Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1080/10848770.2023.2182964
P. Moreira
ABSTRACT The concepts of “radicalism” and “extremism” have been the focus of increasing scholarly attention in recent years, but, surprisingly, there has not been the same kind of effort to specify their opposites, such as the concept of “moderation.” In this article I argue that because “radicalism” and “extremism” have been defined in generally negative terms, we may deepen and refine our understanding of moderation once we are equipped with a more neutral conception of radicalism. Accordingly, I propose a new approach to the study of radical ideologies by comparing them to literary genres. Just as literary genres use tropes that constrain our reading of a text, radical ideologies use tropes—as, for example, the Marxists’ use of “reactionary” or “bourgeois”—that refer to a much wider background dichotomy, on which they base their arguments to discredit those of their opponents or to reinforce those of their supporters. Using this approach, I show how the Marxist theorist and leading German politician Eduard Bernstein (1850–1932)—one of the founders of modern Social Democracy—made a step-by-step critique of the Social Democratic Party’s orthodox Marxist tropes and core narrative that thoroughly undermined their arguments. Bernstein, I further suggest, was a particularly good example of a political moderate because he did not altogether reject the claims of his radical Marxist opponents but rather accepted those parts of their reasoning that he considered valid. By thus opening the way for constructing an anti-radical Marxist narrative, Bernstein’s example shows how moderates can “steal a page” from the radicals’ playbook to create alternative narratives whose central opponents are the radicals themselves. I conclude by briefly discussing two contemporary thinkers—Norberto Bobbio and Karl Popper—who went further than Bernstein in the development of a fully fleshed anti-radical narrative.
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Pub Date : 2023-02-21DOI: 10.1080/10848770.2023.2180876
Wayne Cristaudo
Both books reviewed here argue for the importance of free speech, though apart from that they have little in common. One, The Most Human Right: Why Free Speech is Everything by Eric Heinze is a case for the importance of free speech made by a philosopher at an Ivy League university writing for a prestigious University Press. The other, Diversity, Inclusion, Equity and the Threat to Academic Freedom, edited by Martín López-Corredoira, Tom Todd, and Erik J. Olsson, is published by a minor press, and is a collection of twenty-six short essays criticizing the scale of censorship that has become routinized in universities. While Heinze’s book is a lengthy reflection upon a philosophical problem that has implications for the political deferment to human rights as providing unassailable principles for legislation and policy, the latter work mostly consists of testimonies by people who have been subjected to some kind of academic censorship. One of the editors who is a philosopher, Erik Olsson, discusses in a Postscript how the article he presents in the book, “Feminine Culture in Academia: The Threat to Academic Freedom Coming from Soft Values,” was censored for breaching policies of equality at the Institute of Astrophysics at the Canary Islands. As the title of Diversity, Inclusion, Equity and the Threat to Academic Freedom indicates the widespread use of censorship in the universities stems from the managerial power of their administrative bodies. That the power of academic administrators has shifted from facilitating academic and student matters and assisting the enterprises of teaching and research to making the final decisions about the values of the university is but one further aspect of the corporatization and managerialization of Western societies more generally. That not only universities but also corporations have adopted policies of diversity, inclusion and equity (DIE) which have been advanced as primary to their “mission” is also largely due to the fact that those policies are strongly supported by student advocates
本文所评论的两本书都主张言论自由的重要性，尽管除此之外，它们几乎没有什么共同之处。其中一本是埃里克·海因策的《最人权:为什么言论自由是一切》，这是一位常青藤大学的哲学家为著名大学出版社撰写的文章，阐述了言论自由的重要性。另一本是由Martín López-Corredoira、汤姆·托德(Tom Todd)和埃里克·j·奥尔森(Erik J. Olsson)编辑的《多样性、包容性、公平和对学术自由的威胁》(Diversity, Inclusion, Equity and Threat to Academic Freedom)，由一家小出版社出版，收录了26篇短文，批评大学审查制度的规模已变得司空见惯。虽然海因策的书是对一个哲学问题的长篇思考，它暗示了政治上对人权的顺从，为立法和政策提供了无懈可击的原则，但后者的作品主要由受到某种学术审查的人的证词组成。身为哲学家的编辑埃里克·奥尔森(Erik Olsson)在一篇附言中谈到，他在《学术界的女性文化:软价值观对学术自由的威胁》一书中发表的一篇文章，因违反加那利群岛天体物理研究所的平等政策而遭到审查。正如《多样性、包容性、公平与对学术自由的威胁》一书的标题所表明的那样，审查制度在大学中的广泛使用源于其行政机构的管理权力。学术管理人员的权力已经从促进学术和学生事务以及协助教学和研究企业转变为对大学的价值观做出最终决定，这只是西方社会公司化和管理化的一个更普遍的方面。不仅是大学，就连企业也采取了多元化、包容性和公平(DIE)的政策，这些政策一直被视为他们的“使命”，这在很大程度上也是由于这些政策得到了学生倡导者的大力支持
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Pub Date : 2023-02-19DOI: 10.1080/10848770.2023.2174284
Thomas Klikauer
Over the past few years, much has been written about Germany’s Nazis and about ideology, but not too much has been published on Nazi ideology. Norwegian author Carl Müller Frøland has divided his study Understanding Nazi Ideology into seven parts. Most suitably, he starts with German Romanticism (I) and the Völkische Ideology (II). “Völkisch” remains a nearly untranslatable word (probably something like pagan-folknativist culture). Part III is about Nietzsche’s “will to power” while part IV illuminates the growth of Nazi ideology. This is then followed by the Führer cult (V). The book ends with “The SS” (VI), and The Conceptual Universe of Nazism (VII). In his Preface, Frøland notes that “surprisingly little has been written on why Nazi ideology had such appeal” (1). Perhaps one reason why—while not being a coherent system of ideas, is precisely that: an incoherent jumble. The foundations of Nazi ideology consisted of a disjointed mishmash—in which the German word would be Flickenteppich. In other words, it was a pernicious patchwork of rodomontade and tub-thumping hate speech, a Versatzstücke, words and ideas mixed up using incongruous substitutes. These were cobbled together indiscriminately. This makeshift so-called ideology was spiced up by philosophical half-truths and, more or less, deliberate misinterpretations often adjusted to suit the violent political and social purposes of Nazism. All of this allowed Nazi ideology to seem to be all things to all people, from conservatives to reactionaries, and from God-fearing Christians to “back-to-nature” romantics. Nazism, like Italian fascism, is a call to action and therefore does not need much of a philosophical or ideological grounding or background. One of the prime reasons for the existence of this nonsense dressed up as Nazi ideology is that it was a highly efficient “propagandistic instrument of mobilisation” (9), and it was one of the first movements to utilize modern media, street parades, and mass rallies. Frøland notes that “Thomas Mann was one of the first to describe Nazism as an ideology,” and—himself a conservative—he “found the roots of Nazism in German Romanticism” (10). Yet not every romanticist marching through the woods in Lederhosen and singing self-congratulatory songs was a Nazi, and not every Nazi was a romanticist. Sadly, Frøland’s book does not include Umbero Eco’s Ur-Fascism (1995) that
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Pub Date : 2023-02-17DOI: 10.1080/10848770.2023.2178725
G. Bol
ABSTRACT In 1704, Mary Astell, known by many scholars as the “first English feminist,” published Moderation Truly Stated, her contribution to the national debate over “occasional conformity.” This was the practice of periodic participation in the sacraments of the Church of England—above all, taking communion—in order to become eligible for public office. This practice was defended as an exercise of the virtue of “moderation,” viewed as the opposite of zeal and associated with politeness and reasonableness. In this article I recover Astell’s critique on this new notion of moderation, as well as her own alternative conception of the virtue of moderation as scripture moderation, which she envisioned as zeal and indifference towards the right ends. My aim is threefold. First, to explore the dangers of conceiving of moderation as an “antidote to zeal,” which Astell argued would be detrimental to truth, salvation, and moral progress. Second, to demonstrate that her own conception of moderation as zeal and indifference towards the right ends was a radical subversion of the discourse on moderation at the time. Third, to shed light on the role of the Occasional Conformity debate in the transformation of moderation from a Christian virtue of temperance and control into a “modern” virtue construed as politeness and opposed to zeal, which was to become dominant in eighteenth-century England.
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Pub Date : 2023-02-13DOI: 10.1080/10848770.2023.2178730
J. Noonan
{"title":"Art and Posthistory: Conversations on the End of Aesthetics","authors":"J. Noonan","doi":"10.1080/10848770.2023.2178730","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10848770.2023.2178730","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":55962,"journal":{"name":"European Legacy-Toward New Paradigms","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-02-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46326036","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-13DOI: 10.1080/10848770.2023.2178738
M. Del Nevo
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Pub Date : 2023-02-10DOI: 10.1080/10848770.2023.2178728
D. Cremer
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Pub Date : 2023-02-10DOI: 10.1080/10848770.2023.2172780
T. Osborne
ABSTRACT The principle of moderation can be regarded as an ethical principle of virtue or as a principle of government. On the basis of the former, moderation has a personal, ethical sense—not to go towards extremes. The latter model is more generalized and impersonal: moderation as the limitation of power by power. Both conceptions actually meet, though with the latter model more salient, in the work of Montesquieu. This article outlines Montesquieu’s view of moderation emphasizing the extent to which this view cannot be understood apart from his concept of despotism. It shows that Montesquieu’s understanding of moderation entails the balancing and interaction of different powers in a State. As such, his view is more “dynamic” and relational than “substantive.” By exploring the interaction between the models of moderation as virtue and moderation as government in Montesquieu’s work, I then develop the notion of “ruling fear” in considering the continuing relevance of Montesquieu’s perspective for current understandings of moderation and political power.
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Pub Date : 2023-02-10DOI: 10.1080/10848770.2023.2178729
André Furlani
ultimately indicative of the fact that, in studying ancient Christian literature, one does not study the text and its translations but synchronic and diachronic versions, whose quintessential fluidity is the conditio sine qua non; and that the cumulative dynamic textual legacy of early Christian traditions is much more rhizomatic and hetoroglossic than one may have assumed. While the reader eventually acquires a general understanding of this fluidity and the pertaining methodological issues by going through the publication article by article, the volume would have greatly benefitted from having either a more extended introduction or a concluding synthetic essay that would go beyond the level of empirical observations and would genuinely bridge various fields of early Christian studies, on the one hand, and theories and approaches that have been appearing in the field of translation studies in recent years, on the other hand (for example, Karen Emmerich’s Literary Translation and the Making of Originals [Bloomsbury Academic, 2017]). The final two-page section in the introduction meant to outline some common themes in the study of patristic translations does not fully unlock the potential of the volume, and a more explicit fusion of case study mosaic remains a desideratum. Of course, the sheer variety of topics, approaches, and problems covered in the volume may be intimidating for anyone attempting to pen a proposed piece, but, after all, the purpose was to set in dialogue unfortunately isolated fields due to the high degree of language specialization. I assume such a real-life dialogue indeed took place during the workshop leading to the publication, but for the readers of the book it remains behind the scenes. Otherwise, the volume offers a valuable collection of articles representing the cutting-edge scholarship in the area, introduces several previously unknown sources and manuscripts, and is a much-needed “step for a corpus-based versional project over the following years” (2).
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Pub Date : 2023-02-10DOI: 10.1080/10848770.2023.2175422
Laurie Rabinowitz
ABSTRACT This article examines Plato’s understanding of moderation. I begin with a brief discussion of Plato’s Charmides, the dialogue in which Socrates asks, “What is moderation?” in order to frame a detailed treatment of key passages in Plato’s Republic where we find a definitive answer. I show the progress of the Republic to be an intentional development on Plato’s part, moving readers from a conventional understanding of moderation as mastery to a more compelling ideal: moderation as a harmony of the city and of the soul. Bringing moderation out from under the shadow of justice illuminates the dialogue’s otherwise perplexing presentation of the relationship between these two virtues and helps us to see both the role moderation plays in Plato’s thought, and what his vision might contribute to our own understanding of the virtue.
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