,指出他的禁欲主义不是一种封闭,而是一种扩展。奥斯汀的禁欲主义暗示了与弗洛伊德和甘地未来章节的联系,它被认为是另一种快乐,“内心的戏剧、冒险和拓展生命的发现”,这种对认识上帝的独特关注使之成为可能。Montás的“展示而非讲述”方法的部分帮助在于他对蓬勃发展的文科核心课程的积极愿景。Montás认为,前进的道路在于教学和程序设计,这也许并不奇怪,因为他是一名项目总监和老师;他强调了哥伦比亚大学核心课程的合作元素,在该课程中,教师每周都会开会讨论如何处理相同的文本。当考虑对这一通用教学大纲进行修改时,这是在一个高度民主和合作的过程中进行的,在这个过程中,教师们提出并辩论要添加或减少的文本。由于师资力量如此雄厚,新的教学大纲通常会获得批准。Montás的合作教学模式在一个有时孤立且个人主义的学院中是一个受欢迎的号召。在强调了《拯救苏格拉底》中提供的这些更实用的见解后,应该建议读者:为了吸收蒙特斯叙事方法的全部价值,我只能建议教师、行政人员和公众阅读它!这样做是一种乐趣。
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引用次数: 2
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Perspectives on Political Science
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