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Conservatism, Nationalism, and Ideological Innovation: The Cases of Strauss and Oakeshott 保守主义、民族主义与意识形态创新:以施特劳斯和奥克肖特为例
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-08 DOI: 10.1080/10457097.2023.2218139
P. Moreira
Abstract From a label that used to mean an ideological family in favor of customs and tradition, the meaning of “conservatism” has been recently changing to encompass more nationalistic and populistic connotations. Given this shift, I use two works to discuss what it means to label something as “conservative” and to talk about the nature and function of political labels in general. On the one hand, I use David McIlwain’s recent work on Strauss and Oakeshott as a gateway to discuss the meaning of this label and of political labels in general. McIlwain’s is critical of the idea that Strauss and Oakeshott are conservatives and he separates them as much as possible from conservatism’s “conventional” senses: reactionism, traditionalism, and free-market liberalism. In this essay, I argue that the significance of Strauss’ and Oakeshott’s conservatism is not found in any straightforward defense of reactionist, traditionalist, or free-market policies. Rather, Strauss and Oakeshott were ideological innovators who offered new concepts that enabled conservatives to redraw the limits of the conservative family – to conflate several disparate opponents as enemies of conservatism, and to exclude other conservatives as not being part of the conservative family. Then, and on the one hand, I look at how Oakeshott’s notion of “rationalism” entails a critique of religious defenses of conservatism. On the other hand, I describe how Strauss’ notion of “historicism” entails a criticism of Oakeshott’s style of contextualist conservatism. Finally, I use the ideas of this essay to look at a recent attempt at ideological innovation, i.e. Yoram Hazony’s Conservatism that tries to take conservatism in a nationalist direction. I show that Hazony’s conservative nationalism does not succeed. Contrarily to Strauss and Oakeshott, Hazony creates concepts that do not innovate conservatism, and that are absent in his critiques of other conservatives and of the opponents of conservatism.
摘要“保守主义”一词过去是指支持习俗和传统的意识形态家庭,但最近它的含义发生了变化,包含了更多的民族主义和民粹主义内涵。鉴于这种转变,我用两部作品来讨论给某些东西贴上“保守”的标签意味着什么,并讨论一般政治标签的性质和功能。一方面,我用David McIlwain最近关于Strauss和Oakeshott的研究作为切入点来讨论这个标签和一般政治标签的意义。麦克韦恩对施特劳斯和奥克肖特是保守派的观点持批评态度,他尽可能地将他们与保守主义的“传统”意义(反动主义、传统主义和自由市场自由主义)区分开来。在这篇文章中,我认为施特劳斯和奥克肖特的保守主义的意义并不在于对反动主义、传统主义或自由市场政策的任何直接辩护。相反,施特劳斯和奥克肖特是意识形态上的革新者,他们提出了新的概念,使保守派能够重新划定保守家庭的界限——将几个截然不同的对手合并为保守主义的敌人,并将其他不属于保守家庭的保守派排除在外。然后,一方面,我看了奥克肖特的“理性主义”概念是如何对保守主义的宗教辩护进行批判的。另一方面,我描述了施特劳斯的“历史主义”概念如何包含了对奥克肖特的情境主义保守主义风格的批评。最后,我用这篇文章的观点来看看最近意识形态创新的尝试,即Yoram Hazony的保守主义,它试图将保守主义带向民族主义方向。我认为哈扎尼的保守民族主义并没有成功。与施特劳斯和奥克肖特相反,哈扎尼创造的概念并没有革新保守主义,而且在他对其他保守主义者和保守主义反对者的批评中也没有这些概念。
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引用次数: 0
Augustine’s Just War: Balancing Political Pessimism and Optimism 奥古斯丁的正义战争:平衡政治悲观主义与乐观主义
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-08 DOI: 10.1080/10457097.2023.2218142
Richard Cassleman
Abstract There is an age-old debate regarding Augustine’s pessimism which has garnered much attention in recent years: Does Augustine have any hope for temporal politics or not? The traditional interpretation holds him to be a political pessimist, while recent scholarship has mounted a counter-offensive rooted in an Augustinian hope for the political realm. This essay offers a new contribution to the debate by directly linking Augustine’s treatment of just war to these recent debates. The literature on Augustinian pessimism and optimism is impressive, but its treatment of war is often obscured by the long shadow of Reinhold Niebuhr’s Augustinian realism. My argument is that any account of pessimism in Augustine must grapple with the substantial emphasis he places on the themes of war and peace, especially his statements permitting warfare for Christians. With a proper understanding of Augustinian just war, we can better comprehend the value Augustine places on political participation. I argue that Augustine’s endorsement of certain just wars outlines a lower boundary of political action that Augustine’s pessimism never eliminates. However, because this type of participation involves killing, it is inherently sorrowful. I also analyze Augustine’s tragic rhetoric on war which limits the upper boundary of political hope.
摘要关于奥古斯丁的悲观主义,有一个由来已久的争论,近年来引起了人们的广泛关注:奥古斯丁对时间政治有没有希望?传统的解释认为他是一个政治悲观主义者,而最近的学术界发起了一场反攻,其根源在于奥古斯丁对政治领域的希望。本文通过将奥古斯丁对正义战争的处理与最近的这些辩论直接联系起来,为这场辩论做出了新的贡献。关于奥古斯丁悲观主义和乐观主义的文献令人印象深刻,但其对战争的处理往往被Reinhold Niebuhr的奥古斯丁现实主义的长期阴影所掩盖。我的论点是,奥古斯丁对悲观主义的任何描述都必须与他对战争与和平主题的实质性强调相结合,尤其是他允许基督徒进行战争的言论。正确理解奥古斯丁的正义战争,才能更好地理解奥古斯丁对政治参与的重视。我认为,奥古斯丁对某些正义战争的支持勾勒出了奥古斯丁悲观主义从未消除的政治行动的下限。然而,由于这种类型的参与涉及杀戮,它本质上是悲伤的。我还分析了奥古斯丁关于战争的悲剧修辞,它限制了政治希望的上限。
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引用次数: 0
Why We Can’t Get Enough of Montesquieu 为什么我们对孟德斯鸠念念不忘
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-14 DOI: 10.1080/10457097.2023.2200130
B. Frost
Montesquieu famously states in The Spirit of the Laws (Bk. 11, ch. 13) that “One can never leave the Romans; thus it is even today in their capital one leaves the new palaces to go in search of the ruins; thus it is that the eye that has rested on flower-strewn meadows likes to look at rocks and mountains.” Nathaniel K. Gilmore has taken this injunction to heart. His book presents, in as comprehensive and thorough a way as possible in the confines of a single volume, Montesquieu’s understanding and appreciation (as well as his criticisms) of that most remarkable and illustrative of all ancient republics. The book is punctuated with verve and wit (essential ingredients for anyone who writes on the Baron de La Brède), and his scholarship is phenomenal—it is hard to find a single source, past or present, that deals with Rome in a significant way that Gilmore has not researched, cited, and discussed (and he is never shy, when appropriate, from taking issue with their primary or secondary conclusions and offering, respectfully, his own). Gilmore’s ambitious aim is to “restore Rome to its proper place at the peak of Montesquieu’s thought and Montesquieu’s thought to its proper place in the history of classical study” (3–4). In this he largely succeeds. All afficionados of Montesquieu will certainly want to read this book, and future scholars will probably be required to familiarize themselves with Gilmore’s arguments and interpretation. As the subject of the book is Montesquieu’s understanding of the spirit of Rome, one might expect the entirety of the work to be a detailed evaluation and discussion of what could easily be classified as his most neglected work, namely Considerations on the Causes of the Greatness [Grandeur] of the Romans and Their Decline [Décadence]. But this is not the case per se. Gilmore helpfully reminds us that when Considerations was first published in 1734, it did not receive much fanfare: compared to Persian Letters, it was a flop. After making some “minor” alterations to the text, Montesquieu then republished Considerations in 1748, the same year he published The Spirt of the Laws. Gilmore persuasively argues, therefore, that these two books should be seen as “two parts of a single whole,” or again, that the two books are “partners” (20–21). To say somewhat the same thing in different terms, Considerations is at the very least a prolegomena to The Spirit of the Laws, and that only by studying the former would we be in a position to understand or to appreciate fully the latter (and vice versa).Why Considerations is relatively neglected today remains a mystery: certainly such luminaries as d’Alembert, Rousseau, Gibbon, and Tocqueville (among others) did not think so, considering it as a “masterpiece” (20). In order to demonstrate this partnership, what Gilmore does in the opening chapter is to trace the nine times Montesquieu references Considerations in The Spirit of the Laws. Each helps to illuminate and to bolster his point.
孟德斯鸠在《法律的精神》(Bk. 11,第13章)中有一句名言:“人永远不能离开罗马人;因此,即使在今天,在他们的首都,人们离开新宫殿去寻找废墟;因此,停留在鲜花盛开的草地上的眼睛,喜欢看岩石和山脉。”纳撒尼尔·k·吉尔摩把这条禁令牢记在心。他的书在单卷的范围内,以尽可能全面和彻底的方式,展示了孟德斯鸠对所有古代共和国中最显著和最具代表性的理解和欣赏(以及他的批评)。这本书充满了激情和智慧(这是任何写德拉布罗德男爵的人必备的要素),他的学术成就是惊人的——很难找到一个单一的来源,无论是过去还是现在,Gilmore都以一种重要的方式研究、引用和讨论了罗马(他从不害羞,在适当的时候,对他们的主要或次要结论提出异议,并恭敬地提出自己的观点)。Gilmore雄心勃勃的目标是“恢复罗马在孟德斯鸠思想巅峰的应有地位,恢复孟德斯鸠思想在古典研究史上应有的地位”(3-4)。在这一点上,他基本上成功了。所有孟德斯鸠的爱好者肯定都想读这本书,未来的学者可能会被要求熟悉吉尔摩的论点和解释。由于本书的主题是孟德斯鸠对罗马精神的理解,人们可能会期望整部作品是对他最容易被归类为他最被忽视的作品的详细评价和讨论,即《罗马人的伟大和衰落的原因思考》。但事实并非如此。吉尔摩很有帮助地提醒我们,当《考虑》于1734年首次出版时,它并没有受到太多的宣传:与《波斯书信》相比,它是一个失败。在对文本做了一些“小”修改之后,孟德斯鸠在1748年重新出版了《思考》,同年他出版了《法的精神》。因此,Gilmore有说服力地认为,这两本书应该被视为“一个整体的两个部分”,或者,这两本书是“伙伴”(20-21)。换句话说,《思虑》至少是《法的精神》的序言,只有通过研究前者,我们才能完全理解或欣赏后者(反之亦然)。为什么《思考》在今天相对被忽视了,这仍然是一个谜:当然,像达朗贝尔、卢梭、吉本和托克维尔(以及其他一些人)这样的名人并不这么认为,他们认为它是一部“杰作”(20)。为了证明这种合作关系,Gilmore在开篇一章中,追溯了孟德斯鸠在《法的精神》中九次提到的“考虑”。每一个都有助于阐明和支持他的观点。例如,第一个参考文献提到罗马没有固定其公民的数量(与斯巴达相反),这既是其衰落的根源,也是其伟大的根源(25-26);第二个和第三个引用是指共和国的腐败和衰落,通过奢侈(美德的硫酸)和宗教的丧失(伊壁鸠鲁哲学的有害结果)(28-30);第21卷的最后一组引用介绍了罗马战争和现代商业的区别:“考虑反映了法律XXI:后者从商业的角度讲述,前者从战争的角度讲述。孟德斯鸠用商业史和军事史的划分取代了传统的教会史和世俗史的划分”(38)。简而言之,“要了解政府,读者必须了解罗马;要了解罗马,他们需要考虑”(25;参见34,46)。孟德斯鸠鼓励他最有思想的读者回到《思考》一书中,以更全面地理解罗马共和国和帝国(包括它的兴起和最终灭亡),同时概述了一种基于商业的新政治分配。通过以这种独特的方式接近《考虑》,Gilmore揭示了他的书中理解罗马精神的中心将是《法律的精神》(尽管充满了对《考虑》的大量引用和讨论)。换句话说,法律是这本书的指挥,而第一把小提琴是《考虑》。吉尔摩接下来谈到了这个最高尚的共和国的大众特征。从他的开篇摘录一些引言:
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引用次数: 0
The Paradoxes of the Body in Philip Roth’s Last Novels 菲利普·罗斯最后小说中的身体悖论
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-12 DOI: 10.1080/10457097.2023.2196224
L. Trepanier
Abstract This article adopts the phenomenological approach of Merleau-Ponty to explore how the body is both a source of hope and betrayal for the protagonists’ aspirations in Philip Roth’s last four novels: Everyman, Indignation, The Humbling, and Nemesis. When the characters accept the reality of their bodies, it leads them to a sense of responsibility in their communities; when they reject the truth of their bodies, it leads them to social isolation and existential despair. From these novels, Roth’s characters point toward an understanding of community that is corporeal and, for it to be healthy, demands its members recognize the realities of it.
摘要本文采用梅洛-庞蒂的现象学方法,探讨菲利普·罗斯最后四部小说《普通人》、《愤怒》、《谦卑》和《复仇》中,身体既是希望的源泉,又是背叛的源泉。当角色接受自己身体的现实时,他们就会对自己的社区产生责任感;当他们拒绝自己身体的真相时,就会导致社会孤立和生存绝望。从这些小说中,罗斯笔下的人物指向了一种对社区的理解,这种理解是物质的,要想让社区健康,就要求社区成员认识到它的现实。
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引用次数: 0
Mary Shelley, Promethean Character, and the Authority of Science 玛丽·雪莱:普罗米修斯式的性格与科学的权威
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-12 DOI: 10.1080/10457097.2023.2196223
Ryan R. Holston
Abstract This essay argues that Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein demonstrates an incipient awareness of the disconnect between the positivist view of human knowledge, which claims to provide a god’s-eye-view of a “reality” consisting solely of observable facts, and the sense that for human beings, genuine knowledge of reality must be identified with truths learned from within a concrete, historical life and the experiences of an embedded subject. Shelley thus anticipates more recent critics of scientism, such as Hans-Georg Gadamer and Eric Voegelin, who contend that despite science’s claims to ultimate explanatory power, there is something decidedly unreal about its account of human life as it is lived concretely over time. Echoing an ancient understanding of knowledge, such critics have questioned the “external” view of reality that is central to positivist epistemology. Similarly, Shelley’s novel suggests that she conceives of the real not as a realm of objectively observable and verifiable facts, but as a way of being and acting within the world—specifically, she sees it as a particular orientation of character that is habitually prepared to place restraints on the individual will.
摘要本文认为,玛丽·雪莱的《弗兰肯斯坦》展示了对人类知识的实证主义观点与对人类来说,真正的现实知识必须与从具体、,历史生活和嵌入主体的经历。因此,雪莱预见到了最近的科学主义批评者,如汉斯·格奥尔格·伽达默尔和埃里克·沃格林,他们认为,尽管科学声称拥有最终的解释力,但它对人类生活的描述显然是不真实的,因为它是随时间具体生活的。与古代对知识的理解相呼应,这些评论家对实证主义认识论的核心“外部”现实观提出了质疑。同样,雪莱的小说表明,她认为真实不是一个客观可观察和可验证的事实的领域,而是一种在世界中存在和行动的方式——特别是,她认为这是一种习惯性地准备约束个人意志的特定性格取向。
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引用次数: 0
Whither the Contented? Tocqueville and the Fate of the Unambitious in Democratic Times 心满意足者到哪里去?托克维尔与民主时代无志者的命运
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-05 DOI: 10.1080/10457097.2023.2192632
Richard Avramenko, Benjamin Rolsma
Abstract Historically, ambition has been considered a vice, if not a crime. Through an invocation of Alexis de Tocqueville’s reflections on “democratic ambition” this paper argues that the modern age has not only done away with this disapprobation, a particular sort of ambition is not only permitted, it is demanded. The paper thus asks two central questions: 1) how can we understand ambition in the democratic age and 2) how should we think of those who do not cleave to the demands of democratic ambition—i.e., those who refuse to be eaten up by the incessant longing for material well-being? We make the argument in three parts, each part focusing on a different implication of the necessity of ambition in democratic times. First, we highlight the danger of ambition unrestrained. Second, we explore how Tocqueville thought the most egregious ramifications of democratic ambition will be ameliorated, namely by the effects of land, commerce, and community. And, third, we explore the fate of the contented—i.e., those who deviate from democracy’s requirements for ambition—both those who cling to aristocratic ambitions and those who are insufficiently ambitious for material improvement.
摘要从历史上看,野心即使不是犯罪,也被认为是一种罪恶。本文援引亚历克西斯·德·托克维尔对“民主野心”的思考,认为现代不仅消除了这种反对,而且还要求实现某种特定的野心。因此,本文提出了两个核心问题:1)我们如何理解民主时代的野心;2)我们应该如何看待那些不坚持民主野心要求的人,即那些拒绝被对物质幸福的不断渴望吞噬的人?我们将论点分为三个部分,每个部分都集中于民主时代野心必要性的不同含义。首先,我们强调野心不受约束的危险。其次,我们探讨了托克维尔认为民主野心最严重的后果将如何得到改善,即土地、商业和社区的影响。第三,我们探讨了满足者的命运,即那些偏离民主对野心要求的人,既有那些执着于贵族野心的人,也有那些对物质进步没有足够野心的人。
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引用次数: 0
Self-Giving and the Constitution of Political Order: The Case of Liu Xiaobo 自我奉献与政治秩序的构成:刘晓波个案
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-29 DOI: 10.1080/10457097.2023.2183021
John von Heyking
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引用次数: 0
Symposium on Principles of Dissidence: Europe and Beyond 异议原则研讨会:欧洲及其他地区
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-29 DOI: 10.1080/10457097.2023.2183019
John von Heyking
This symposium includes essays that examine the nature of dissident activity against totalitarian regimes in both a Western and non-Western context.[1] The essays cover dissident activity in eastern Europe, Venezuela, and China. Liu compares especially with Vaclav Havel, the playwright whose leadership of Charter '77 inspired Liu to lead a similar effort with Charter '08. John McNerney focuses on Liu's anamnestic recovery and conversion of the person in his dissidence against the Chinese totalitarianism: "Xiaobo's odyssey can be understood in this way. [Extracted from the article] Copyright of Perspectives on Political Science is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)
本次研讨会包括在西方和非西方背景下研究反对极权主义政权的持不同政见者活动的性质的文章。[1] 这些文章涵盖了东欧、委内瑞拉和中国的持不同政见者活动。刘尤其将其与剧作家瓦茨拉夫·哈维尔(Vaclav Havel)相提并论,后者对《七十七宪章》的领导启发了刘领导《零八宪章》的类似努力。约翰·麦克纳尼(John McNerney)关注刘在反对中国极权主义的异议中对个人的怀旧恢复和转变:“小波的奥德赛可以这样理解《政治科学视角》的版权归Taylor&Francis有限公司所有,未经版权持有人明确书面许可,不得将其内容复制或通过电子邮件发送到多个网站或发布到listserv。但是,用户可以打印、下载或通过电子邮件发送文章供个人使用。这可能会被删节。对复印件的准确性不作任何保证。用户应参考材料的原始发布版本以获取完整信息。(版权适用于所有人。)
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引用次数: 0
Post-Totalitarian Reconstruction: The Case of Venezuela 后极权主义重建:委内瑞拉的案例
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-29 DOI: 10.1080/10457097.2023.2183022
Francisco Plaza
Abstract Venezuela has suffered for more than twenty years from a totalitarian regime determined to systematically demolish all orders of national life. Beyond the material and institutional devastation, the true core of the destruction is of a spiritual order: the regime has corroded the national ethos. The task of recovering the soul of the nation is more urgent and arduous than the immense work of material and institutional reconstruction.
委内瑞拉20多年来一直遭受极权主义政权的迫害,极权主义政权决心系统地摧毁国家生活的所有秩序。除了物质和制度上的破坏,破坏的真正核心是精神秩序:政权腐蚀了民族精神。恢复民族灵魂的任务比物质和制度重建的艰巨工作更为紧迫和艰巨。
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引用次数: 0
“The Cloven Hoof under the Cassock”: Sacrifice Hidden in the Hebrew Bible and Roger Scruton “袈裟下的偶蹄”:隐藏在希伯来圣经中的献祭和罗杰·斯克鲁顿
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-29 DOI: 10.1080/10457097.2023.2183023
Christopher S. Morrissey
Abstract A typology of sacrifice is applied to the study of Roger Scruton’s religious philosophy, in order to contemplate the ways in which dissidence against totalitarianism can become a positive form of self-giving. The mimetic theory of René Girard can help us to see how totalitarianism creates a sacrificial crisis by demanding, on the one hand, that individuals sacrifice themselves for the regime, and yet, on the other hand, empties such sacrifices of the type of self-giving that makes a sacrifice not just efficacious but also nonviolent. The deprivations that a regime inflicts on its subjects, for example with respect to education and careers, are enforced forms of sacrifice. With respect to the self-giving enacted in visible dissidence, there is a performative dimension to such self-giving that brings both sacrifices and rewards of a public nature. In his novel, Notes from Underground, Scruton explores the private, underground world of people who are excluded even from such careers of public dissidence. The difficult question Scruton confronts is how any regenerative self-giving is possible among people who in their isolation and powerlessness have nothing to give. While Girard’s mimetic theory helps account for the systematic desecration at work in totalitarian cultures, the biblical typology of sacrifice offered by Moshe Halbertal in his disagreement with Girard offers improvements to such a theoretical framework. Halbertal’s typology of sacrifice better accounts for the instances of spiritual transcendence considered by Scruton in his novel, and also in Scruton’s posthumous final work, Wagner’s Parsifal: The Music of Redemption.
摘要将牺牲的类型学应用于罗杰·斯克鲁顿的宗教哲学研究,以思考反对极权主义的异议如何成为积极的自我给予形式。勒内·吉拉德的模仿理论可以帮助我们看到极权主义是如何制造牺牲危机的,一方面要求个人为政权牺牲自己,但另一方面,却清空了这种自我牺牲的牺牲,这种牺牲不仅有效,而且非暴力。一个政权对其臣民的剥夺,例如在教育和职业方面的剥夺,是强制性的牺牲形式。关于在明显的异议中实施的自我给予,这种自我给予有一个表演层面,它带来了公共性质的牺牲和回报。在他的小说《地下笔记》中,斯克鲁顿探索了那些被排除在公众异议之外的人的私人地下世界。Scruton面临的难题是,在那些处于孤立和无力状态的人中,再生的自我给予是如何可能的。虽然吉拉德的模仿理论有助于解释极权主义文化中系统性的亵渎行为,但Moshe Halbertal在与吉拉德的分歧中提出的圣经中的牺牲类型学为这种理论框架提供了改进。Halbertal的牺牲类型更好地解释了斯克鲁顿在其小说中以及在斯克鲁顿死后的最后一部作品《瓦格纳的帕西法尔:救赎的音乐》中所考虑的精神超越的例子。
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引用次数: 0
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