Pub Date : 2013-09-01DOI: 10.1080/19370679.2013.12023225
Yihua Xu
Abstract: Since the 1970s, the global resurgence of religion, the politicization and internationalization of religion, as well as the raging violent religious extremism, have posed a severe challenge to national sovereignty and international order. The impact of religion on national security has become an inevitable problem facing the world. For more than 60 years since the founding of the PRC, religion has always been an important issue in its national security considerations, while “anti-foreign religious infiltration” and “combating the three forces of terrorism, national separatism and religious extremism” have become the official guidelines of discussions concerning religion and national security. In the context of the global resurgence of religion, changes in China’s religious security situation and the development of non-traditional security studies, research on religion and China’s national security has begun to break through the conventional pattern of “anti-filtration study” and started to become more academic and empirical. This paper has outlined the history and current situation of studies about religion and China’s national security and discussed some basic issues of this research area.
{"title":"Studies on Religion and China’s National Security in the Globalization Era","authors":"Yihua Xu","doi":"10.1080/19370679.2013.12023225","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19370679.2013.12023225","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: Since the 1970s, the global resurgence of religion, the politicization and internationalization of religion, as well as the raging violent religious extremism, have posed a severe challenge to national sovereignty and international order. The impact of religion on national security has become an inevitable problem facing the world. For more than 60 years since the founding of the PRC, religion has always been an important issue in its national security considerations, while “anti-foreign religious infiltration” and “combating the three forces of terrorism, national separatism and religious extremism” have become the official guidelines of discussions concerning religion and national security. In the context of the global resurgence of religion, changes in China’s religious security situation and the development of non-traditional security studies, research on religion and China’s national security has begun to break through the conventional pattern of “anti-filtration study” and started to become more academic and empirical. This paper has outlined the history and current situation of studies about religion and China’s national security and discussed some basic issues of this research area.","PeriodicalId":63464,"journal":{"name":"中东与伊斯兰研究(英文版)","volume":"7 1","pages":"1 - 21"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19370679.2013.12023225","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59948389","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-06-01DOI: 10.1080/19370679.2013.12023223
Weijiang Li
Abstract: The fundamental motivation leading to the Middle East Upheaval is an urgent need for the internal political and social transformation in Middle East countries. International public opinion, particularly the Western discourse that occupies a stronger position has had a profound impact on the development of the whole situation. With China’s continued rise, there is an increase in its competitions and frictions with the United States and other Western powers in global political, economic and other areas. The West uses its advantages in controlling international public opinion, and continues to manufacture discourse and set agendas and even slander regarding Chinese policies. This is not only to guide the situation, but more to maintain its dominant position in international affairs and to contain China’s rising influence. In recent years, China has taken a more aggressive Middle East policy. However, its ability to construct discourse and set agendas is relatively lacking. Therefore, China often remains passive and reactive when responding to the traps set in the Western discourse and agendas. This article focuses on the international competition for discourse power in the Middle East upheaval and the implications for china.
{"title":"International Competition for Discourse Power in the Middle East Upheaval and Implications for China","authors":"Weijiang Li","doi":"10.1080/19370679.2013.12023223","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19370679.2013.12023223","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: The fundamental motivation leading to the Middle East Upheaval is an urgent need for the internal political and social transformation in Middle East countries. International public opinion, particularly the Western discourse that occupies a stronger position has had a profound impact on the development of the whole situation. With China’s continued rise, there is an increase in its competitions and frictions with the United States and other Western powers in global political, economic and other areas. The West uses its advantages in controlling international public opinion, and continues to manufacture discourse and set agendas and even slander regarding Chinese policies. This is not only to guide the situation, but more to maintain its dominant position in international affairs and to contain China’s rising influence. In recent years, China has taken a more aggressive Middle East policy. However, its ability to construct discourse and set agendas is relatively lacking. Therefore, China often remains passive and reactive when responding to the traps set in the Western discourse and agendas. This article focuses on the international competition for discourse power in the Middle East upheaval and the implications for china.","PeriodicalId":63464,"journal":{"name":"中东与伊斯兰研究(英文版)","volume":"7 1","pages":"75 - 95"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19370679.2013.12023223","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59948639","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-06-01DOI: 10.1080/19370679.2013.12023221
Yueqin Liu
Abstract: During the political upheaval in the Middle East in 2011, the Western countries adopted a policy focusing on both military intervention and the so-called “humanitarian interference” in the Middle East countries. Europe, the US and other Western powers distorted the “legitimacy” authorized by the UN and took military means to impose regime change in Libya, seriously disrupting the order of international relations. Their intervention efforts in this have far exceeded the ones before the Cold War. In the Intervention, they tried to secure legalization of their intervention, to take collective intervention, as well as nurture and support the country’s opposition parties to cause the “civil war” approach as the model of intervention. Their intervention has been blatant, fraudulent, hidden, and mandatory. From the development trend, because of the importance of the geopolitical position and strategic energy position of the Middle East and North Africa, as well as Western powers’ pursuit of global geopolitical interests, the Western powers’ intervention in the Middle East and North Africa will continue. These countries will still be faced with the historical responsibility to oppose power intervention. Their self-development and ability to maintain their own security will continue to face serious challenges.
{"title":"On the Great Power Intervention in the Middle East Upheaval and Political Trend in the Middle East","authors":"Yueqin Liu","doi":"10.1080/19370679.2013.12023221","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19370679.2013.12023221","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: During the political upheaval in the Middle East in 2011, the Western countries adopted a policy focusing on both military intervention and the so-called “humanitarian interference” in the Middle East countries. Europe, the US and other Western powers distorted the “legitimacy” authorized by the UN and took military means to impose regime change in Libya, seriously disrupting the order of international relations. Their intervention efforts in this have far exceeded the ones before the Cold War. In the Intervention, they tried to secure legalization of their intervention, to take collective intervention, as well as nurture and support the country’s opposition parties to cause the “civil war” approach as the model of intervention. Their intervention has been blatant, fraudulent, hidden, and mandatory. From the development trend, because of the importance of the geopolitical position and strategic energy position of the Middle East and North Africa, as well as Western powers’ pursuit of global geopolitical interests, the Western powers’ intervention in the Middle East and North Africa will continue. These countries will still be faced with the historical responsibility to oppose power intervention. Their self-development and ability to maintain their own security will continue to face serious challenges.","PeriodicalId":63464,"journal":{"name":"中东与伊斯兰研究(英文版)","volume":"235 1","pages":"1 - 34"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19370679.2013.12023221","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59948362","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-06-01DOI: 10.1080/19370679.2013.12023222
Lirong Ma
Abstract: Since the establishment of the GCC, its member states have been making an effort to strengthen the GCC’s political integration on the basis of the members’ active practice of promoting security and economic integrations. During this process, there is a trend that the GCC’s soft power is continuously rising, which is embodied in the following points: strengthening the GCC’s religious and political influences; getting discourse power in the Arab-Islamic affairs; gaining political influence through involvements in regional hot issues; transforming into an Arabic-Islamic alliance of monarchies. On this basis, the article analyzes the major causes of the rise of the GCC’s soft power and puts forward some recommendations for China to deal with it.
{"title":"The Rise of GCC’s Soft Power and China’s Humanities Diplomacy","authors":"Lirong Ma","doi":"10.1080/19370679.2013.12023222","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19370679.2013.12023222","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: Since the establishment of the GCC, its member states have been making an effort to strengthen the GCC’s political integration on the basis of the members’ active practice of promoting security and economic integrations. During this process, there is a trend that the GCC’s soft power is continuously rising, which is embodied in the following points: strengthening the GCC’s religious and political influences; getting discourse power in the Arab-Islamic affairs; gaining political influence through involvements in regional hot issues; transforming into an Arabic-Islamic alliance of monarchies. On this basis, the article analyzes the major causes of the rise of the GCC’s soft power and puts forward some recommendations for China to deal with it.","PeriodicalId":63464,"journal":{"name":"中东与伊斯兰研究(英文版)","volume":"7 1","pages":"54 - 74"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19370679.2013.12023222","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59948455","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-06-01DOI: 10.1080/19370679.2013.12023224
Munif Zarirruddin Fikri bin Nordin, Che Su binti Mustaffa
Abstract: The main purpose of this paper is to identify the function and the lexical features of the sentence in the delivery of information of waqaf and zakat in Malaysia based on the background, participants and goals. A sample of the Friday sermons issued by the Malaysian Department of Islamic Development in 2009 has been selected; this contains information concerning waqaf and zakat resilience in the Malay language. The unit of analysis is the sentence of the paragraph. The approach of analysis is based on the functionalism in sentence and lexical features of the Malay language proposed by Asmah Haji Omar(2000; 2005). As discussed in this paper, both the function and the lexical features of the sentence are able to link the background, participants and goals with the enhancement of the language users’ awareness in the delivery of information of waqaf and zakat.
摘要:本文的主要目的是根据马来西亚伊斯兰教宣教的背景、参与者和目标，确定该句子在伊斯兰教宣教和天课信息传递中的功能和词汇特征。马来西亚伊斯兰发展部于2009年发布的周五布道样本已被选中;这包含了有关瓦卡夫和天课在马来语中的弹性的信息。分析的单位是段落的句子。分析方法是基于Asmah Haji Omar(2000)提出的马来语句子功能主义和词汇特征;2005)。正如本文所讨论的那样，句子的功能和词汇特征都能够将背景、参与者和目标联系起来，增强语言使用者在宣讲伊斯兰教和天课信息时的意识。
{"title":"An Analysis of Waqaf and Zakat Information in Friday Sermons","authors":"Munif Zarirruddin Fikri bin Nordin, Che Su binti Mustaffa","doi":"10.1080/19370679.2013.12023224","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19370679.2013.12023224","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: The main purpose of this paper is to identify the function and the lexical features of the sentence in the delivery of information of waqaf and zakat in Malaysia based on the background, participants and goals. A sample of the Friday sermons issued by the Malaysian Department of Islamic Development in 2009 has been selected; this contains information concerning waqaf and zakat resilience in the Malay language. The unit of analysis is the sentence of the paragraph. The approach of analysis is based on the functionalism in sentence and lexical features of the Malay language proposed by Asmah Haji Omar(2000; 2005). As discussed in this paper, both the function and the lexical features of the sentence are able to link the background, participants and goals with the enhancement of the language users’ awareness in the delivery of information of waqaf and zakat.","PeriodicalId":63464,"journal":{"name":"中东与伊斯兰研究(英文版)","volume":"7 1","pages":"120 - 96"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19370679.2013.12023224","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59948780","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-03-01DOI: 10.1080/19370679.2013.12023217
Pakinam El Sharakawy
Abstract: Using religion as an essential tool of political control is the major trends adopted by governing systems in Muslim states. Both Islamic and secular formal discourses aim at “the nationalization of religion” to dominate societies. The Egyptian state symbolizes a hybrid model in which secular and Islamic tenets coexist in a unique formula, claiming to represent a moderation version of the two, and intending a full control over the society. It will reveal the hybrid nature of the Egyptian state that is shaped by an Islamic – secular nexus, creating a complex blend core for the state identity. It is important to study type and aspects of the relation between state, secularism and religion in Egypt. To accomplish this target, the research will be divided into five main parts: 1) a revealing framework of Islamic – secular hybrid: 2) religion, and secularism in the Muslim World; the game of control; 3) Egyptian state and religion: historical pattern of evolution; 4) Egyptian state as an Islamic - secular actor; 5) Egyptian state and non –state religious actors.
{"title":"Islamic – Secular Hybrid and the Egyptian State","authors":"Pakinam El Sharakawy","doi":"10.1080/19370679.2013.12023217","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19370679.2013.12023217","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: Using religion as an essential tool of political control is the major trends adopted by governing systems in Muslim states. Both Islamic and secular formal discourses aim at “the nationalization of religion” to dominate societies. The Egyptian state symbolizes a hybrid model in which secular and Islamic tenets coexist in a unique formula, claiming to represent a moderation version of the two, and intending a full control over the society. It will reveal the hybrid nature of the Egyptian state that is shaped by an Islamic – secular nexus, creating a complex blend core for the state identity. It is important to study type and aspects of the relation between state, secularism and religion in Egypt. To accomplish this target, the research will be divided into five main parts: 1) a revealing framework of Islamic – secular hybrid: 2) religion, and secularism in the Muslim World; the game of control; 3) Egyptian state and religion: historical pattern of evolution; 4) Egyptian state as an Islamic - secular actor; 5) Egyptian state and non –state religious actors.","PeriodicalId":63464,"journal":{"name":"中东与伊斯兰研究(英文版)","volume":"7 1","pages":"17 - 58"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19370679.2013.12023217","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59948155","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-03-01DOI: 10.1080/19370679.2013.12023218
Changgang Guo, Fengmei Zhang
Abstract: In the Western context, because of its organizational structure, religion has become synonymous with the church. In contrast to this, in traditional Chinese society the concept of religion is not monotheist or institutionalized. And thus there is harmony between multiple religions. The way of existence of China’s traditional religion is a normal state of the world's religions. In recent years, the institutional religions in Western society are facing a downward trend, while the number of people in pursuit of spirituality continues to rise, which reflects the enhanced awareness of the religious idea of ’’religiousness’’ or ‘’individual religion’’.
{"title":"Comments on Religious Concepts under Diverse Visions","authors":"Changgang Guo, Fengmei Zhang","doi":"10.1080/19370679.2013.12023218","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19370679.2013.12023218","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: In the Western context, because of its organizational structure, religion has become synonymous with the church. In contrast to this, in traditional Chinese society the concept of religion is not monotheist or institutionalized. And thus there is harmony between multiple religions. The way of existence of China’s traditional religion is a normal state of the world's religions. In recent years, the institutional religions in Western society are facing a downward trend, while the number of people in pursuit of spirituality continues to rise, which reflects the enhanced awareness of the religious idea of ’’religiousness’’ or ‘’individual religion’’.","PeriodicalId":63464,"journal":{"name":"中东与伊斯兰研究(英文版)","volume":"7 1","pages":"59 - 81"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19370679.2013.12023218","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59948540","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-03-01DOI: 10.1080/19370679.2013.12023220
R. Karaca
Abstract: Nations’ misperception causes misinterpretations of reciprocal demands, actions; the other side’s expectations, inadequacies and priorities; and may form biases. But scholars, especially those studying international relations, generally attach utmost importance to the bilateral relations of politics, economy, culture and military. Foreign policy analysts and makers often disregard the impact of public opinion. This article tries to analyze the impact of the perceptions between Turkish and Chinese peoples to the relations of both countries. In case of this the main question of this presentation is whether the public’s attitude became a major hinder and heavily influenced the decision-makers or not on the basis of Turkish-Chinese relations. Diplomatic relations between Turkey and China in political and economic field have improved significantly in recent years. But the degree of favorability to people to people exchange is extremely low because of the influential factors, which are mostly stemmed from the issue of ‘Eastern Turkistan’, the thoughts of the past, the trade imbalance and the media’s negative and adverse approach to the issues. In order to solve the low favorability problem, both sides not only should depend on exchange and dialogue institutionally, but also rely on social and cultural interactionsinformally to enhance the mutual understanding accordingly.
{"title":"On the Misperceptions between the Peoples of Turkey and China","authors":"R. Karaca","doi":"10.1080/19370679.2013.12023220","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19370679.2013.12023220","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: Nations’ misperception causes misinterpretations of reciprocal demands, actions; the other side’s expectations, inadequacies and priorities; and may form biases. But scholars, especially those studying international relations, generally attach utmost importance to the bilateral relations of politics, economy, culture and military. Foreign policy analysts and makers often disregard the impact of public opinion. This article tries to analyze the impact of the perceptions between Turkish and Chinese peoples to the relations of both countries. In case of this the main question of this presentation is whether the public’s attitude became a major hinder and heavily influenced the decision-makers or not on the basis of Turkish-Chinese relations. Diplomatic relations between Turkey and China in political and economic field have improved significantly in recent years. But the degree of favorability to people to people exchange is extremely low because of the influential factors, which are mostly stemmed from the issue of ‘Eastern Turkistan’, the thoughts of the past, the trade imbalance and the media’s negative and adverse approach to the issues. In order to solve the low favorability problem, both sides not only should depend on exchange and dialogue institutionally, but also rely on social and cultural interactionsinformally to enhance the mutual understanding accordingly.","PeriodicalId":63464,"journal":{"name":"中东与伊斯兰研究(英文版)","volume":"7 1","pages":"100 - 120"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19370679.2013.12023220","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59948313","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-03-01DOI: 10.1080/19370679.2013.12023219
Bo Wang
Abstract: After the end of the Cold War, the US pushed its hegemonic strategy fully in the Middle East depending on its position as the only super power in the world and tried to establish its hegemony in the Middle East with military interference and political reconstruction. However, the Iraq war that the US launched in 2003 has not only consumed much of its own strength but also caused many conditions that the US cannot deal with, such as the increase of the Iranian theocratic power, the expanding of terrorism, and the spread of Islamic people’s uprisings. Faced with the combination and the development of anti-US forces, the US has to adjust its strategy and replace military hegemony with an offshore balancing strategy. The offshore balancing strategy stresses that the US should transfer the responsibility of maintaining the regional security to the allies in this region and encourages them to form a balance to contain the hostile Islamic forces. At the same time, the US should withdraw its military force from the Middle East region. It will be helpful to avoid the hostile Islamic forces to prompt the anti-US sentiment and to maintain hegemony for the US in the region with a more cover way.
{"title":"Study on the Current US Strategic Adjustment in the Middle East","authors":"Bo Wang","doi":"10.1080/19370679.2013.12023219","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19370679.2013.12023219","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: After the end of the Cold War, the US pushed its hegemonic strategy fully in the Middle East depending on its position as the only super power in the world and tried to establish its hegemony in the Middle East with military interference and political reconstruction. However, the Iraq war that the US launched in 2003 has not only consumed much of its own strength but also caused many conditions that the US cannot deal with, such as the increase of the Iranian theocratic power, the expanding of terrorism, and the spread of Islamic people’s uprisings. Faced with the combination and the development of anti-US forces, the US has to adjust its strategy and replace military hegemony with an offshore balancing strategy. The offshore balancing strategy stresses that the US should transfer the responsibility of maintaining the regional security to the allies in this region and encourages them to form a balance to contain the hostile Islamic forces. At the same time, the US should withdraw its military force from the Middle East region. It will be helpful to avoid the hostile Islamic forces to prompt the anti-US sentiment and to maintain hegemony for the US in the region with a more cover way.","PeriodicalId":63464,"journal":{"name":"中东与伊斯兰研究(英文版)","volume":"7 1","pages":"82 - 99"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19370679.2013.12023219","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59948629","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-03-01DOI: 10.1080/19370679.2013.12023216
Sike Wu
Abstract: The Arab political transformations originally occurring in early 2011 are posing negative impact over China’s overseas interests in the Middle East region, including those related to its trade with the Arab world, the China-Middle East bilateral investments, its contracted projects, and the safety of its nationals living in the Middle East, whether these influences are direct or indirect, overt or covert. Three aspects are strongly impacted by these negative influences: 1) Libya; 2) Northern and southern Sudan; 3) Energy supply. The dramatic changes of the Arab world have brought alerting signals to China over its national interests in the Middle East, so China shall undertake a meticulous review of its overseas activities and draw the correct lessons from its experiences there so that practical responses can be worked out. In consideration of the loss that Chinese corporations have suffered from the Arab political changeovers, China should establish its own grand strategy for its foreign relations so as to protect its growing overseas interests.
{"title":"The Upheaval in West Asia and North Africa: A Constructed New Viewpoint of World Security","authors":"Sike Wu","doi":"10.1080/19370679.2013.12023216","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19370679.2013.12023216","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: The Arab political transformations originally occurring in early 2011 are posing negative impact over China’s overseas interests in the Middle East region, including those related to its trade with the Arab world, the China-Middle East bilateral investments, its contracted projects, and the safety of its nationals living in the Middle East, whether these influences are direct or indirect, overt or covert. Three aspects are strongly impacted by these negative influences: 1) Libya; 2) Northern and southern Sudan; 3) Energy supply. The dramatic changes of the Arab world have brought alerting signals to China over its national interests in the Middle East, so China shall undertake a meticulous review of its overseas activities and draw the correct lessons from its experiences there so that practical responses can be worked out. In consideration of the loss that Chinese corporations have suffered from the Arab political changeovers, China should establish its own grand strategy for its foreign relations so as to protect its growing overseas interests.","PeriodicalId":63464,"journal":{"name":"中东与伊斯兰研究(英文版)","volume":"7 1","pages":"1 - 16"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/19370679.2013.12023216","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59948084","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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