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Caste (Waltham, Mass.)最新文献

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Editorial Essay 编辑文章
Pub Date : 2020-10-31 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v1i2.235
Sunaina Arya
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引用次数: 3
Introduction 介绍
Pub Date : 2020-10-31 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v1i2.236
Ashok Gurung
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引用次数: 0
Civility against Caste: Dalit Politics and Citizenship in Western India 反对种姓的文明:西印度的达利特政治和公民身份
Pub Date : 2020-10-31 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v1i2.138
Juned Shaikh
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引用次数: 1
The Caste of Merit: Engineering Education in India 功绩种姓:印度的工程教育
Pub Date : 2020-10-31 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v1i2.223
Vivek Narayan
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引用次数: 0
Persisting Prejudice: Measuring Attitudes and Outcomes by Caste and Gender in India. 持续的偏见:衡量印度种姓和性别的态度和结果。
Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v1i2.172
Amit Thorat, Nazar Khalid, Nikhil Srivastav, Payal Hathi, Dean Spears, Diane Coffey

Nearly seventy years after India adopted one of the most progressive constitutions in the world ensuring equality for all its citizens irrespective of caste, class, race, and gender, the mind-set of its vast majority Indian remains steeped in gender and caste bias. Results from a new telephonic survey confirm persistence of conservative gender and caste attitudes in Indian society. High proportions of men and women across all social groups disapprove of women working outside their homes, consider it 'acceptable for husbands to beat their wives', and would object to relatives marrying a Dalit person. Analyzing data from the National Family Health Survey and the India Human Development Survey, it has been found that outcomes associated with these attitudes are even more conservative: a smaller fraction of women work than those who feel it is okay to step out of the house for work; a larger fraction of women experience violence in marriage than men who consider marital violence acceptable, and an even smaller fraction of people have inter-caste marriages than people who say they would not oppose such an alliance. An overwhelming majority is opposed to an inter-caste marriage with a Dalit in the family. With a few exceptions, the attitudes and outcomes we studied vary, surprisingly, little by respondent gender, caste, and religion. Dr.Ambedkar's legacy is indeed unfinished-people from all backgrounds must continue to work for the equality and dignity of women and Dalits.

印度通过了世界上最进步的宪法之一,确保了所有公民不分种姓、阶级、种族和性别的平等,近70年后,其绝大多数印度人的思维方式仍然沉浸在性别和种姓偏见中。一项新的电话调查结果证实,保守的性别和种姓观念在印度社会持续存在。在所有社会群体中,有很高比例的男性和女性不赞成女性外出工作,认为“丈夫殴打妻子是可以接受的”,并反对亲戚与达利特人结婚。分析全国家庭健康调查和印度人类发展调查的数据发现,与这些态度相关的结果甚至更为保守:与那些认为可以走出家门工作的女性相比,工作的女性比例更低;女性在婚姻中遭受暴力的比例高于男性,而男性认为婚姻暴力是可以接受的,而跨种姓婚姻的比例甚至低于那些表示不反对这种联盟的人。绝大多数人反对家庭中有达利特人的跨种姓婚姻。令人惊讶的是,除了少数例外,我们研究的态度和结果几乎没有因受访者的性别、种姓和宗教而变化。安贝德卡博士的遗产确实没有完成——来自各种背景的人们必须继续为妇女和贱民的平等和尊严而努力。
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引用次数: 1
Mirrors of the Soul 灵魂之镜
Pub Date : 2020-02-14 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v1i1.96
Vivek Narayan
Scenes of avarna castes (slave and intermediate castes) pondering their reflections recur throughout the history of anti-caste struggle in the princely state of Travancore in colonial-era south India. These scenes represent what I will call performative egalitarianisms, which are repetitive enactments in the performance of everyday lives that embody claims to equality against the dehumanizing caste codes of colonial Travancore. In this paper, I will describe three scenes that represent distinct yet intertwined routes for the flows of egalitarian discourses in colonial Kerala. The concept of equality emerged in Travancore, first, via Enlightenment values of the British Protestant missionaries, or soulful Enlightenment; second, as non-dualistic equality of Narayana Guru, or repurposed Advaita; and third, through the discourses and practices of a Tamil religious cult called Ayya Vazhi, or radical Siddha Saiva. In viewing the flows of egalitarian discourse through the lens of performance, I demonstrate the method of intellectual histories in the repertoire which allows us to investigate how particular conceptual frameworks and discursive modes are transmitted, transformed, and embodied by people for whom these ideas are, quite literally, a matter of life and death. The intentional, productive, and empowering relationship between universals such as equality or humanity and the particular claims of anti-caste struggle in Kerala leads to a politics of practice that I describe as repurposing universals. The centrality of the notion of the human in the anti-caste politics of colonial-era Travancore leads me to refer to these flows of egalitarian discourses and the political struggles that they empowered as genealogies of the human. In sum, I analyze the genealogies of the human in colonial-era Travancore by focussing on three scenes exemplifying performative egalitarianisms: soulful Enlightenment, repurposed Advaita, and radical Siddha Saiva.
在殖民时代印度南部特拉凡科尔王子国的反种姓斗争历史上,阿瓦纳种姓(奴隶和中间种姓)思考自己的想法的场景反复出现。这些场景代表了我将称之为表演性平等主义的东西,这是日常生活中的重复行为,体现了对殖民地特拉凡科尔非人种姓制度的平等主张。在这篇论文中,我将描述三个场景,它们代表了殖民地喀拉拉邦平等主义话语流动的独特但交织的路线。平等观念在特拉凡科尔产生,首先是通过英国新教传教士的启蒙价值观,或深情的启蒙;第二,作为纳拉亚纳·古鲁的非二元平等,或被重新利用的Adwaita;第三,通过一个名为Ayya Vazhi或激进的Siddha Saiva的泰米尔宗教邪教的话语和实践。通过表演的视角来看待平等主义话语的流动,我展示了剧目中的知识史方法,这使我们能够研究特定的概念框架和话语模式是如何由人们传递、转化和体现的,对他们来说,这些思想实际上是一个生与死的问题。平等或人性等普世与喀拉拉邦反种姓斗争的特殊主张之间有意、富有成效和赋权的关系导致了一种实践政治,我将其描述为重新利用普世。人类概念在殖民时代特拉凡科尔的反种姓政治中的中心地位使我将这些平等主义话语的流动和他们赋予权力的政治斗争称为人类的家谱。总之,我分析了殖民时代特拉凡科尔的人类谱系,重点关注了三个体现表演平等主义的场景:深情的启蒙运动、重新调整用途的Adwaita和激进的Siddha Saiva。
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引用次数: 2
The Revolt of the Upper Castes 上层种姓的起义
Pub Date : 2020-02-14 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v1i1.44
J. Drèze
This article argues that the recent rise of Hindu nationalism in India can be seen as a revolt of the upper castes against the egalitarian demands of democracy. By and large, the upper castes have managed to retain their power and privileges in the post-independence period. Nevertheless, democratic institutions have forced them to accept some sharing of power and privilege in important spheres of public life. Some economic changes have also undermined their dominant position, at least in rural areas. The Hindutva project is a lifeboat for the upper castes, in so far as it stands for the restoration of the Brahminical social order that places them at the top. Seen in this light, the recent growth of Hindu nationalism is a major setback for the movement to annihilate caste and bring about a more equal society in India.
本文认为,印度最近兴起的印度教民族主义可以被视为上层种姓对民主平等主义要求的反抗。总的来说,在独立后的时期,上层种姓设法保留了他们的权力和特权。然而,民主制度迫使他们接受在公共生活的重要领域分享一些权力和特权。一些经济变化也削弱了他们的主导地位,至少在农村地区是这样。印度教至上主义计划是上层种姓的救生艇,因为它代表着恢复婆罗门社会秩序,使他们处于顶层。从这个角度来看,最近印度民族主义的增长是消灭种姓制度和在印度建立一个更平等社会的运动的重大挫折。
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引用次数: 7
Recasting Food 重铸食品
Pub Date : 2020-02-14 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v1i1.6
Nakkeeran N, S. Jadhav, A. Bhattacharya, Sunil Gamit, Chetan Mehta, Pratiksha Purohit, Ruchi Patel, Minal Doshi
Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) is the principal programme operating in India to address issues around child development, malnutrition and pre-school education. A package of services – including the Supplementary Nutrition Programme (SNP), pre-school education, immunization, health check-ups, referral services, and nutrition and health education – are provided through an Anganwadi Centre (AWC) with an Anganwadi Worker (AWW) and an Anganwadi Helper (AWH) for roughly every one thousand people. From the mid-1990s, there have been successive efforts on the part of the Government of India to universalize ICDS, and there has been a multi-fold increase in funds allocated to this programme between the 8th Five-Year Plan (1992–93 to 1996–97) and the 12th Five-Year Plan (2012–17) (1-2). However, the utilization of all services under ICDS continues to be grossly low. Close to 75 percent of children aged 0–71 months in the areas covered by AWCs did not receive any supplementary food from the centres, and less than 12 percent of children received supplementary food ‘almost daily’. For children aged 36–71 months this figure is 15.5 percent. More than 80 percent of children were not weighed at all. It has been reported that children belonging to economically backward and socially marginalised families, including Dalit, tribal, and religious minorities, are excluded from utilising these services through unfavourable institutional rules and structural factors. Equally, members of well-off families do not use services provided by AWCs – especially the SNP – for under-6 children. A multi-sited ethnographic study was conducted in four villages in Gujarat in order to identify the reasons behind poor utilisation of AWCs, especially the SNP services.  The study aimed to understand everyday experience of households around the SNP in rural settings and an opportunity to study AWCs as institutions embedded in the context of village cultural life. The authors hypothesise that a study focusing on AWCs could serve as an illustrative case to highlight challenges in implementing other entitlement-based programmes.
综合儿童发展服务(ICDS)是在印度开展的主要项目,旨在解决儿童发展、营养不良和学前教育等问题。大约每1000人中就有一名安干瓦迪工作人员和一名安干瓦迪帮工,通过安干瓦迪中心提供一揽子服务,包括补充营养方案、学前教育、免疫、健康检查、转诊服务以及营养和健康教育。自20世纪90年代中期以来,印度政府一直在努力推广ICDS,在第八个五年计划(1992-93至1996-97)和第十二个五年计划(2012-17)期间,分配给该计划的资金增加了数倍(1-2)。但是,国际综合发展系统下所有服务的使用率仍然很低。在AWCs覆盖的地区,近75%的0-71个月大的儿童没有从中心获得任何补充食物,不到12%的儿童“几乎每天”获得补充食物。对于36-71个月大的儿童,这一数字为15.5%。超过80%的儿童根本没有称重。据报道,由于不利的体制规则和结构性因素,属于经济落后和社会边缘化家庭的儿童,包括达利特人、部落和宗教少数群体的儿童被排除在利用这些服务之外。同样,富裕家庭的成员也不使用AWCs(尤其是SNP)为6岁以下儿童提供的服务。在古吉拉特邦的四个村庄进行了一项多地点人种学研究,以确定AWCs使用率低的原因,特别是SNP服务。该研究旨在了解农村环境中SNP周围家庭的日常体验,并有机会将awc作为嵌入乡村文化生活背景的制度进行研究。作者假设,一项以儿童福利为重点的研究可以作为一个说明性案例,以突出在执行其他基于应计权利的方案方面的挑战。
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引用次数: 1
The Empire of Disgust 厌恶帝国
Pub Date : 2018-10-04 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199487837.001.0001
R. Sampath
All known societies exclude and stigmatize one or more minority groups. Frequently these exclusions are underwritten with a rhetoric of disgust: people of a certain group, it is alleged, are filthy, hyper-animal, or not fit to share such facilities as drinking water, food, and public swimming pools with the ‘clean’ and ‘fully human’ majority. But exclusions vary in their scope and also in the specific disgust-ideologies underlying them. In this volume, interdisciplinary scholars from the United States and India present a detailed comparative study of the varieties of prejudice and stigma that pervade contemporary social and political life: prejudice along the axes of caste, race, gender, age, sexual orientation, transgender, disability, religion, and economic class. In examining these forms of stigma and their intersections, the authors present theoretically pluralistic and empirically sensitive accounts that both explain group-based stigma and suggest ways forward. These forward-looking remedies, including group resistance to subordination as well as institutional and legal change, point the way towards a public culture that is informed by our diverse histories of discrimination and therefore equipped to eliminate stigma in all of its multifaceted forms.
所有已知的社会都排斥和污蔑一个或多个少数群体。这些排除在外的行为往往带有厌恶的言辞:据称,某个群体的人很脏,是超级动物,或者不适合与“干净”和“全人类”的大多数人共享饮用水、食物和公共游泳池等设施。但排斥的范围各不相同,其背后的具体厌恶意识形态也各不相同。在本卷中,来自美国和印度的跨学科学者对当代社会和政治生活中普遍存在的各种偏见和污名进行了详细的比较研究:种姓、种族、性别、年龄、性取向、跨性别、残疾、宗教和经济阶级等方面的偏见。在研究这些形式的污名及其交叉点时,作者提出了理论上多元和经验上敏感的解释,既解释了基于群体的污名,又提出了前进的道路。这些前瞻性的补救措施,包括群体对从属关系的抵制以及体制和法律变革,为建立一种以我们不同的歧视历史为基础的公共文化指明了道路,从而有能力消除各种形式的污名。
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Caste (Waltham, Mass.)
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