Pub Date : 2022-05-27DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2022.2086405
Ritika Verma, A. Roy
ABSTRACT Ideology and cinematic representation are crucially linked even though a film’s positioning of itself with respect to dominant state ideology may differ thus contesting the idea that films always serve as ideological state apparatus. In this context, the paper reflects on the complex ways in which the ideological positioning – advertently or inadvertently – of cinematic representations of Partition in Hindi films of the 2000s interacts with dominant state ideology to frame the relationship between self and other with the terms denoting India/Hindu and Pakistan/Muslim, respectively. Through an analysis of the representation of the India–Pakistan border in four films – Pinjar (2003), Veer-Zaara (2004), Uri: The Surgical Strike (2019) and Kya Dilli Kya Lahore (2014) – the paper argues that mainstream Hindi films are largely reflective of the state ideology, although to varying degrees and at times in spite of themselves. In contrast, a low-budget film as Kya Dilli Kya Lahore completely subverts the dominant ideology through its sensitive but incisive critique of the border.
摘要意识形态和电影表现是至关重要的联系，尽管一部电影相对于占主导地位的国家意识形态的定位可能有所不同，因此对电影始终充当意识形态国家机器的观点提出了质疑。在这种背景下，本文反思了2000年代印地语电影中分治的意识形态定位——有意或无意——与占主导地位的国家意识形态相互作用的复杂方式，以分别用表示印度/印度教和巴基斯坦/穆斯林的术语来界定自我与他人之间的关系。通过分析四部电影——《平贾尔》（2003）、《维尔·扎拉》（2004）、《乌里：外科手术》（2019）和《凯亚·迪利·凯亚·拉合尔》（2014）——中对印度-巴基斯坦边境的表现，论文认为，主流印地语电影在很大程度上反映了国家意识形态，尽管在不同程度上，有时也会有所不同。相比之下，一部由凯娅·迪利·凯娅·拉哈尔（Kya Dilli Kya Lahore）主演的低成本电影通过其对边境的敏感但深刻的批判，彻底颠覆了主流意识形态。
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Pub Date : 2022-05-27DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2022.2108990
Qaisar Abbas
Here, Mastur takes on the promises made and broken within the state of Pakistan after its creation and offers a scathing feminist critique of the neo-feudalism that takes hold of the society post-Partition. What does the thirst for ownership of land and counting one’s acres mean for women in this new country? How does the promise of Pakistan as a place of safety for all Indian Muslims maintain that egalitarian ideal in the face of greed for territory? And what provisions are there for the safety and independence of women in a patriarchal system that views women as possessions less valuable than parcels of land? 65
{"title":"Building an ideological nation-state: migrancy and patriarchy in Khadija Mastoor’s novel, Zameen","authors":"Qaisar Abbas","doi":"10.1080/14736489.2022.2108990","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2022.2108990","url":null,"abstract":"Here, Mastur takes on the promises made and broken within the state of Pakistan after its creation and offers a scathing feminist critique of the neo-feudalism that takes hold of the society post-Partition. What does the thirst for ownership of land and counting one’s acres mean for women in this new country? How does the promise of Pakistan as a place of safety for all Indian Muslims maintain that egalitarian ideal in the face of greed for territory? And what provisions are there for the safety and independence of women in a patriarchal system that views women as possessions less valuable than parcels of land? 65","PeriodicalId":56338,"journal":{"name":"India Review","volume":"21 1","pages":"349 - 372"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43519594","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-27DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2022.2086406
Devika Mittal
ABSTRACT The independence from the British rule was accompanied with partition of the Indian subcontinent on religious lines. Since partition in 1947, the two nation-states India and Pakistan have been hostile toward each other. Communalism has also been a major challenge in both these countries. The current study locates this continued hostility or the “enemy” narrative that the countries harbor not just of each other, but which also shapes the experience of a religious community within their territory. Limiting the inquiry to the Indian side, this paper explores the production of the “enemy” narrative through the discursive knowledge around partition and how it locates Muslims. The paper analyzes textbooks of two education boards in India and argues that the narrative excludes the contribution of Muslims in the nationalist movement, charts out an uncritical history of the demand for partition, and stigmatizes the Muslim community as “communal” and “unpatriotic.”
{"title":"Narrativizing partition and producing stigmatized identities: an analysis of the representation of Muslims in two Indian history textbooks","authors":"Devika Mittal","doi":"10.1080/14736489.2022.2086406","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2022.2086406","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The independence from the British rule was accompanied with partition of the Indian subcontinent on religious lines. Since partition in 1947, the two nation-states India and Pakistan have been hostile toward each other. Communalism has also been a major challenge in both these countries. The current study locates this continued hostility or the “enemy” narrative that the countries harbor not just of each other, but which also shapes the experience of a religious community within their territory. Limiting the inquiry to the Indian side, this paper explores the production of the “enemy” narrative through the discursive knowledge around partition and how it locates Muslims. The paper analyzes textbooks of two education boards in India and argues that the narrative excludes the contribution of Muslims in the nationalist movement, charts out an uncritical history of the demand for partition, and stigmatizes the Muslim community as “communal” and “unpatriotic.”","PeriodicalId":56338,"journal":{"name":"India Review","volume":"21 1","pages":"329 - 348"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46450927","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-27DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2022.2086407
Farooq Sulehria
ABSTRACT Lollywood, or Lahore-based film industry, rarely explores the uneasy topic of the Partition. Hardly a dozen films could be produced in the last seven decades on the Partition. However, a few Lollywood productions – notably Punjabi-language Kartar Singh (1959) – either exploring the Partition or set in the context of the Partition, have surprisingly departed from business-as-usual and state-sponsored discourses whereby India/Hindu is otherified and villainized. It is even more interesting, this paper notes, that all the productions examined for this study drew huge audiences and were indeed successful ventures in terms of popularity. Hence, the contention of this paper is that Lollywood has reproduced as well as resisted the official narratives on the Partition. Arguably, the Partition in Pakistani films has been delineated in its complexity. Most importantly, these productions approach the plight of women with a humanist viewpoint. Methodologically, this paper establishes its argument through a discourse analysis of four films.
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Pub Date : 2022-05-27DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2022.2086404
A. Ranjan
ABSTRACT This paper traces the history of a widening distance and constructed difference between Hindi and Urdu, and their communal identification in colonial and post-colonial India. It examines how majoritarian politics has shaped the language related issues in independent India. Finally, based on limited fieldwork in the Indian city of Mumbai, this paper tries to find out what language does common people speak.
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Pub Date : 2022-05-27DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2022.2088013
A. Ranjan, Farooq Sulehria
The Partition of the British India in 1947 divided the people and territory on religious and confessional basis.Hence, the Partition further communalized the inter-religious relationships. It also disturbed the syncretic culture of the land. Most importantly, the Partition ever since has been turned into a politicized memory-project aimed at securing and maintaining power. Consequently, even after more than 74 years of the Partition, the political differences and cultural segregation on religious and confessional basis, especially in the case of Hindus and the Muslims, continues poisoning the politics that succeeded the British India. Over the years, as films, press, and television have powerfully evolved in India, Bangladesh, and Pakistan, these media have acted as means to manufacture, reproduce, recreate, and disseminate the theory of cultural differences based on religion. These cultural apparatuses have become more effective with the rise of majoritarian nationalism in India and Pakistan, in particular. By majority and majoritarian one does not mean the demographic majority. The majoritarianism ideology is usually constructed and thrust upon the others by a small segment of the population, which dominates the country’s political and economic resources and enjoys high social status. The ideas and values of such dominant groups are defined as nationalism, which the other people follow/ “forced” to follow. With the political rise of majoritarian nationalism, the political, social, and cultural chasms between the majority and minority communities have only widened. The majoritarian nationalism has thrived by otherizing the minority groups (for instance, the Muslims in India and the Hindus in Pakistan) as the fifth column undermining the majority community’s existence. Not only does the majority otherize the minorities but in most cases, even the otherized group(s) internalize such otherizations. In turn, minoritized communities otherize the majority. In the process, arguably, the minority groups have embraced conservative, and in some cases, radical ideologies. Like the majority, the minority
{"title":"Special Issue on Partition – IR 21(3) – Guest Editor Introduction","authors":"A. Ranjan, Farooq Sulehria","doi":"10.1080/14736489.2022.2088013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2022.2088013","url":null,"abstract":"The Partition of the British India in 1947 divided the people and territory on religious and confessional basis.Hence, the Partition further communalized the inter-religious relationships. It also disturbed the syncretic culture of the land. Most importantly, the Partition ever since has been turned into a politicized memory-project aimed at securing and maintaining power. Consequently, even after more than 74 years of the Partition, the political differences and cultural segregation on religious and confessional basis, especially in the case of Hindus and the Muslims, continues poisoning the politics that succeeded the British India. Over the years, as films, press, and television have powerfully evolved in India, Bangladesh, and Pakistan, these media have acted as means to manufacture, reproduce, recreate, and disseminate the theory of cultural differences based on religion. These cultural apparatuses have become more effective with the rise of majoritarian nationalism in India and Pakistan, in particular. By majority and majoritarian one does not mean the demographic majority. The majoritarianism ideology is usually constructed and thrust upon the others by a small segment of the population, which dominates the country’s political and economic resources and enjoys high social status. The ideas and values of such dominant groups are defined as nationalism, which the other people follow/ “forced” to follow. With the political rise of majoritarian nationalism, the political, social, and cultural chasms between the majority and minority communities have only widened. The majoritarian nationalism has thrived by otherizing the minority groups (for instance, the Muslims in India and the Hindus in Pakistan) as the fifth column undermining the majority community’s existence. Not only does the majority otherize the minorities but in most cases, even the otherized group(s) internalize such otherizations. In turn, minoritized communities otherize the majority. In the process, arguably, the minority groups have embraced conservative, and in some cases, radical ideologies. Like the majority, the minority","PeriodicalId":56338,"journal":{"name":"India Review","volume":"21 1","pages":"277 - 285"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49239018","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-27DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2022.2086410
Afroja Shoma
ABSTRACT After 24 years of the partition, the new neighboring country, Bangladesh, was born in 1971 in the Eastern region of India. The division of India and the birth of Bangladesh are, apparently, two unconnected events standing at two different times. However, researchers have found the incidents deeply interlinked. Kabir described partition not as an “event” but as an “ongoing process” while Zamindar termed this catastrophic event “a long partition” as the making of Pakistan and India involves years of social, political, and bureaucratic efforts. One of the main queries of this study is to find how partition is portrayed in Bangladeshi fictions. Do the fictions recognize the Liberation War of Bangladesh as an extension of the partition? In search of answers, the study inspects 12 Bengali novels focusing on partition and the Liberation War. This study is guided by the concept of “long partition” and the “Trauma theory” while it also takes Kabir’s theoretical proposition “Post-amnesia” into account.
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Pub Date : 2022-05-27DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2022.2086409
Fahmidul Haq
Abstract Bangladesh got liberated from Pakistan through a bloody war in 1971. But the country was also a victim of 1947 Partition of India. The Partition not only split India also divided Bengal and Punjab. The East Bengal with Muslim majority got a new name East Pakistan. However, the country Pakistan with two wings with 1200 miles of Indian territory in between, could not stick together for long. In the memory of Bangladeshi people 1971 is relatively fresh and in the contemporary Bangladeshi politics 1971 still matters. The winding political trajectory of Bangladesh has influenced the discourses of cinema – making less films on 1947 Partition and more films on 1971 Liberation War. Different art forms have portrayed both 1947 and 1971 – the two historical incidents that heavily shaped the political and cultural nature of Bangladesh. This article will investigate why there is scarcity of 1947 films and abundance of 1971 films in Bangladesh. The article will also scrutinize how dominant historiography engulf the body of the films and discard alternative historiography. In examining these queries, the method would be a historical account of film production and its content and a few cases would be studied to get the picture in depth.
{"title":"Cinema of Bangladesh: Absence of 1947 and abundance of 1971","authors":"Fahmidul Haq","doi":"10.1080/14736489.2022.2086409","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2022.2086409","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Bangladesh got liberated from Pakistan through a bloody war in 1971. But the country was also a victim of 1947 Partition of India. The Partition not only split India also divided Bengal and Punjab. The East Bengal with Muslim majority got a new name East Pakistan. However, the country Pakistan with two wings with 1200 miles of Indian territory in between, could not stick together for long. In the memory of Bangladeshi people 1971 is relatively fresh and in the contemporary Bangladeshi politics 1971 still matters. The winding political trajectory of Bangladesh has influenced the discourses of cinema – making less films on 1947 Partition and more films on 1971 Liberation War. Different art forms have portrayed both 1947 and 1971 – the two historical incidents that heavily shaped the political and cultural nature of Bangladesh. This article will investigate why there is scarcity of 1947 films and abundance of 1971 films in Bangladesh. The article will also scrutinize how dominant historiography engulf the body of the films and discard alternative historiography. In examining these queries, the method would be a historical account of film production and its content and a few cases would be studied to get the picture in depth.","PeriodicalId":56338,"journal":{"name":"India Review","volume":"21 1","pages":"419 - 437"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43314403","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-15DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2022.2080485
D. Mitra
ABSTRACT The idea of “dominant caste” has been important in the discourse of caste that saw the movement from social intercourse (hierarchy, purity-pollution) to political mediation (representation, demand for positive discrimination) in various literature. This paper offers a longitudinal study of caste relations in and around Varanasi in North India, focusing on the Brahmin caste vis-à-vis another dominant caste (non-Brahmin). It combines historical material with individual-level data set, the findings of which are presented as a case study. The essay’s objectives are as follows (a) description and analysis of two different “dominant” castes to understand the functioning of the caste identity in contemporary India. This is done to reevaluate how the castes have sought to convert their historically accrued caste capital into social or political capital; (b) the relationship between the two “dominant” castes. It was found that dominance was regionally located in both cases, but in the colonial period, it depended on caste hierarchy, unlike in post-colonial/modern days. This recreated a sort of discrimination manipulated by the dominant castes at their respective levels.
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Pub Date : 2022-03-15DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2022.2080489
A. Benvenuti
ABSTRACT This article explores Jawaharlal Nehru’s role in convening the 1955 Bandung Conference. Drawing upon previously embargoed Indian and Western government records, it sheds light on a largely overlooked aspect of Nehru’s Cold War diplomacy. By doing so, it shows that Nehru did not attach, at least initially, much importance to Indonesia’s calls for an Asian-African conference. Only in late 1954 did he show more interest in the Indonesian proposal. Three factors pushed Nehru in this direction: his reluctance to embarrass Indonesia, his concerns about American regional policy and his desire to exploit China’s support for peaceful coexistence. Confronted with renewed regional tensions but able to capitalize on Beijing’s new-found reasonableness, Nehru threw India’s diplomatic weight behind Indonesia’s proposal with the view to furthering his vision of “areas of peace.” Nehru’s “Bandung moment,” however, was short-lived. Although the Bandung Conference appeared to have advanced India’s national interests in the short term, its benefits were more questionable in the long run. In the end, India was unable to tie China down to its regional vision and protect itself against Chinese belligerence. Faced with a mounting Chinese challenge, Nehru’s strategy, centered upon nonaligned peaceful coexistence, manifested all its limitations.
{"title":"Nehru’s Bandung moment: India and the convening of the 1955 Asian-African conference","authors":"A. Benvenuti","doi":"10.1080/14736489.2022.2080489","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2022.2080489","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article explores Jawaharlal Nehru’s role in convening the 1955 Bandung Conference. Drawing upon previously embargoed Indian and Western government records, it sheds light on a largely overlooked aspect of Nehru’s Cold War diplomacy. By doing so, it shows that Nehru did not attach, at least initially, much importance to Indonesia’s calls for an Asian-African conference. Only in late 1954 did he show more interest in the Indonesian proposal. Three factors pushed Nehru in this direction: his reluctance to embarrass Indonesia, his concerns about American regional policy and his desire to exploit China’s support for peaceful coexistence. Confronted with renewed regional tensions but able to capitalize on Beijing’s new-found reasonableness, Nehru threw India’s diplomatic weight behind Indonesia’s proposal with the view to furthering his vision of “areas of peace.” Nehru’s “Bandung moment,” however, was short-lived. Although the Bandung Conference appeared to have advanced India’s national interests in the short term, its benefits were more questionable in the long run. In the end, India was unable to tie China down to its regional vision and protect itself against Chinese belligerence. Faced with a mounting Chinese challenge, Nehru’s strategy, centered upon nonaligned peaceful coexistence, manifested all its limitations.","PeriodicalId":56338,"journal":{"name":"India Review","volume":"21 1","pages":"153 - 180"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41647289","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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