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Addressing Hegemony within the System of Medicine for an Inclusive and Sustainable Health System: The Case of Traditional Medicine in India 解决医学体系中的霸权问题,建立一个包容性和可持续的卫生体系:以印度传统医学为例
Pub Date : 2022-10-28 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v3i2.446
N. Guite
There is growing interest and belief in the effectiveness and efficacy of the traditional system of medicine and its sustainability within the health system. The domination and superiority of biomedicine over traditional medicine have been visible from postcolonial time to till date. At the same time, there is also an increased attempt to streamline and harmonize the diversity of the traditional system of medicine with the modern system of medicine. However, it has often resulted in detrimental outcomes for many traditional health practitioners, including the system of medicine they practice. The dominance and interplay of the power relationships and social structural inequalities are not discussed and deliberated extensively in the published literature as one of the crucial reasons for medical hegemony. Therefore, the essay’s objective is to address the hegemony in traditional medicine regulation, professionalization, commoditization and intellectual property rights. In doing so, an attempt has been made to argue for the traditional care providers such as bonesetters and Dais (Traditional Birth Attendants) whose services remain undermined due to their social identity, often overlooking the difficult conditions in which they provide care. This may give us a more inclusive and sustainable health system perspective. The traditional medicine system and the care providers, deserve the long denied respect from the medical care and health science community; and better recognition, preservation and protection of their skills.
人们对传统医学系统的有效性和功效及其在卫生系统内的可持续性越来越感兴趣和相信。从后殖民时代至今,生物医学对传统医学的统治和优越性一直是显而易见的。与此同时,人们也越来越多地尝试简化和协调传统医学体系与现代医学体系的多样性。然而,它常常给许多传统卫生从业人员带来有害的后果,包括他们所从事的医学体系。作为医学霸权的重要原因之一,权力关系和社会结构不平等的主导作用和相互作用在已发表的文献中没有得到广泛的讨论和审议。因此,本文的目的是解决传统医学在监管、专业化、商品化和知识产权方面的霸权问题。在这样做的过程中,人们试图为传统护理提供者(如接骨师和Dais(传统助产士))辩护,由于他们的社会身份,他们的服务仍然受到损害,往往忽视了他们提供护理的困难条件。这可能会给我们一个更具包容性和可持续性的卫生系统视角。传统医学体系和医疗服务提供者应该得到医疗保健和卫生科学界长期得不到的尊重;更好地认识、保存和保护他们的技能。
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引用次数: 0
Situating Hadis’ Occupation and Caste: Exclusionary Journey from Manual Workers to Sanitation Workers in India 哈迪的职业与种姓定位:印度从体力劳动者到环卫工人的排他性历程
Pub Date : 2022-10-28 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v3i2.443
K. Ziyauddin
This essay is an outcome of a long ethnographic account of an occupational group that remains low-paid, polluting in nature, and historically considered menial. In India, various names are used to refer to the people, but they are called Hadi/Hari caste in Bokaro, Jharkhand state. The essay examines the exclusionary process deeply rooted due to the occupational association with sanitation, cleaning of toilets, and all work that is not carried out by other castes and communities. The oral histories of the Hadi community brought in by intensive fieldwork demonstrate how occupational association brings a different level of social status by changing the workplace. In the last two hundred years (somewhat after 1802 A.D.), this community has not found the fruit of change that many other deprived groups could receive in reality; instead, they live in a dilemma to be urban but consistently remain at the margin. Further, there has not been a single study locating Hadis as one of the most marginalized and discriminated caste groups and they are never addressed in the policy framework except a few1 on the same caste groups of Chas town2 in Jharkhand. The services of Hadis played a pivotal role in the life of the new township in the sixties. Nevertheless, where and how they survived over a few decades is examined in India this research. Sociologically, communities and occupational groups like Hadis find an apt example of discrimination and exclusion even in twenty-first century India.  
这篇文章是对一个职业群体的长期民族志描述的结果,这个职业群体仍然是低收入、污染性的,历史上被认为是卑微的。在印度,人们用各种各样的名字来称呼这些人,但在贾坎德邦的博卡罗,他们被称为哈迪/哈里种姓。本文探讨了由于与卫生、厕所清洁以及所有其他种姓和社区没有从事的工作的职业联系而根深蒂固的排斥过程。密集的实地调查带来的哈迪社区的口述历史表明,职业协会如何通过改变工作场所来带来不同程度的社会地位。在过去的两百年里(大约在公元1802年之后),这个社区没有发现许多其他贫困群体在现实中可以得到的变革成果;相反,他们生活在城市的困境中,但始终处于边缘。此外,还没有一项研究将哈迪斯定位为最边缘化和最受歧视的种姓群体之一,除了贾坎德邦查斯镇2的少数种姓群体之外,政策框架中从未涉及这些群体。哈迪斯的服务在60年代的新城生活中发挥了关键作用。然而,这项研究在印度考察了它们在哪里以及如何存活了几十年。从社会学角度来看,像哈迪斯这样的社区和职业群体甚至在21世纪的印度也发现了歧视和排斥的恰当例子。
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引用次数: 0
Differences in Access to Health Resources: An Analysis of Disparities among Dalit Sub-castes in Uttar Pradesh, India 获得卫生资源的差异:印度北方邦达利特亚种姓差异分析
Pub Date : 2022-10-28 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v3i2.449
K. Kumar
This essay is based on an empirical study conducted in Sonbhadra district of Uttar Pradesh. It argues for the need of sub-caste level analysis among Dalits as regards their access to health resources. Making use of both quantitative and qualitative data, the disparities in the socio-economic standing of various sub-castes within scheduled castes are discussed. The perceptions about health, illness and disease provides the contextual information about the prevalence of various health conditions while the concentration curves reflect the disparities in out-of pocket expenditure, landholding and income among various sub-castes within Dalits. The case reports of the respondents facilitate an understanding of the intersection of social identity, economic status and spatial inaccessibility of health services as barriers in accessing health care services. The essay suggests that the differences in access to health resources among various sub-caste of Dalits is a function of intersection of social identity, socio-economic status and geographic location of health care services. There is a greater need to identify the differences and challenges within sub-castes to overcome the gap between their health needs and accessibility of health care services.
本文基于在北方邦Sonbhadra地区进行的实证研究。它认为有必要对达利特人获得卫生资源的情况进行亚种姓级别的分析。利用定量和定性数据,讨论了在册种姓中不同亚种姓的社会经济地位差异。对健康、疾病和疾病的认知提供了有关各种健康状况流行率的背景信息,而集中度曲线反映了达利特人内部各亚种姓在自付支出、土地所有权和收入方面的差异。受访者的案例报告有助于理解社会身份、经济地位和医疗服务的空间不可及性之间的交叉点,这些都是获得医疗服务的障碍。文章认为,达利特各亚种姓在获得医疗资源方面的差异是社会身份、社会经济地位和医疗服务地理位置交叉的结果。更需要查明亚种姓内部的差异和挑战,以克服其健康需求与获得医疗保健服务之间的差距。
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引用次数: 0
Impact of Covid-19 on Livelihood and Health Experiences of Migrant Labourers in Kerala, India 2019冠状病毒病对印度喀拉拉邦农民工生计和健康经历的影响
Pub Date : 2022-10-28 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v3i2.447
Dilip Diwakar G., Visakh Viswambaran, Prasanth M.K.
Covid-19 is the most consequential crisis in our memory and has affected everyone irrespective of class, caste, gender and ethnicity. The pandemic also exacerbated pre-existing inequalities, and those who were marginalised took the brunt of the unprecedented crisis. Inter-State Migrant Workers was one such community who were at the intersections of marginalisation. Mostly they belong to economically poor Scheduled Caste/Tribe and Backward Communities. Most of them are agriculture labour, and often due to poor rains and unemployment they migrate to other states for better employment and wage. This essay explores the confluence of elements that helped Kerala to manage the Covid-19 pandemic during the first wave, March to May 2020. The study adopted mixed method, about 132 migrant workers were interviewed using a structured schedule and 10 case studies were collected. The study finds that a majority, 92 per cent are SC/ST/OBC, education level less than high school and economically very poor. The study examined the measures taken by the government to address the crisis and how it helped to address the need and concerns of the migrant workers. It also captured the life, livelihood, healthcare utilisation and overall experience of interstate Dalit migrant workers who reside in Kerala.
新冠肺炎是我们记忆中最严重的危机,它影响到每个人,不分阶级、种姓、性别和种族。疫情还加剧了先前存在的不平等,那些被边缘化的人在这场前所未有的危机中首当其冲。国家间移徙工人就是这样一个处于边缘化十字路口的群体。他们大多属于经济贫困的在册种姓/部落和落后社区。他们中的大多数是农业劳动力,通常由于降雨量少和失业,他们会移民到其他州,以获得更好的就业和工资。本文探讨了在2020年3月至5月的第一波疫情中,帮助喀拉拉邦应对新冠肺炎大流行的各种因素的汇合。该研究采用混合方法,采用结构化时间表对约132名农民工进行了访谈,并收集了10个案例研究。研究发现,大多数人(92%)是SC/ST/OBC,教育水平低于高中,经济非常贫困。该研究考察了政府为应对危机而采取的措施,以及它如何帮助解决移民工人的需求和担忧。它还记录了居住在喀拉拉邦的州际达利特移民工人的生活、生计、医疗保健利用率和整体经历。
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引用次数: 0
Enculturalising Casteism in Health Care in India 印度医疗保健中的种姓制度文化化
Pub Date : 2022-10-28 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v3i2.442
N. Narayan
Immunology depends on culturing technique, practice, and procedure. Society depends on culture. The change in the enculturing technique has always got promoted and accepted, while a change in Indian society is discouraged and not accepted despite claims of change happening. The ‘Society of India’ heavily depends on casteism and ensures all mechanisms for keeping it functional without change. By accepting culturing techniques from immunology, privileged Indian society developed a new technique with the old ethos that may be called ‘culturing casteism’. It has a deep presence in both spheres of health: ‘Sociology of Sufferer’, namely, the healthcare seeker and ‘Sociology of Supremacy’, namely, the healthcare profession and professional. This essay explores the way casteism is cultured in both spheres. The essay’s main aim is to understand and define the existence of casteism in health. The data establishes that the domination of privileged castes exists and is nurturing casteism in health. Privileged castes have captured the whole (health) sector while the dispossessed and deprived have been trying hard to ‘catch’ the care.
免疫学取决于培养技术、实践和程序。社会依赖文化。培养技术的变化总是得到促进和接受,而印度社会的变化是不鼓励的,尽管声称发生了变化。“印度社会”严重依赖种姓制度,并确保所有机制保持其功能不变。通过接受来自免疫学的培养技术,特权的印度社会发展了一种新的技术,这种技术带有可能被称为“培养种姓制度”的旧精神。它在保健的两个领域都有深入的存在:"患者社会学",即寻求保健的人;"至上社会学",即保健专业人员和专业人员。本文探讨了种姓制度在这两个领域的培养方式。这篇文章的主要目的是理解和定义种姓制度在健康中的存在。数据表明,特权种姓的统治地位是存在的,并且在保健方面助长了种姓制度。特权种姓占据了整个(卫生)部门,而无产者和被剥夺者一直在努力“抓住”医疗服务。
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引用次数: 0
Media Coverage and Corona Induced Health Emergency: Understanding Prejudice, Stigma, and Social Inequalities in India 媒体报道和冠状病毒引起的突发卫生事件:了解印度的偏见、耻辱和社会不平等
Pub Date : 2022-10-28 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v3i2.445
A. Tandon
This essay traces the impact of the Corona pandemic during 2020–21 and issues related to stigma, prejudices, marginalization as well as virulent forms of social inequality that arose thereafter. Social distancing fortified boundary maintenance on social, economic and even ethnic lines. The role of media during the spread of the Corona pandemic left a lot to be desired, especially in the portrayal of the marginalised groups. Had it acted responsibly, not only would the world have been able to grasp the do’s and don’ts pertaining to precautions with due diligence, the world would have been more harmonious and many fatalities could perhaps have been avoided.
本文追溯了2020 - 2021年冠状病毒大流行的影响,以及此后出现的与耻辱、偏见、边缘化以及有害形式的社会不平等有关的问题。保持社会距离加强了社会、经济甚至种族界限的维护。在冠状病毒大流行传播期间,媒体的作用还有很多需要改进的地方,特别是在描绘边缘化群体方面。如果它采取负责任的行动,不仅世界能够掌握与尽职调查有关的预防措施的该做和不该做的事情,世界也会更加和谐,许多死亡事件也许可以避免。
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引用次数: 0
Caste, then Class: Redistribution and Representation in the Dravidian Model 种姓,然后是阶级:德拉威模式中的再分配和代表
Pub Date : 2022-05-06 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v3i1.348
V. Kr, Vishal Vasanthakumar
Dravidian parties believe that changes to the economic structure will not lead to social justice if the upper/dominant castes continue to exclusively possess social capital. To them, and later, to the successive Dravidian party governments, economic justice was not possible without first ensuring social justice. This view was held by the stalwarts of the Dravidian movement such as Periyar E.V. Ramasamy (Periyar henceforth), the subject of this engagement, and actualised by leaders such as C.N. Annadurai and M. Karunanidhi, whose electoral politics was a means to empower subaltern groups in Tamil society. We contend that Periyar was the chief aggregator of the ideas put forth by earlier social justice ideologues, and an effective disseminator of the Dravidian political ethos among the masses, making his contribution comprehensive and unique. Through an analysis of the approach of Dravidian party governments towards affirmative action, administrative reform and legislation, and through comparisons of the performance of Tamil Nadu in terms of development indicators with other states, we reveal the profound influence of Periyarist thinking on the Dravidian movement and State praxis. The quest of the Dravidian movement for social justice did not just focus on class inequalities but on caste inequalities, which it saw as a propagator of class inequalities.
Dravidian政党认为,如果上层/占主导地位的种姓继续完全拥有社会资本,经济结构的变化将不会带来社会正义。对他们,以及后来的历届德拉威党政府来说,如果不首先确保社会正义,经济正义是不可能的。这一观点由德拉威运动的坚定分子持有,如此次参与的主题Periyar E.V.Ramasamy(此后为Periyar),并由C.N.Annadurai和M.Karunanidhi等领导人实现,他们的选举政治是赋予泰米尔社会下层群体权力的一种手段。我们认为,佩里亚尔是早期社会正义理论家提出的思想的主要聚集者,也是德拉威政治精神在大众中的有效传播者,他的贡献是全面而独特的。通过分析德拉威党政府对平权行动、行政改革和立法的态度,并通过将泰米尔纳德邦在发展指标方面的表现与其他邦进行比较,我们揭示了Periyarist思想对德拉威运动和国家实践的深刻影响。德拉威运动对社会正义的追求不仅关注阶级不平等,还关注种姓不平等,它认为种姓不平等是阶级不平等的传播者。
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引用次数: 0
Between the Global and Regional: Asia in the Tamil Buddhist Imagination 在全球与区域之间:泰米尔佛教想象中的亚洲
Pub Date : 2022-05-06 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v3i1.356
Shrinidhi Narasimhan
At the turn of the nineteenth century, Madras became home to a movement that anticipated Ambedkar’s turn to Buddhism by nearly half a century. Founded in 1898, the Sakya Buddhist Society was led by Iyothee Thass (1845–1914) and became the first Dalit Buddhist revival of its kind in late colonial India. In this article, I explore the global dimensions of Sakya Buddhism through an intertextual reading of its journal, Oru Paica Tamilan, and the work of Asian Buddhists like Henry Olcott and Anagarika Dharmapala who were associated with the movement. I argue that Sakya Buddhism’s historical imaginaire of Dalits as indigenous Buddhists intersected with the political concerns that drove Asian Buddhist revivalist movements in important ways. I also show that the movement created a distinctly Tamil tradition of Buddhism for Dalits and attempted to reorient them towards the broader Buddhist world even as they had a notionally marginal presence within this landscape. In doing so, I propose the category of ‘pararegional’ as a way of thinking about seemingly uneven or unidirectional interactions between different spatial scales such as ‘global’ and ‘regional'.
19世纪之交,马德拉斯成为一场运动的发源地,这场运动预计安贝德卡尔将在近半个世纪前转向佛教。萨迦佛教会成立于1898年,由Iyothie Thass(1845–1914)领导,成为殖民后期印度第一个达利特佛教复兴会。在这篇文章中,我通过互文阅读萨迦佛教杂志《奥鲁·佩卡·塔米兰》,以及与该运动有关的亨利·奥尔科特和阿纳加里卡·达马帕拉等亚洲佛教徒的作品,探索了萨迦佛教的全球维度。我认为,萨迦佛教将达利特人视为土著佛教徒的历史想象与推动亚洲佛教复兴运动的政治关切在重要方面产生了交集。我还表明,这场运动为达利特人创造了一种独特的泰米尔佛教传统,并试图将他们重新定位到更广阔的佛教世界,尽管他们在这片土地上名义上处于边缘地位。在这样做的过程中,我提出了“准区域”的类别,作为一种思考不同空间尺度(如“全球”和“区域”)之间看似不均衡或单向互动的方式。
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引用次数: 1
Freedom From Caste: New Beginnings in Transdisciplinary Scholarship 种姓的自由:跨学科学术的新开端
Pub Date : 2022-05-06 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v3i1.398
Meena Dhanda, K. Manoharan
The ten papers included in this special issue of J-Caste on ‘Freedom From Caste: AntiCaste Thought, Politics and Culture’ are a culmination of a long process of selection. We received fifty-five abstracts to a call for papers issued in February 2021. We had invited academic papers focusing on the anti-caste thought of important theorists, thinkers and movements in South Asia. In recent scholarship, new critical works have engaged extensively with the writings of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar (1891–1956), the most celebrated of anti-caste theorists but to a lesser extent with Periyar E.V. Ramasamy (1879–1973), the iconoclastic anti-caste leader from the state of Tamil Nadu and a central figure in Dravidian politics. Their precursor, Mahatma Jotirao Phule (1827–1890), one of the most prominent anti-caste leaders in the colonial period and founder of Satyashodak Samaj in the state of Maharashtra in India, along with his wife Savitribai Phule, has also increasingly become the subject of academic study. Our aim was to invite new scholarship bringing their thought into conversation with each other, and beyond, to develop a deeper understanding of radical humanism embedded in anti-caste thinking and thus to understand the meaning of freedom from caste in its fullest sense. We were particularly interested in an exploration of lesser-known anti-caste thinkers especially from the ‘regions’, and marginalized communities in South Asia. Our leading questions were: How have anti-caste themes emerged in cinema, literature, and poetry, and how does anti-caste thought inform social and political movements and vice-versa? How have left, feminist and ecological movements dealt with caste? We
本期《j -种姓》特刊中收录的十篇关于“摆脱种姓的自由:反种姓思想、政治和文化”的论文是一个长期选择过程的结晶。我们在2021年2月收到了55篇论文摘要。我们邀请了关注南亚重要理论家、思想家和运动的反种姓思想的学术论文。在最近的学术研究中,新的批评著作广泛地涉及了最著名的反种姓理论家b.r. Ambedkar博士(1891-1956)的著作,但在较小程度上涉及了来自泰米尔纳德邦的反种姓领袖、德拉威人政治的核心人物Periyar E.V. Ramasamy(1879-1973)。他们的先驱,Mahatma Jotirao Phule(1827-1890),殖民时期最杰出的反种姓领袖之一,印度马哈拉施特拉邦Satyashodak Samaj的创始人,以及他的妻子Savitribai Phule,也越来越多地成为学术研究的主题。我们的目标是邀请新的学者将他们的思想带入彼此之间的对话,并超越,以发展对嵌入反种姓思想中的激进人文主义的更深层次的理解,从而从最充分的意义上理解从种姓中获得自由的意义。我们特别感兴趣的是探索不太知名的反种姓思想家,特别是来自南亚“地区”和边缘化社区的思想家。我们的主要问题是:反种姓主题是如何在电影、文学和诗歌中出现的,反种姓思想是如何影响社会和政治运动的,反之亦然?左翼、女权主义和生态运动是如何处理种姓问题的?我们
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引用次数: 0
Dalit Resistance during the Bengal Renaissance: Five Anti-Caste Thinkers from Colonial Bengal, India 孟加拉文艺复兴时期的贱民抵抗:来自印度殖民地孟加拉的五位反种姓思想家
Pub Date : 2022-05-06 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v3i1.367
M. Mandal
This article debunks the myth that Bengal is a casteless land or that Bengalis have no understanding of caste, by excavating, from within a Dalit historiographical framework, the rich and heterogeneous anti-caste politico-intellectual tradition launched and carried forward by the Dalits in colonial Bengal. Due to the paucity of space, it focuses only on three among sixty Dalit communities residing in Bengal and demonstrates the radical edge of five diverse anti-caste thinkers, namely, Harichand Thakur, Guruchand Thakur, Mahendranath Karan, Rajendranath Sarkar, and Mahendranath Mallabarman. Through a critical rejection of nationalist, Marxist and subaltern historiographies and interrogation of the Brahmanical appropriation of Bengal’s anti-caste tradition, it foregrounds the independent and self-critical intellectual history of the Dalits of colonial Bengal. It exposes the epistemic violence suffered by Dalit thinkers and reformers in the textbook historical narratives that glorify a Brahmanical Bengal Renaissance and highlights the neglected discourse of Dalit resistance and renaissance that had taken place at the same time in the same province. It shows how these anti-caste organic intellectuals fought the Brahmanical supremacists during the anti-British movement led by the Brahmins and upper castes, and how their agendas of self-respect and redistribution of wealth conflicted with the Swadeshi movement. Finally, the article demonstrates that while in the history of the anti-caste movement, Phule, Ambedkar, and Periyar justifiably occupy much of the discursive space, a significant and unacknowledged intellectual and political contribution was also made by their contemporary Bengali counterparts.
本文从达利特的史学框架中挖掘出由殖民时期的孟加拉达利特发起并发扬的丰富多样的反种姓政治知识传统,揭穿了孟加拉是一个无种姓之地或孟加拉人不了解种姓的神话。由于空间的缺乏,它只关注居住在孟加拉的60个达利特社区中的3个,并展示了5个不同的反种姓思想家的激进边缘,即Harichand Thakur, Guruchand Thakur, Mahendranath Karan, Rajendranath Sarkar和Mahendranath Mallabarman。通过对民族主义、马克思主义和次等史学的批判性拒绝,以及对婆罗门对孟加拉反种姓传统的侵占的质疑,它突显了孟加拉殖民地达利特人独立和自我批判的思想史。它揭示了达利特思想家和改革者在教科书历史叙述中所遭受的认知暴力,这些历史叙述美化了婆罗门的孟加拉文艺复兴,并强调了在同一省份同时发生的达利特抵抗和文艺复兴的被忽视的话语。它展示了这些反种姓有机知识分子如何在由婆罗门和上层种姓领导的反英运动中与婆罗门至上主义者进行斗争,以及他们的自尊和财富再分配议程如何与斯瓦德什运动相冲突。最后,本文表明,尽管在反种姓运动的历史上,Phule、Ambedkar和Periyar理所当然地占据了大部分论述空间,但他们同时代的孟加拉同行也做出了重大的、未被承认的智力和政治贡献。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Caste (Waltham, Mass.)
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