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Gaming race in Brazil: Video games and algorithmic racism 巴西的游戏种族:电子游戏和算法种族主义
IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-03-13 DOI: 10.1080/13569325.2024.2307540
Edward King
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引用次数: 0
French kissing the icon: Erotic iconoclash and political subversion in Deborah Castillo’s The Emancipatory Kiss (2013) 与偶像法式接吻:德博拉-卡斯蒂略(Deborah Castillo)的《解放之吻》(2013 年)中的情色偶像撞击与政治颠覆
IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-28 DOI: 10.1080/13569325.2023.2261419
Irina R. Troconis
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引用次数: 0
“Bésame otra vez”: The Use of Obscenity to Denounce Violence in Pedro Lemebel’s Incontables (1986) "Bésame otra vez":在佩德罗-莱梅贝尔的《Incontables》(1986 年)中利用淫秽来谴责暴力
IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-12 DOI: 10.1080/13569325.2023.2264791
María Célleri
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引用次数: 0
Bending Time and Space for Pan-Americanism: Shots of the “Western Hemisphere” in Wartime Cinema 为泛美主义弯曲时间和空间:战时电影中的“西半球”镜头
4区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-14 DOI: 10.1080/13569325.2023.2255546
Maria G. Gatti
AbstractAnalysing World War II films, from Allied propaganda to Good Neighbor Policy productions, this work probes the visual construction of the idea of the Western Hemisphere and Latin America’s place in it. It finds how war propaganda carried messages beyond the explicit anti-Axis one. In the films discussed here, the resources of novel aerial photography, cartography, and time-travel plots achieved the contradictory effect of showing the entire continent as one, while North and South were in contrast. During the war, Good Neighbor Policy productions promoting a continental alliance used many of the same visual elements as war propaganda to shore up morale ahead of battles. A focus on Brazil offers a counterpoint to US-based pan-Americanism, considering its nationalist discourse in the Estado Novo. Wartime cinema created a New World where the US was the future of “Western” civilisation as a continuum of Europe, while Latin America was visualised as existing in the past, resulting in a deeply ambivalent Western Hemisphere.Keywords: pan-Americanismfilm historypropagandaWorld War IIBrazil AcknowledgementsI am grateful to the David Rockefeller Center for Latin American Studies at Harvard University for the financial support. I thank Tom Conley (Harvard) whose insight and encouragement inspired this work, as well as Adriano Duarte and Alexandre Valim (Federal University of Santa Catarina) who kindly supported my research on Good Neighbor Policy films in its early days.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 In the Oxford Dictionary, “west” is “in the direction of that part of the horizon where the sun sets; towards the cardinal point which is 90 degrees clockwise from the south point”.2 Since Edward Said (Citation1978), the West has been understood as a highly unstable construction based on antagonisms. These changed over time: Capitalist versus Soviet bloc; fictions of democracy versus terror. After the Cold War, scholarship examined the concept of the “West” in different fields, but mostly in terms of East-to-West rather than how “Western” ideology plays out in North-South relations. See Bavaj (Citation2011), and Browning and Lehti’s (Citation2010) comprehensive review.3 In the Pan-American Yearbook (1945), several advertisements encourage travel and proximity between North and South America. A striking whole-page ad for Pan-American Grace Airways shows a map of the Americas and an airplane, with the logo “Making good neighbors even closer neighbors”. Two novelties brought by aviation worked for pan-American ideology: the uniting view from above, and the increase of velocity and consequent decrease in duration of travel.4 As Tenorio-Trillo notes, the adjective “Latin” in Latin America “has stored a basic array of racial, historical and cultural beliefs”. The concept was “capable of incarnating itself as the geographical and cultural assumption of post-World War II theories of modernization”. The ter
(Citation2014)质疑了美国对南美的帝国主义影响的单向视角,Cándida Smith (Citation2017)将美洲文化交流与拉丁美洲机构的案例放在一起几位美国作家被美国国务院派往拉丁美洲,以进一步改善美洲国家间的关系。政府资助的文化外交项目包括由中情局秘密资助的文化自由大会(Cohn Citation2006)。学者们发现了政治气候和文化使命之间的联系,利用艺术家作为维和软实力大使(Oakley Citation2002)在实践中,文化关系并不是片面的,外国电影在拉丁美洲也不是被动接受的。在睦邻政策计划期间,南北艺术家之间进行了激烈而丰富的对话,反之亦然。巴西文化被“美国化”的想法被批评为一个笑话。巴西-美国文化交流的讨论要复杂得多。例如,看杰森·博尔格关于桑巴和爵士之间的对话(Citation2016)当《阿根廷之路》在巴西首演时,被《O Cruzeiro》(1940)杂志批评为桑巴舞和探戈是可以互换的。主演卡门·米兰达(Carmen Miranda)不欢迎笼统的标签,如拉丁人或南美人,而宁愿被称为巴西人“Eu só boto bebop no meu samba/Quando Tio Sam tocar um tamborim/Quando ele pegar/ no pandeiro e no zabumba。”/Quando ele aprender/Que o samba n<e:1> o o <e:1>伦巴。/Aí eu vou misturar/Miami com Copacabana。/Chiclete eu misturo com banana…”(“Chiclete com banana”)。Gordurinha and Almira Castilho,由Jackson do Pandeiro于1959年录制)参见Marli Rosa (Citation2013)《感谢你的朋友》(OCIAA 1944)讲述了“我们是如何从亚马逊那里得到橡胶的”。旁白说:“我们的拉丁美洲邻居拥有的,我们也可以拥有”:古巴的锰、哥伦比亚的奎宁、玻利维亚的锡、智利的炸药硝酸盐、巴西的对讲机石英尽管巴西处于格图里奥·巴尔加斯的独裁统治之下(1930-1945),但《战争中的巴西》肯定巴尔加斯是一位“进步的总统”,他“始终支持美洲国家间的团结”参见Bandeira (Citation1973).54纳塔尔基地在电影《感谢你的朋友》(1944)中得到了强调:“问问我们的飞行员,他们对轮胎里的橡胶有什么看法”,旁白说,并在地图上展示了这个基地是如何实现从美国到欧洲的运输的,这是“这个美国”“没有其他美国”无法做到的。maria G. Gatti拥有哈佛大学历史和浪漫语言文学博士学位,以及圣卡塔琳娜联邦大学(巴西)历史学士和硕士学位。她的作品研究了二十世纪美洲关系、宣传和冷战对南美洲的影响中文化政策和文化监管之间的联系。
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引用次数: 0
The Allure of Modernity: Afro-Uruguayan Press, Black Internationalism, And Mass Entertainment (1928–1948) 现代性的诱惑:非裔乌拉圭人的新闻、黑人国际主义和大众娱乐(1928-1948)
4区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-08 DOI: 10.1080/13569325.2023.2261866
Rodrigo Viqueira
AbstractThis article explores the ways in which the Afro-Uruguayan press forged an internationalist agenda between the 1920s and the 1940s, the most active and radical period in the history of the Afro-Uruguayan movement. While previous scholarship has focused on the literary exchanges and political causes that created networks of Black internationalism, this article proposes that the world of mass entertainment played a key role in shaping a sense of belonging to the larger African diaspora. By focusing on La Vanguardia (1928–1929) and Nuestra Raza (1933–1948), the essay examines how Afro-Uruguayan intellectuals negotiated their symbolic relationship with the African diaspora and disputed the meaning of Blackness through their relationship with new forms of urban entertainment that arose during the first half of the century – the performing arts, cinema, illustrated press, and sports. Thus, the article proposes that the Afro-Uruguayan press harnessed the allure of the emergent entertainment culture to situate Blackness at the core of modernity, challenging the historical place that the Uruguayan state offered to its Black population.Keywords: Afro-Latin AmericaAfro-Uruguayinternationalismmass entertainmentdiasporaJosephine BakerPaul Robesoncinemamediasports AcknowledgmentsI would like to thank the two anonymous reviewers for their detailed and insightful suggestions. Also, I am indebted to those who read and commented on earlier drafts of this article: María Alejandra Aguilar Dornelles, María Elena Oliva, Alejandro Gortázar, and Akiko Tsuchiya.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 Afro-Uruguayans represent today around 8% of the Uruguayan population, but it is difficult to know precise data for the decades studied in this essay given that from the 1860s until the end of the twentieth century the State did not include questions on race in its census and official statistics, oriented by an assimilationist paradigm that tended to affirm the supposed racial homogeneity of the population (Frega et al. Citation2008, 51). Between the 1780s and the first decades of the nineteenth century, Montevideo was a key port for the slave trade in the region (Borucki Citation2015), so at the beginning of the nineteenth century the Black population constituted one-third of the total population of Uruguay (Frega et al. Citation2008, 9). According to Alex Borucki (Citation2015), the social life of Africans and their descendants in the River Plate region took place in several overlapping arenas: religious confraternities, militias, and African “nations”. Through these forms of organisation, the Black population was able to create social networks and delineate identities within the limits allowed by the colonial order. After the abolition of slavery (1842), the Black population integrated into the lower classes of the Uruguayan society, and despite legal equality they faced lesser opportunities in their access to jobs a
摘要本文探讨了20世纪20年代至40年代,即非裔乌拉圭运动史上最活跃、最激进的时期,非裔乌拉圭新闻界是如何形成国际主义议程的。以前的学术研究主要集中在文学交流和政治原因上,这些交流和政治原因创造了黑人国际主义网络,而本文提出,大众娱乐世界在塑造更大的非洲侨民的归属感方面发挥了关键作用。通过关注《先锋报》(1928-1929)和《Nuestra Raza》(1933-1948),本文考察了非裔乌拉圭知识分子如何与非洲侨民协商他们的象征关系,并通过他们与20世纪上半叶出现的新形式的城市娱乐——表演艺术、电影、插图报纸和体育——的关系来争论黑人的意义。因此,本文提出,非裔乌拉圭媒体利用新兴娱乐文化的吸引力,将黑人置于现代性的核心,挑战乌拉圭国家为黑人提供的历史地位。关键词:非洲-拉丁美洲非洲-乌拉圭国际主义大众娱乐侨民约瑟芬·贝克保罗·罗伯逊电影侨民致谢我要感谢两位匿名评论者详细而富有洞察力的建议。此外,我还要感谢那些阅读和评论本文早期草稿的人:María Alejandra Aguilar Dornelles、María Elena Oliva、Alejandro Gortázar和Akiko Tsuchiya。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1今天,非裔乌拉圭人约占乌拉圭人口的8%,但鉴于从19世纪60年代到20世纪末,国家在其人口普查和官方统计中没有包括种族问题,因此很难知道本文研究的几十年的确切数据,同化主义范式倾向于肯定人口的种族同质性(弗雷加等人)。Citation2008 51)。从18世纪80年代到19世纪头几十年,蒙得维的亚是该地区奴隶贸易的重要港口(Borucki Citation2015),因此在19世纪初,黑人人口占乌拉圭总人口的三分之一(Frega等人)。根据Alex Borucki (Citation2015)的观点,河床地区非洲人及其后代的社会生活发生在几个重叠的领域:宗教兄弟会、民兵和非洲“国家”。通过这些组织形式,黑人能够创建社会网络,并在殖民秩序允许的范围内划定身份。废除奴隶制(1842年)后,黑人融入了乌拉圭社会的下层阶级,尽管法律上平等,但他们在获得工作和教育方面的机会较少。这种情况在多产的非裔乌拉圭媒体中遭到谴责,自19世纪70年代以来,该媒体已成为非裔乌拉圭人斗争的关键因素,构成了拉丁美洲仅次于巴西的第二大黑人媒体(Andrews Citation2010, 5)关于这一时期是“黄金时代”的观点,见cordo - cook (Citation1999, 655)另外两个是彩色独立党(古巴,1908年)和巴西黑人阵线(巴西,1931年)。参见Andrews (citation2004,127 - 131)。3 .关于Autóctono Negro党,见Andrews (Citation2010, 96-106)、Burgueño (Citation2015)、Rodríguez (Citation2006, 125-145)、Gascue (Citation1980)关于Ansina作为非裔乌拉圭英雄的分析,见Frega et al. (Citation2008, 95)。关于“百年计划”和围绕它的史学辩论,见Demasi (Citation2004), Caetano (Citation1999)我在这里的讨论建立在保罗·吉尔罗伊(Paul Gilroy)在《黑人大西洋》(Citation1993)中关于黑人文化如何总是超越国界和种族本质主义的论点之上。我所说的“黑人国际主义”,泛指跨越国界的不同非洲后裔群体之间的思想和表现形式的跨国交流,这种交流形成了一种散居的敏感性。5 .关于非裔乌拉圭运动的国际主义,见Andrews (Citation2010)、García (Citation2019)、Oliva (Citation2019)、Burgueño (Citation2015)、Rodríguez (Citation2006)根据Bouret和Remedi的观点,出版业的扩张,以及广播、唱片和电影的扩张,促成了一个“国家公共领域”的创造,在这个领域中,读者和观众大量地分享兴趣和参考(2009,106)。 公告中包括了一张电影的商业海报,上面指出了“黑人著名演员保罗·罗伯逊”的主角该剧在20世纪20年代的纽约戏剧界非常受欢迎,这导致了电影版本和1933年的歌剧(Corbould Citation2011, 262)见Saxena, Weissman, and Cozart (Citation2003)Cinestrenos。蒙得维的亚电影,1929年。http://www.uruguaytotal.com/cgi-bin/estrenos/buscar.cgi.28 Nuestra Raza, 110,1942年10月30日。1946年9月,罗伯逊在美国反对种族主义的激进主义再次得到承认:“Todavía est<e:1> allí”,Nuestra Raza, 157.29“A los subscritores”,La Vanguardia 29, 1929年3月15日:1.30 Cleanto Noir,“l<s:2> !, 1940年4月30日第80期:8.31,1935年10月24日第27期:6.32,1938年6月第58期:7.33,1946年6月第154期:7.34见Bouret and Remedi (Citation2009, 294)。关于乌拉圭足球的起源以及足球、政治和民族认同之间的联系,见Mazzucchelli (Citation2019).35例如,记者加布里埃尔·哈诺特(Gabriel Hanot)在《体育报》(Le Miroir des sports)上称赞安德拉德不仅有运动技巧,而且有“南美探戈冠军”的天赋。参见Hanot (Citation1924).371924年,部分非裔乌拉圭人向安德拉德举行了致敬宴会,但安德拉德没有参加。安德拉德的蔑视被认为是对黑人社区的一种侮辱态度,1928年阿姆斯特丹奥运会后,这种冲突再次出现。这场论战导致《先锋报》的一些成员辞职,在8月至10月间的报纸(第16期至第19期)上可以看到他与古巴黑人作家的联系在20世纪40年代有所增加,并在Nicolás guillsaman于1947年访问乌拉圭时达到顶峰。白人作家Pereda valdsams经常在非洲-乌拉圭的媒体上发表文章,与黑人国际主义的潮流有着密切的联系,他的文章提到了杜波依斯以及哈莱姆文艺复兴时期的几位作家的作品。根据Álvaro Gascue于1980年收集的非裔乌拉圭作家Alberto Britos的证词,Nuestra Raza的成员不阅读当代欧洲和北美作家关于种族问题的书籍,这不仅是因为流通限制,而且主要是因为他们偏爱经典和规范文本(Gascue Citation1980, 21)参见Rodríguez (Citation2006, 108)。对传统的非裔乌拉圭文化习俗的漠不关心可以解释他们在获得大多数黑人人口的支持方面所面临的障碍,以及在1938年选举中Autóctono黑人党失败的原因
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引用次数: 0
The Narrative of Simulation in José Asunción Silva's De sobremesa 何塞-亚松森-席尔瓦《De sobremesa》中的模拟叙事
4区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-19 DOI: 10.1080/13569325.2023.2255145
Ana María Pozo de la Torre
AbstractThis article examines the narrative of simulation in De sobremesa [After-Dinner Conversation] (1925) by José Asunción Silva (1865-1896). Since its publication, De sobremesa has been read as an autobiographical novel, leading to an interpretation of the protagonist’s life as Silva’s own. This article expands on such critical approaches and sees the impetus behind the novel as Silva’s desire to obliterate his real-life circumstances. Through an analysis of the central element of simulation as the articulation between life and oeuvre, I interweave the novel’s characteristic narrative of excess and Silva’s life of loss and economic scarcity. By examining the accounts of Silva’s contemporaries and reading his correspondence, I explore the way he disfigures and reconfigures his real condition and financial bankruptcy in De sobremesa to project a world defined by wealth and luxury. In so doing, he rewrites his loss and constructs himself as an artifice, a literary sign, that has its fictitious counterpart in the character of José Fernández. The article proposes a reading of De sobremesa that reveals an intricate relationship between author and character, being and appearing, writing and consuming, and writing and simulating in late nineteenth-century Latin American modernity.Keywords: simulationarticulationnineteenth-century Latin American literatureModernismoJosé Asunción Silvamodernity Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 This essay is part of a wider-ranging research project entitled “Camuflajes cotidianos: la simulación en las narrativas de fines de siglo” [Everyday Camouflages: Simulation in Fin-de-Siècle Narratives].2 Enrique Santos Molano (Citation1997) contends that none of the seven novels Silva lost in the shipwreck was finished but that the manuscripts contained a vast universe of characters and at least seven titles (1024).3 Erving Goffman’s (Citation1959) seminal work, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life, sees social interaction as a theatrical performance in which the subject, through their behaviours, ways of speaking, and the space they inhabit, “guides” others’ impressions of them. By using the metaphor of theatre to understand social behaviours, Goffman’s work revealed how everyday acts are governed by others’ expectations and how people act to guide those expectations.4 For Pierre Bourdieu, habitus is a subjective structure based on certain internalised structures common to all members of the same group and is “understood as a system of lasting, transposable dispositions which, integrating past experiences, functions at every moment as a matrix of perceptions, appreciations, and actions and makes possible the achievement of infinitely diversified tasks” (in “Structures, habitus and practices”, Bourdieu Citation2013, 82–83). Habitus consists of the set of experiences that determine a conception of the world.5 Slack argues that “Relations are arbitrary in the sense that
摘要本文考察了jos<s:1> Asunción Silva(1865-1896)在《饭后谈话》(1925)中对模拟的叙述。自出版以来,De sobremesa一直被视为自传体小说,导致主人公的生活被解释为席尔瓦自己的生活。本文将对这些批判方法进行扩展,并将小说背后的推动力视为席尔瓦想要抹杀他的现实生活环境的愿望。通过分析作为生活和作品之间衔接的模拟的中心元素,我将小说的特征叙述与席尔瓦的损失和经济匮乏的生活交织在一起。通过研究Silva同时代人的叙述和阅读他的信件,我探索了他如何在De sobremesa中扭曲和重新配置他的真实状况和财务破产,以展示一个由财富和奢侈定义的世界。通过这样做,他重写了他的损失,并将自己构建为一种技巧,一种文学符号,与乔斯瑟尔Fernández这个虚构的角色相对应。本文提出了一种解读《sobremesa》的方法,揭示了十九世纪晚期拉丁美洲现代性中作者与人物、存在与出现、写作与消费、写作与模仿之间错综复杂的关系。关键词:模拟表达;19世纪拉丁美洲文学;现代主义;joss<s:1> Asunción现代主义披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1本文是一个范围更广的研究项目“Camuflajes cotidianos: la simulación en las narrativas de fine de siglo”(日常伪装:fin -de- si<e:1>叙事中的模拟)的一部分恩里克·桑托斯·莫拉诺(引文1997)认为席尔瓦在海难中丢失的七部小说都没有完成,但手稿中包含了大量的人物和至少七个标题(1024)欧文·戈夫曼(irving Goffman)的开创性作品《日常生活中的自我呈现》(The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life)将社会互动视为一场戏剧表演,其中主体通过他们的行为、说话方式和他们所居住的空间,“引导”他人对他们的印象。通过使用戏剧的隐喻来理解社会行为,戈夫曼的工作揭示了日常行为是如何受到他人期望的支配的,以及人们如何采取行动来指导这些期望对于皮埃尔·布迪厄来说,习惯是一种基于同一群体所有成员共同的某些内化结构的主观结构,“被理解为一种持久的、可转换的倾向系统,它整合了过去的经验,在每一刻都作为感知、欣赏和行动的矩阵发挥作用,并使实现无限多样化的任务成为可能”(在“结构、习惯和实践”,布迪厄引文2013,82-83)。习惯由一系列经验组成,这些经验决定了对世界的概念Slack认为,“关系是任意的,因为在某些条件下,链接可以断开(断开),而在某些其他条件下,链接可以以不同的方式连接(重新连接)”(2016,2)。此外,它们是偶然的,取决于特定条件(2)Gabriel García Márquez (Citation1996)认为jos<s:1> Fernández是Silva的报复,也提到了最富有的amacriain拥有jos<s:1> Fernández.7的通用名称的不可信西尔维娅·莫洛伊(Citation2012)着眼于拉丁美洲作家吸收颓废美学作为一种生活方式的不同方式。莫洛伊指出了文本对欧洲颓废主义的偏离,以定位拉丁美洲作家颓废主义的意识形态意义,并确定他们与欧洲模式的分歧。此外,这些同化过程表明了模拟的模仿本质席尔瓦的态度与Julián del Casal的态度相似,后者曾经在古巴媒体上发表他参观奢侈品百货商店的记录。这些编年史,我们现在会认为是简短的软文,促进了从这些商店购买物品。这种对广告界的探索揭示了现代主义作家更为现实的一面。要了解消费,市场和诗歌之间的关系,请参阅Ericka Beckman (Citation2012)的“消费:现代主义的进口目录”一章我想到的是镜像神经元范式。在《文学Biomesis:镜像神经元和表征的本体论优先性》一书中,Jenson和Iacoboni讨论了镜像神经元范式,其中心思想是“一个人在神经学层面模仿他人的行为,而一个人的本体论存在与运动理解是分不开的”。多亏了镜像神经元,其他人的行为和想法——包括文学人物——都拥有生理基础。 摘要本文考察了jos<s:1> Asunción Silva(1865-1896)在《饭后谈话》(1925)中对模拟的叙述。自出版以来,De sobremesa一直被视为自传体小说,导致主人公的生活被解释为席尔瓦自己的生活。本文将对这些批判方法进行扩展,并将小说背后的推动力视为席尔瓦想要抹杀他的现实生活环境的愿望。通过分析作为生活和作品之间衔接的模拟的中心元素,我将小说的特征叙述与席尔瓦的损失和经济匮乏的生活交织在一起。通过研究Silva同时代人的叙述和阅读他的信件,我探索了他如何在De sobremesa中扭曲和重新配置他的真实状况和财务破产,以展示一个由财富和奢侈定义的世界。通过这样做,他重写了他的损失,并将自己构建为一种技巧,一种文学符号,与乔斯瑟尔Fernández这个虚构的角色相对应。本文提出了一种解读《sobremesa》的方法,揭示了十九世纪晚期拉丁美洲现代性中作者与人物、存在与出现、写作与消费、写作与模仿之间错综复杂的关系。关键词:模拟表达;19世纪拉丁美洲文学;现代主义;joss<s:1> Asunción现代主义披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1本文是一个范围更广的研究项目“Camuflajes cotidianos: la simulación en las narrativas de fine de siglo”(日常伪装:fin -de- si<e:1>叙事中的模拟)的一部分恩里克·桑托斯·莫拉诺(引文1997)认为席尔瓦在海难中丢失的七部小说都没有完成,但手稿中包含了大量的人物和至少七个标题(1024)欧文·戈夫曼(irving Goffman)的开创性作品《日常生活中的自我呈现》(The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life)将社会互动视为一场戏剧表演,其中主体通过他们的行为、说话方式和他们所居住的空间,“引导”他人对他们的印象。通过使用戏剧的隐喻来理解社会行为,戈夫曼的工作揭示了日常行为是如何受到他人期望的支配的,以及人们如何采取行动来指导这些期望对于皮埃尔·布迪厄来说,习惯是一种基于同一群体所有成员共同的某些内化结构的主观结构,“被理解为一种持久的、可转换的倾向系统,它整合了过去的经验,在每一刻都作为感知、欣赏和行动的矩阵发挥作用,并使实现无限多样化的任务成为可能”(在“结构、习惯和实践”,布迪厄引文2013,82-83)。习惯由一系列经验组成,这些经验决定了对世界的概念Slack认为,“关系是任意的,因为在某些条件下,链接可以断开(断开),而在某些其他条件下,链接可以以不同的方式连接(重新连接)”(2016,2)。此外,它们是偶然的,取决于特定条件(2)Gabriel García Márquez (Citation1996)认为jos<s:1> Fernández是Silva的报复,也提到了最富有的amacriain拥有jos<s:1> F
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引用次数: 0
Foreign Faces, Trusted Portraits: Carlos Baca-Flor’s Painted Faces between Paris and New York 外国面孔,值得信赖的肖像:卡洛斯·巴卡-弗洛在巴黎和纽约之间的绘画面孔
4区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-05 DOI: 10.1080/13569325.2023.2253165
Grace Kuipers
AbstractThis article explores the work of the Peruvian painter Carlos Baca-Flor, who was the best-paid portraitist of his time and who painted over a hundred of New York’s most powerful people in the first few decades of the twentieth century. His most famous work is undoubtedly his portrait of James Pierpont Morgan, a painting whose careful, illusionistic precision was praised for the clarity with which it captured an essential truth about Morgan’s character. This portrait assumes greater complexity, however, when viewed alongside earlier works created by the artist in Paris. There, he navigated the pressures of his Latin American identity and adopted a Post-Impressionist approach to the face which seemed to detach the face from the personhood it represents. With this incongruity in mind, this article considers Baca-Flor’s Morgan portrait as part of a larger exploration of faces and what they can communicate about the racial and national identities of their subjects.Keywords: Peruportraitureimpressionismracefinanceepistemologyfacephysiognomymestizaje Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Acknowledgment of fundingResearch for this article was enabled by a generous gift from the Stronach family to support travel within the U.C. Berkeley History of Art department.AcknowledgmentsEarly versions of this paper were greatly improved by detailed suggestions from Lisa Trever, Lauren Kroiz and Darcy Grimaldo Grigsby. I extend my thanks to them, the anonymous reviewers of the manuscript, and to the editors of this journal, for their thoughtful and encouraging feedback.Notes1 Baca-Flor had arrived at the Accademia San Luca in Rome in 1889 on a scholarship from the Peruvian government. The Peruvian government hoped that the young painter would produce historical representations of Peru on an international stage and cultivate the budding tradition of Peruvian national painting. Baca-Flor’s responsibility to the Peruvian government is detailed most clearly in Kusunoki, Majluf and Wuffarden’s Carlos Baca-Flor: El último académico (2013, 42–69).2 Most recently, the Museo de Arte de Lima has emphasised the “paradoxical heterodoxy” of the artist’s seemingly perverse return to academic, highly finished portraits like Morgan’s that reflect cohesive figuration “in a sense opposed to that of modernity” (Kusunoki, Majluf, Wuffarden Citation2013, 37).3 Cathy Boeckmann (Citation2000), for instance, has historicised the ways in which the fields of physiognomy and phrenology in the USA assisted the notion that “racial character” not only existed, but was visible. Boeckmann shows how scientific discourse between the years of 1892 and 1912 shifted towards an interiorised language of “character” in order to accommodate the failure of the visible in identifying racial passing, thus facilitating a keener differentiation not just between Black and white, but also between, say, Irish and Anglo-Saxon. By making character visible, physio
摘要本文探讨了秘鲁画家卡洛斯·巴卡-弗洛尔的作品,他是当时收入最高的肖像画家,在20世纪头几十年里,他为一百多位纽约最有权势的人物画过肖像。他最著名的作品无疑是詹姆斯·皮尔庞特·摩根(James Pierpont Morgan)的肖像,这幅画细致而逼真,因其清晰地捕捉到了摩根性格的本质真相而受到称赞。然而,当与艺术家在巴黎创作的早期作品一起观看时,这幅肖像呈现出更大的复杂性。在那里,他克服了拉丁美洲身份带来的压力,并采用了后印象派的方法来处理面部,这种方法似乎将面部与它所代表的人格分离开来。考虑到这种不协调,本文认为巴卡-弗洛尔的摩根肖像是对面孔的更大探索的一部分,以及他们可以传达的关于其主题的种族和国家身份的信息。关键词:人物肖像;印象主义;财务;认识论;这篇文章的研究得到了Stronach家族的慷慨捐赠,以支持加州大学伯克利分校艺术史系的旅行。在Lisa Trever, Lauren Kroiz和Darcy Grimaldo Grigsby的详细建议下,本文的早期版本得到了极大的改进。我要感谢他们,手稿的匿名审稿人,以及本刊的编辑,感谢他们周到和鼓舞人心的反馈。注1巴卡-弗洛尔于1889年获得秘鲁政府的奖学金来到罗马的圣卢卡学院。秘鲁政府希望这位年轻的画家能够在国际舞台上展示秘鲁的历史,并培养秘鲁民族绘画的新兴传统。在Kusunoki、Majluf和Wuffarden的《Carlos Baca-Flor: El último acaad mico》(2013,42-69)中,详细阐述了Baca-Flor对秘鲁政府的责任最近,利马艺术博物馆(Museo de Arte de Lima)强调了艺术家看似反常地回归学院派的“矛盾的异端”,像摩根的高度完成的肖像,反映了“在某种意义上反对现代性”的凝聚力形象(Kusunoki, Majluf, Wuffarden Citation2013, 37)例如,Cathy Boeckmann (Citation2000)将美国的面相学和颅相学领域协助“种族特征”不仅存在,而且是可见的概念的方式历史化了。Boeckmann展示了1892年到1912年之间的科学论述如何转向一种内化的“性格”语言,以适应在识别种族传递方面可见的失败,从而促进了不仅黑人和白人之间,而且爱尔兰人和盎格鲁-撒克逊人之间更敏锐的区分。通过使性格可见,面相学和颅相学也使种族性格,从而使种族本身,再次成为可以从表面上发现的东西Natalia Majluf的《发明本土主义》(Citation2021)通过对秘鲁艺术家Francisco Laso的分析,对早期本土主义带来的种族不稳定意义进行了极好的讨论。Majluf讨论了土著主义和秘鲁身份建构的方式,这些方式通常是围绕“印第安人作为种族概念”构建的,这种构建既可以也可以不映射到一组特定的表型特征上,也可以不同地投射到混血儿身上,就像Laso的《秘鲁科迪勒拉斯的居民》(1855)中所描绘的那样例如,Marisol de la Cadena (Citation2000)描述了整个20世纪秘鲁种族概念的变化方式,强调了混血儿身体可能被理解为白人或土著的方式,这取决于背景我们很难不想到克拉克(Citation1985)在《愚人的酒吧》(1882)中对马奈的酒吧女招待的解读。克拉克提出了一个解决马奈特有的难以读懂的面部表情的方法,他认为马奈用他所谓的“时尚之脸”代替了面部身份的缺失,以模糊早期的阶级身份与一个人的性格不可分割的概念。格蕾丝·柯伊伯斯格蕾丝·柯伊伯斯目前是普林斯顿大学高梅多斯环境研究所的博士后。她的研究兴趣集中在20世纪美洲艺术中的种族和帝国主义问题上。
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引用次数: 0
Between The Long Sixties And The Short Eighties: An Analysis of Jorge Denti’s Film Malvinas, Historia De Traiciones 在漫长的60年代和短暂的80年代之间:乔治·登蒂的电影《马尔维纳斯》分析
4区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-21 DOI: 10.1080/13569325.2023.2239163
Paola Margulis
AbstractThis article surveys early documentaries about the Malvinas War, through an analysis of Jorge Denti’s Malvinas, historia de traiciones (1983), the first such film about the 1982 war by an Argentine filmmaker. Forty years after this conflict, this article recuperates this frequently overlooked film in order to analyse how its narrative dialogues with different imaginaries and identities of the sixties and eighties – influenced, of course, by the experience of state terrorism in the seventies. Paying special attention to Denti’s political and cinematographic trajectory, this article focuses on the film’s use of testimony and its construction of an epic around the idea of popular organisation that underscores the tensions between different epochal perspectives.Keywords: MalvinaswarcinemadocumentaryArgentinadictatorship AcknowledgementI would like to thank Dr. Mariano Mestman for various discussions that undoubtedly helped to make the issues addressed in this article more complex and profound.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 All quotations from the film and from source texts in Spanish have been translated anew for the purposes of this article.2 Regarding the use of archival material of this conflict in cinema see Caresani (Citation2014).3 For an analysis of space and affect in recent Malvinas documentaries see Depetris Chauvin (Citation2014).4 We refer to those documentaries filmed during the first 15 years after the conflict, which generally attempt to explain and contextualise the war.5 For an analysis of these films see Margulis (Citation2020).6 Hernán Confino (Citation2018, 351) explains that the Montoneros leadership offered their help to the juntas, for it considered the territorial claims fair, independently of their being articulated by their enemies (the collaboration did not take place in the end). Vitullo (Citation2012), in turn, discusses the position of a group of Peronist exiles gathered in the Grupo de Discusión Socialista de México, who supported the war.7 These are unequal ties and many of these documentaries underscore this aspect, by focusing on the nineteenth-century British invasions, the unfairness of the agro-export model, etc.8 For this reason the analysis will privilege specifically these two moments.9 Regarding the different ways in which the war was read and interpreted, see Guber (Citation2012).10 The chant directs the accusation towards Leopoldo Fortunato Galtieri, member of the junta and president of Argentina during the war.11 Regarding the debates around the use of testimonial accounts in Argentina in the post-dictatorship see Garibotto (Citation2019).12 The first mass mobilisation, called by Confederación General del Trabajo (CGT) under the motto of “Paz, pan y trabajo” (“Peace, bread and work”), took place on 30 March 1982, in the midst of a recession and under the implicit quest for a democratic reopening. This demonstration constituted a point of infle
摘要本文通过对阿根廷导演豪尔赫·登蒂的《马尔维纳斯,战史》(1983)的分析,考察了早期关于马尔维纳斯战争的纪录片。在这场冲突发生四十年后,本文重新审视了这部经常被忽视的电影,以分析它的叙事是如何与六八十年代的不同想象和身份进行对话的——当然,这受到了七十年代国家恐怖主义经历的影响。本文特别关注《Denti》的政治和电影轨迹,重点关注电影对证词的使用,以及围绕大众组织理念构建的史诗,强调了不同时代观点之间的紧张关系。我要感谢Mariano Mestman博士的各种讨论,这些讨论无疑有助于使本文所讨论的问题更加复杂和深刻。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1为了本文的目的,电影中的所有引语和西班牙语原文中的所有引语都经过重新翻译关于电影中对这场冲突的档案材料的使用,请参见Caresani (Citation2014)关于最近马尔维纳斯纪录片中空间和影响的分析,见Depetris Chauvin (Citation2014)我们指的是那些在冲突后的前15年拍摄的纪录片,这些纪录片通常试图解释这场战争并将其置于背景之下有关这些电影的分析,请参阅马古利斯(Citation2020)Hernán Confino (Citation2018, 351)解释说,Montoneros领导层向军政府提供了帮助,因为它认为领土要求是公平的,独立于他们的敌人的表达(合作最终没有发生)。反过来,Vitullo (Citation2012)讨论了一群庇隆主义流亡者的立场,他们聚集在Grupo de Discusión社会主义者de m希科,他们支持这场战争这些都是不平等的关系,许多纪录片都强调了这一点,通过关注19世纪英国的入侵,农业出口模式的不公平等。因此,分析将特别重视这两个时刻关于战争被解读和解释的不同方式,见Guber (Citation2012)这一口号将矛头指向了莱奥波尔多·福尔图纳托·加尔蒂耶里,他是军政府成员,也是战争期间的阿根廷总统关于阿根廷在后独裁统治时期使用证词账户的辩论,见Garibotto (Citation2019)第一次群众动员是由Confederación del Trabajo将军(CGT)在“和平、面包和工作”(Paz, pan y Trabajo)的口号下号召的,发生在1982年3月30日,当时经济衰退,暗含着重新开放民主的要求。这次示威构成了一个转折点,标志着在压迫和暴力的背景下,街道重新成为示威和公众抗议的空间,并被解读为两天后入侵的触发因素之一。不出所料,示威遭到暴力镇压,最后造成一人死亡,至少一百人被捕。有关在五月广场支持马尔维纳斯的图像分析,以及与冲突有关的其他示威活动,请参见Varela (Citation2013)在阿根廷,福特猎鹰(Ford Falcon)是一种经常与绑架和独裁统治期间进行的其他秘密行动联系在一起的车型。PICT资助项目(2017-1213),阿根廷国家机构Promoción Científica y Tecnológica (ANPCyT)。阿根廷国家调查委员会(CONICET) PIP项目(11220170100584CO)。项目UBACyT (20020190200344BA), Secretaría阿根廷布宜诺斯艾利斯大学Ciencia - tacimnica,阿根廷。作者简介:保拉·马古利斯,布宜诺斯艾利斯大学传播媒体史教授。她是国家调查委员会Científicas y tsamcnicas (CONICET)的附属研究员和Gino Germani调查研究所的研究员。她编辑了《Transiciones de lo real: Transformaciones políticas, estemacticas y tecnológicas》一书(2020年,Libraria),著有《de la formación a la institución:阿根廷纪录片视听视听视听transición democrática(1982-1990)》(2014年,Imago Mundi)一书,并在专业期刊上发表了关于拉丁美洲政治电影的各种研究文章。
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引用次数: 0
Theorising belle Époque rio de janeiro through opium: joão do rio’s “visões d’ópio” as a postcolonial framework 通过鸦片理论belle epoque里约热内卢de janeiro: joao do里约热内卢的“鸦片愿景”作为后殖民框架
4区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-12 DOI: 10.1080/13569325.2023.2242798
Fan Fan
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引用次数: 0
Philosophy, University, and Democracy After the Military Rule: Argentina, 1975-1990 军事统治后的哲学、大学与民主:阿根廷,1975-1990
IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-29 DOI: 10.1080/13569325.2023.2206514
Lucas Domínguez Rubio, Sofia Mercader
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Latin American Cultural Studies
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