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Recasting Food 重铸食品
Pub Date : 2020-02-14 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v1i1.6
Nakkeeran N, S. Jadhav, A. Bhattacharya, Sunil Gamit, Chetan Mehta, Pratiksha Purohit, Ruchi Patel, Minal Doshi
Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) is the principal programme operating in India to address issues around child development, malnutrition and pre-school education. A package of services – including the Supplementary Nutrition Programme (SNP), pre-school education, immunization, health check-ups, referral services, and nutrition and health education – are provided through an Anganwadi Centre (AWC) with an Anganwadi Worker (AWW) and an Anganwadi Helper (AWH) for roughly every one thousand people. From the mid-1990s, there have been successive efforts on the part of the Government of India to universalize ICDS, and there has been a multi-fold increase in funds allocated to this programme between the 8th Five-Year Plan (1992–93 to 1996–97) and the 12th Five-Year Plan (2012–17) (1-2). However, the utilization of all services under ICDS continues to be grossly low. Close to 75 percent of children aged 0–71 months in the areas covered by AWCs did not receive any supplementary food from the centres, and less than 12 percent of children received supplementary food ‘almost daily’. For children aged 36–71 months this figure is 15.5 percent. More than 80 percent of children were not weighed at all. It has been reported that children belonging to economically backward and socially marginalised families, including Dalit, tribal, and religious minorities, are excluded from utilising these services through unfavourable institutional rules and structural factors. Equally, members of well-off families do not use services provided by AWCs – especially the SNP – for under-6 children. A multi-sited ethnographic study was conducted in four villages in Gujarat in order to identify the reasons behind poor utilisation of AWCs, especially the SNP services.  The study aimed to understand everyday experience of households around the SNP in rural settings and an opportunity to study AWCs as institutions embedded in the context of village cultural life. The authors hypothesise that a study focusing on AWCs could serve as an illustrative case to highlight challenges in implementing other entitlement-based programmes.
综合儿童发展服务(ICDS)是在印度开展的主要项目,旨在解决儿童发展、营养不良和学前教育等问题。大约每1000人中就有一名安干瓦迪工作人员和一名安干瓦迪帮工,通过安干瓦迪中心提供一揽子服务,包括补充营养方案、学前教育、免疫、健康检查、转诊服务以及营养和健康教育。自20世纪90年代中期以来,印度政府一直在努力推广ICDS,在第八个五年计划(1992-93至1996-97)和第十二个五年计划(2012-17)期间,分配给该计划的资金增加了数倍(1-2)。但是,国际综合发展系统下所有服务的使用率仍然很低。在AWCs覆盖的地区,近75%的0-71个月大的儿童没有从中心获得任何补充食物,不到12%的儿童“几乎每天”获得补充食物。对于36-71个月大的儿童,这一数字为15.5%。超过80%的儿童根本没有称重。据报道,由于不利的体制规则和结构性因素,属于经济落后和社会边缘化家庭的儿童,包括达利特人、部落和宗教少数群体的儿童被排除在利用这些服务之外。同样,富裕家庭的成员也不使用AWCs(尤其是SNP)为6岁以下儿童提供的服务。在古吉拉特邦的四个村庄进行了一项多地点人种学研究,以确定AWCs使用率低的原因,特别是SNP服务。该研究旨在了解农村环境中SNP周围家庭的日常体验,并有机会将awc作为嵌入乡村文化生活背景的制度进行研究。作者假设,一项以儿童福利为重点的研究可以作为一个说明性案例,以突出在执行其他基于应计权利的方案方面的挑战。
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引用次数: 1
The Empire of Disgust 厌恶帝国
Pub Date : 2018-10-04 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199487837.001.0001
R. Sampath
All known societies exclude and stigmatize one or more minority groups. Frequently these exclusions are underwritten with a rhetoric of disgust: people of a certain group, it is alleged, are filthy, hyper-animal, or not fit to share such facilities as drinking water, food, and public swimming pools with the ‘clean’ and ‘fully human’ majority. But exclusions vary in their scope and also in the specific disgust-ideologies underlying them. In this volume, interdisciplinary scholars from the United States and India present a detailed comparative study of the varieties of prejudice and stigma that pervade contemporary social and political life: prejudice along the axes of caste, race, gender, age, sexual orientation, transgender, disability, religion, and economic class. In examining these forms of stigma and their intersections, the authors present theoretically pluralistic and empirically sensitive accounts that both explain group-based stigma and suggest ways forward. These forward-looking remedies, including group resistance to subordination as well as institutional and legal change, point the way towards a public culture that is informed by our diverse histories of discrimination and therefore equipped to eliminate stigma in all of its multifaceted forms.
所有已知的社会都排斥和污蔑一个或多个少数群体。这些排除在外的行为往往带有厌恶的言辞:据称,某个群体的人很脏,是超级动物,或者不适合与“干净”和“全人类”的大多数人共享饮用水、食物和公共游泳池等设施。但排斥的范围各不相同,其背后的具体厌恶意识形态也各不相同。在本卷中,来自美国和印度的跨学科学者对当代社会和政治生活中普遍存在的各种偏见和污名进行了详细的比较研究:种姓、种族、性别、年龄、性取向、跨性别、残疾、宗教和经济阶级等方面的偏见。在研究这些形式的污名及其交叉点时,作者提出了理论上多元和经验上敏感的解释,既解释了基于群体的污名,又提出了前进的道路。这些前瞻性的补救措施,包括群体对从属关系的抵制以及体制和法律变革,为建立一种以我们不同的歧视历史为基础的公共文化指明了道路,从而有能力消除各种形式的污名。
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引用次数: 0
A Commentary on Ambedkar's Posthumously Published "Philosophy of Hinduism" - Part II 安贝德卡死后出版的《印度教哲学》述评(二)
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v2i1.300
R. Sampath
This paper continues the commentary on Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s posthumously published Philosophy of Hinduism. Utilizing resources from various modern continental European philosophers and social theorists, particularly of religion, we elaborate on several key passages within Ambedkar’s overall framework of analysis. The paper continues to explore how Ambedkar conceives relations between philosophy and religion, and how historical shifts in general human consciousness have occurred whereby altering both fields. At the core of his being, Ambedkar is concerned with a methodological justification that will enable him to venture into a penetrating critique of the immoral and amoral nature of Hinduism’s social system of caste. In Part I of the commentary, we followed Ambedkar until he arrived at the criteria of ‘justice’ and ‘utility’ to judge the status of Hinduism. He wanted to test whether this Eastern world religion, which descends from antiquity, meets those criteria, which shape the modern conception of religion. In Part II of this commentary, we expand further on Ambedkar’s thesis as to why Hinduism fails to meet the modern conception when those twin criteria are not met. This thought presupposes various underlying philosophical transformations of the relations of ‘God to man’, ‘Society to man’, and ‘man to man’ within which the Hindu-dominated Indian society forecloses the possibility of individual equality, freedom, and dignity. In making contributions to Ambedkar studies, the philosophy of religion, and political philosophies of justice, this paper sets up Part III of the commentary, which will examine Ambedkar’s actual engagement with the classics of Hinduism’s philosophy and thought in general. Ultimately, Ambedkar is undeterred in his original critique of the social and moral failures of the caste system, thereby intimating ambitious possibilities for its eventual eradication.
本文继续对安贝德卡博士死后出版的《印度教哲学》进行评论。利用各种现代欧洲大陆哲学家和社会理论家,特别是宗教理论家的资源,我们在安贝德卡的整体分析框架内详细阐述了几个关键段落。本文继续探讨安贝德卡如何设想哲学与宗教之间的关系,以及一般人类意识的历史转变是如何发生的,从而改变了这两个领域。安贝德卡关注的核心是方法论上的辩护,这将使他能够大胆地对印度教种姓社会制度的不道德和不道德的本质进行深刻的批判。在评论的第一部分,我们跟随安贝德卡,直到他到达了“正义”和“效用”的标准来判断印度教的地位。他想检验这种从古代传承下来的东方世界宗教是否符合这些标准,这些标准塑造了现代宗教的概念。在本评论的第二部分中,我们进一步扩展了安贝德卡的论点,即当这两个标准不满足时,印度教为什么不能满足现代概念。这种思想预设了“神对人”、“社会对人”和“人对人”关系的各种潜在哲学转变,在这些转变中,印度教主导的印度社会排除了个人平等、自由和尊严的可能性。为了对安贝德卡的研究、宗教哲学和政治正义哲学做出贡献,本文设置了评注的第三部分,该部分将考察安贝德卡与印度教哲学和思想经典的实际接触。最终,安贝德卡尔对种姓制度在社会和道德上的失败进行了最初的批判,并没有因此而气馁,从而暗示了最终消灭种姓制度的雄心勃勃的可能性。
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引用次数: 1
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Caste (Waltham, Mass.)
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