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A Critique of Sanskritization from Dalit/Caste-Subaltern Perspective 达利特/种姓次等视角下的梵语化批判
Pub Date : 2021-12-18 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v2i2.292
Ishita Roy
Students and social scientists concerned with caste studies will agree to a socio-cultural phenomenon called Sanskritization among people of caste communities that are not recognized as belonging to castes primarily affiliated to either of the three varnas of Brahman, Kshatriya and Vaishya. What is Sanskritization? Following M. N. Srinivas, who put forward the concept of Sanskritization in Religion and Society among the Coorges of South India (1952) to explain upward social movement (?) among Hindu tribal groups or ‘lower’ caste groups imitating and gradually incorporating ‘upper’ caste people’s social, cultural behaviour, rituals, customs, and religious practices, there exist an array of works deliberating upon this collective behavioural instance called Sanskritization (Beteille, 1969; Gould, 1961; Patwardhan, 1973; Sachchidananda, 1977; Lynch, 1974). These studies have generally accepted Sanskritization as an effective tool for cultural integration between different caste groups by ensuring movements of people across caste barriers; in other words, Sanskritization spells a common idiom of social mobility (Beteille, 1969, p. 116). This paper does not support the view that Sanskritization has been an effective socio-cultural instrument in moving towards a society that does not swear by caste-principles. Rather, Sanskritization, a concrete social fact among the ‘lower’ castes people, seems to obliquely prove the productive logic of caste through the imitation of the Brahmin. Following Gramsci’s conceptualisation of the necessity of a subaltern initiative in any counter-hegemony project, the paper further argues that Sanskritization is regressive to the extent that it is antithetical to any such subaltern political initiative against caste.
关注种姓研究的学生和社会科学家会同意一种社会文化现象,即种姓社区中的人被称为梵克里希化,这些人不被承认属于主要隶属于婆罗门、克沙特里亚和瓦伊什亚三个varnas中任何一个的种姓。什么是散克里石化?继M.N.Srinivas提出了《南印度库格尔人宗教与社会中的三克里化》概念(1952年),以解释印度教部落群体或“低”种姓群体模仿并逐渐融入“高”种姓人的社会、文化行为、仪式、习俗和宗教实践的向上社会运动(?)之后,存在着一系列关于这种集体行为实例的著作,称为“三克里希化”(Beteille,1969;古尔德,1961;Patwardhan,1973;Sachchidananda,1977;林奇,1974)。这些研究普遍认为,通过确保人们跨越种姓壁垒的流动,梵克里希化是不同种姓群体之间文化融合的有效工具;换言之,梵语化是社会流动性的一个常见习语(Beteille,1969,p.116)。这篇论文不支持这样一种观点,即三克里化是一种有效的社会文化工具,可以推动社会走向一个不受种姓原则约束的社会。相反,梵克里希化,一个在“下层”种姓人群中的具体社会事实,似乎通过模仿婆罗门间接地证明了种姓的生产逻辑。根据葛兰西对任何反霸权项目中次级倡议的必要性的概念化,本文进一步认为,三克里主义在一定程度上是倒退的,因为它与任何反对种姓的次级政治倡议都是对立的。
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引用次数: 2
Norm Entrepreneurship at the UN - Dalits and Communities Discriminated on Work and Descent 规范创业在联合国-贱民和社区歧视工作和血统
Pub Date : 2021-12-18 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v2i2.339
Paul Divakar Namala
Human rights are rights inherent to all human beings. However, caste-based discrimination is one of the areas that most human rights mechanisms overlook. As a result of several interventions by Dalit and human rights organisations, the erstwhile United Nations body, in 2000, has termed it ‘discrimination based on work and descent’. The above Dalit and other International organisations have also brought evidence before the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination which has endorsed caste-based discrimination as part of the discrimination based on descent, in Article 1 of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD). Further, it was also brought to the notice of various Special Rapporteurs and UN Committees that communities discriminated on work and descent (CDWD) face severe human rights violations and abuses that continue to restrain the socio-economic development of these specific groups of people in several countries globally. Dalit organizations and their solidarity bodies have gone ahead through a process of ‘norm entrepreneurship’ at the UN levels. This article narrates and analyses the challenges and human rights consequences of caste and discrimination based on work and discusses the norm entrepreneurship journey of Dalits and CDWD at the UN level.
人权是全人类固有的权利。然而,基于种姓的歧视是大多数人权机制忽视的领域之一。由于达利特和人权组织的几次干预,这个前联合国机构在2000年将其称为“基于工作和血统的歧视”。上述达利特和其他国际组织还向联合国消除种族歧视委员会提交了证据,该委员会在《消除一切形式种族歧视国际公约》(CERD)第1条中认可基于种姓的歧视是基于血统的歧视的一部分。此外,还提请各特别报告员和联合国委员会注意到,在全球一些国家,因工作和血统而受到歧视的社区面临严重的侵犯人权和虐待行为,继续制约着这些特定群体的社会经济发展。达利特组织及其团结机构已经在联合国层面上通过了“规范创业”的过程。本文叙述和分析了种姓和基于工作的歧视的挑战和人权后果,并在联合国层面讨论了达利特人和CDWD的规范创业之旅。
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引用次数: 0
Exclusion of Tribal Women from Property Inheritance Rights: A Study of Tripuri Women of India 部落妇女被排除在财产继承权之外:对印度特里普里妇女的研究
Pub Date : 2021-12-18 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v2i2.317
Ashim Shil, Hemraj P. Jangir
The Tripuri tribe from the state of Tripura constitutes around 50 percent of the total tribal population and can be found in all eight districts of the state. The tribe follows its own culture and tradition in terms of marriage and other customary practices. This study investigates the role of gender in inheritance of property among the Tripuri tribe and how Tripuri women are excluded from ownership of property. It also attempts to discover how property ownership affects their income and position in the household. The study has been conducted in the districts of West Tripura and Dhalai. Focus Group Discussion and interview schedules are employed as methods for collection of data. Results show that while 20 out of 54 married women from rural areas of West Tripura have inherited property, only 2 out of 13 married women have inherited property in the urban area. In comparison with West Tripura, Dhalai features a low ratio among women in inheriting property (only 4 out of 38 married women). A few causes include low level of literacy, slow urbanization and less inter-community marriages. The reasons for not inheriting property include: a woman failing to live up to the concept of a ‘good sister’ in the brother’s eyes, son needs property to care for parents, cost of marriage is borne by brother or parents so no right to claim, and to avoid unnecessary conflict in the family. In this manner, societal perceptions prevent women from claiming the legitimate share of their ancestral property.
特里普拉邦的Tripuri部落约占部落总人口的50%,在该邦的所有8个地区都可以找到。这个部落在婚姻和其他习俗方面遵循自己的文化和传统。本研究调查了性别在Tripuri部落财产继承中的作用,以及Tripuri妇女如何被排除在财产所有权之外。它还试图发现财产所有权如何影响他们的收入和在家庭中的地位。这项研究是在西特里普拉和达拉地区进行的。采用焦点小组讨论和访谈计划作为收集数据的方法。结果显示,来自西特里普拉邦农村地区的54名已婚妇女中有20人继承了财产,而在城市地区,13名已婚妇女中只有2人继承了财产。与西特里普拉邦相比,达拉邦女性继承财产的比例很低(38名已婚女性中只有4人继承财产)。一些原因包括识字率低、城市化缓慢和社区间婚姻减少。不继承财产的原因包括:女方没有达到哥哥眼中“好姐妹”的概念,儿子需要财产照顾父母,结婚的费用由兄弟或父母承担,所以没有权利要求,以及避免家庭中不必要的冲突。以这种方式,社会观念阻止妇女要求其祖先财产的合法份额。
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引用次数: 0
Ari Varutada Ari备用
Pub Date : 2021-12-18 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v2i2.313
Chandni Girija
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引用次数: 0
Dalit-Bahujan Feminism: A Newly Emerging Discourse 达利特·巴胡詹女权主义:一个新兴的话语
Pub Date : 2021-12-18 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v2i2.344
K. I. Shepherd
Dalit Feminist Theory: A Reader is a collection of essays written by feminist writers in India. Feminism as a school of thought emerged in India in the early 1980s and since then, several scholarly works have been produced by feminists. Towards the beginning of the movement, there were two distinct groups of scholars, both educated in the English medium. The common factor in both groups was that the scholars all came from the dwija1 castes (Brahmin, Bania, Kayastha, Khatri and very few Kshatriya). The difference lay in the political positions which informed their standpoints—one group were Liberal Democrats, the others were Marxist feminists. After the 1990 Mandal movement, a third ideological school started to emerge. They foregrounded caste as a theoretical framework in understanding man-woman relations in India, as opposed to their predecessors who only theorized from the framework of class and democratic institutions. The editors of this book have chosen to reproduce several essays written by both Marxist and Liberal Democratic, non Dalit-bahujan women writers and in doing so have made clear their Dalit feminist position. Sunaina Arya is a young Dalit woman Ph.D candidate and research scholar in the field of Philosophy. The
《达利特女权主义理论:读者》是印度女权主义作家的散文集。20世纪80年代初,女权主义作为一个思想流派在印度兴起,此后,女权主义者创作了几部学术著作。在这场运动开始时,有两个不同的学者群体,都接受过英语教育。这两个群体的共同因素是,学者都来自dwija1种姓(婆罗门、巴尼亚、卡亚斯塔、卡特里和极少数的克沙特里亚)。不同之处在于他们的政治立场——一组是自由民主党人,另一组是马克思主义女权主义者。1990年曼达尔运动之后,第三个意识形态流派开始出现。他们将种姓制度作为理解印度男女关系的理论框架,而他们的前任只是从阶级和民主制度的框架中进行理论推导。本书的编辑们选择复制马克思主义和自由民主党的几篇非达利特巴胡詹女作家的文章,并在这样做的过程中表明了她们的达利特女权主义立场。Sunaina Arya是一位年轻的达利特女性博士候选人,也是哲学领域的研究学者。这个
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引用次数: 1
A Commentary on Ambedkar's Posthumously Published "Philosophy of Hinduism"- Part III Ambedkar《印度教哲学》后刊述评——第三部分
Pub Date : 2021-12-18 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v2i2.337
R. Sampath
This article forms part III of a running commentary on Ambedkar’s posthumously published “Philosophy of History” (Ambedkar, 2014a). We attempt to follow Ambedkar’s reflections on the early origins of religion and his initial distinctions of the religions of “savage society” and “civilized society” (Ambedkar, 2014a, p. 9). Using the tools of philosophical critique, we see his attempt to dissect the real “principal” (Ambedkar, 2014a, p. 10) of religion beyond the apparitional nature of rites, rituals, and taboos. This leads to a series of deductions of what constitutes the very “core,” “source,” and “substance” of religion rooted in the “preservation of life” (Ambedkar, 2014a, p. 10). However, this is also a moment that will foreshadow Ambedkar’s ultimate judgement of Hinduism’s status as a religion when founded on the unequal social structure of caste. We argue the following in this article: what Ambedkar says about the architectonic of “savage society” and the failure to undergo a profound revolution in the nature and concept of religion bears an eerie resemblance to what ultimately takes the place of “savage society” (Ambedkar, 2014a, p. 9) over time, namely the Hindu caste system. This makes modern Hinduism a strange hybrid of pre-history and a future history whose conclusion is uncertain. Whether caste can disappear from society is the burning question. And this is intertwined with profound metaphysical questions of time, life, birth, and death, which only philosophy can deconstruct if a religion, like Hinduism, were submitted for critical judgement. The article concludes with an attempt to set the stage for the next phase of the commentary: there Ambedkar will transition from a general discussion about the philosophy and history of religion as a concept to an actual engagement with the philosophical contents of the religion known and practiced by hundreds of millions of adherents as Hinduism. As we already know, his conclusion is dire: a religion can only be true if it is rooted in ‘justice’ and serves the ‘utility’ of individual freedom (Ambedkar, 2014a, p. 22).
本文是对安贝德卡死后出版的《历史哲学》(Ambedkar, 2014a)的连续评论的第三部分。我们试图遵循Ambedkar对宗教早期起源的反思,以及他对“野蛮社会”和“文明社会”宗教的最初区分(Ambedkar, 2014a,第9页)。使用哲学批判的工具,我们看到他试图剖析超越仪式、仪式和禁忌的幽灵性质的宗教的真正“原则”(Ambedkar, 2014a,第10页)。这导致了一系列的推论,即什么构成了根植于“保存生命”的宗教的“核心”、“来源”和“实质”(Ambedkar, 2014a,第10页)。然而,这也是一个时刻,预示着安贝德卡最终判断印度教作为一种宗教的地位,当它建立在种姓不平等的社会结构上时。我们在本文中提出以下论点:安贝德卡尔所说的“野蛮社会”的架构,以及未能在宗教的性质和概念上经历深刻变革,与最终取代“野蛮社会”的东西(安贝德卡尔,2014a,第9页)有着惊人的相似之处,即印度教种姓制度。这使得现代印度教成为史前和未来历史的奇怪混合体,而未来历史的结论是不确定的。种姓制度能否从社会中消失是一个亟待解决的问题。这与时间、生命、出生和死亡等深奥的形而上学问题交织在一起,只有哲学才能解构这些问题,如果一个宗教,比如印度教,要接受批判性的判断。文章最后试图为下一阶段的评论奠定基础:安贝德卡尔将从对宗教哲学和历史的一般性讨论转变为对数亿印度教信徒所熟知和实践的宗教哲学内容的实际参与。正如我们已经知道的,他的结论是可怕的:一个宗教只有植根于“正义”,服务于个人自由的“效用”,才可能是真实的(Ambedkar, 2014a, p. 22)。
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引用次数: 0
Tending Immanence, Transcending Sectarianism: Plane of Mixed Castes and Religions 趋向内在,超越宗派主义:种姓与宗教混合的平面
Pub Date : 2021-12-18 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v2i2.230
Roshni Babu
The attempt in this article is to extrapolate the notion of hybridity latent in B. R. Ambedkar’s reflections on mixed castes, and outcastes, which subsequently leads to the causal link that he then derives gesticulating to social evils, namely, the origin of untouchability. Whether this embryonic notion of hybridity present in Ambedkar’s work is amenable to the extrapolation of Dalit identity thought along the lines of Gilles Deleuze’s notion of “immanent mixtures” is a thread that this study pursues. This certainly has broad implications for the prevalent notions of Dalit identity. This study ventures to read Ambedkar’s work, Riddles in Hinduism (1987) alongside Deleuze, probing into the intuitive link between notions of hybridity and the plane of immanence. Ideological distancing from predetermined categories of identity considered to be reductive in nature by the intellectuals of Indian philosophical thinking view such predetermined notions as facile conceptions that run short of representative qualities of complex and varied particularities of reasoned engagement with one’s resources. Amartya Sen heralded this ideological position in his work titled, The Argumentative Indian (2006), in favor of heterodoxy and reasoned choice determining priorities between different identities. Lacunae regarding identification of resources prominent in Sen’s work is pointed out by Jonardon Ganeri, who hails from the cluster of contemporary Sanskritists competent in philological and theoretical exegesis of “sastric” philosophical literature from the classical period of India. This study is a close reading of Jonardon Ganeri’s concept of ‘resources within’ which he develops in his work, Identity as Reasoned Choice (2012) to examine the potentiality of this concept to advance a theoretical framework that could counter a sectarian view of Indian tradition, as it is professed at the outset of his work. Sectarianism, which Ganeri opposes, identifies mysticism to be its chief trait which he shows to be selectively usurping only those resources grounded in Vedantic wisdom from India’s past.
本文试图推断潜藏在安贝德卡对混合种姓和被弃儿的反思中的杂交概念,这随后导致了他随后推导出的与社会罪恶的因果联系,即贱民的起源。安贝德卡作品中出现的这种混杂的萌芽概念是否符合达利特身份思想沿着吉尔·德勒兹(Gilles Deleuze)的“内在混合”概念的外推,这是本研究所追求的一条线索。这当然对达利特身份的普遍观念有着广泛的影响。本研究冒险阅读安贝德卡的作品《印度教的谜语》(1987),并与德勒兹一起探讨杂交概念与内在层面之间的直观联系。意识形态上与预先确定的身份类别的距离被印度哲学思想的知识分子认为本质上是简化的,他们认为这些预先确定的概念是简单的概念,缺乏代表性,缺乏复杂多样的特性,缺乏理性参与的资源。Amartya Sen在他的作品《好辩的印度人》(2006)中预示了这种意识形态立场,他支持异端和理性选择,决定不同身份之间的优先事项。乔纳森·加内里(Jonardon Ganeri)指出了森作品中突出的资源识别方面的空白,他来自当代梵文学者群体,擅长对印度古典时期的“梵文”哲学文献进行语言学和理论注释。本研究是对Jonardon Ganeri在其作品《理性选择的身份》(2012)中提出的“内在资源”概念的仔细阅读,以检验这一概念的潜力,以推进一个理论框架,该框架可以对抗印度传统的宗派观点,正如他在作品开头所宣称的那样。Ganeri反对宗派主义,他认为神秘主义是其主要特征,他认为神秘主义有选择地从印度过去的吠陀智慧中汲取资源。
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引用次数: 0
Cover and Table of Contents 封面和目录
Pub Date : 2021-05-20 DOI: 10.26812/CASTE.V2I1.315
J-Caste
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引用次数: 0
“I Can’t Breathe”: Perspectives on Emancipation from Caste “我无法呼吸”:从种姓解放的视角
Pub Date : 2021-05-16 DOI: 10.26812/CASTE.V2I1.309
L. Simon
Yesterday, April 20, 2021, a jury in Minnesota convicted the former Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin of murdering George Floyd, a Black American. Mr. Chauvin, who is white, had knelt on Mr. Floyd’s neck for more than nine minutes despite Mr. Floyd’s desperate appeals that “I can’t breathe.” Those words reignited a powerful social movement for racial justice in America and were echoed around the world by communities disadvantaged by their histories of persecution fed by illusions of superiority. In the United States, racial inequality causes major disparities between African Americans and people of white ethnicities. These deprivations, despite progress, are seen today in economic assets, educational attainment, rates of incarceration, and health outcomes as in Covid-19. Yet Covid-19 did not create health disparities and differences in life expectancy. Those disparities are directly the result of racism. Racism is declared to be a public health crisis wherein Black lives are more prone to life-limiting illness and premature death including police killings in which Black males are 2.5 times more likely to be killed by police.11“This problem is only exacerbated if we look at the global scale. White supremacy is the idea that there is a hierarchy inherent to the chain of human beings, with those who are white at the top and Black people at the bottom.”22 J-CASTE agrees, though we also see these deep divisions and resentments within societies of color. All forms of graded hierarchies continue to degrade the lives and well-being of those whose births deprive them of their full potential and human rights whether by race or gender, indigeneity, language, or culture. Like white privilege, there is caste privilege in high Brahmanical societies, and like white supremacy, caste supremacy is responsible when Dalits choose suicide over humiliation at universities or when high caste men gang rape Dalit girls in rural villages.
昨天,2021年4月20日,明尼苏达州的一个陪审团判定前明尼阿波利斯警察德里克·肖文谋杀美国黑人乔治·弗洛伊德罪名成立。肖万是白人,他跪在弗洛伊德的脖子上超过九分钟,尽管弗洛伊德绝望地哀求“我不能呼吸了”。这些话在美国重新点燃了一场强大的种族正义社会运动,并在世界各地受到迫害的弱势群体中得到了呼应,这些群体被优越感的幻想所助长。在美国,种族不平等造成了非洲裔美国人和白人之间的巨大差距。尽管取得了进展,但这些剥夺在今天的经济资产、受教育程度、监禁率和健康结果方面都有所体现,就像Covid-19一样。然而,2019冠状病毒病并未造成健康差距和预期寿命差异。这些差异是种族主义的直接结果。种族主义被宣布为一种公共健康危机,其中黑人更容易患上限制生命的疾病和过早死亡,包括警察杀害黑人男性的可能性是警察杀害黑人男性的2.5倍。“如果我们从全球范围来看,这个问题只会加剧。白人至上是指在人类的链条中存在固有的等级制度,白人在顶层,黑人在底层。j -种姓对此表示赞同,尽管我们也看到了有色人种社会内部的深刻分歧和怨恨。所有形式的等级制度继续降低那些出生剥夺了他们全部潜力和人权的人的生活和福祉,无论是种族或性别、土著、语言还是文化。就像白人特权一样,婆罗门社会也存在种姓特权,就像白人至上主义一样,当贱民在大学里选择自杀而不是受辱,或者当高种姓男子在农村轮奸贱民女孩时,种姓至上主义要负责。
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引用次数: 0
Fracturing the Historical Continuity on Truth: Jotiba Phule in the Quest for Personhood of Shudras 打破真理的历史连续性:乔提巴·普勒在寻求首陀罗人格的过程中
Pub Date : 2021-05-16 DOI: 10.26812/CASTE.V2I1.265
Snehashis Das
Anti-caste traditions in India work to understand and examine the idea of personhood which the majority in India is deprived of by virtue of being born in the lower rungs of the caste hierarchy. This paper examines the historical continuity in Brahminism and the rupture Jotiba Phule presents to it through his art and activism which serves to disturb the regular flow of singular continuity of what is perceived as history and historiography. Jotiba’s quest is for finding the essence / personhood of, what Butler calls, a ‘precarious subject’ and recognizing that precarious subject – the Shudra, as a subject of history. But the personhood of this precarious subject is never a complete personhood. Therefore, Jotiba attempts to unveil the path towards achieving complete personhood which is embedded in reaffirming the lost or concealed truth – by discontinuing the historical flow of the social structure of caste and establishing a new subject rising out of crisis in social structure in history. I have chosen two works from Jotiba’s works as new methodological tools for history writing and historical criticism, and made hermeneutical and phenomenological readings of the both. The works are his poem Kulambin (a peasant woman), and the Satyashodhak (truth-seeker) marriage as the public performance of protest- as they are both - the essential and the mundane to his life, which exemplifies the truth Jotiba followed and established an organization Satyashodhak Samaj (Society of Truth Seekers) as a testament to it.
印度的反种姓传统是为了理解和审视人格的概念,而大多数印度人由于出生在种姓制度的较低阶层而被剥夺了人格。本文考察了婆罗门教的历史连续性,以及Jotiba Phule通过他的艺术和行动主义呈现给婆罗门教的断裂,这种断裂扰乱了被视为历史和史学的单一连续性的常规流动。乔提巴的追求是寻找巴特勒所说的“不稳定主体”的本质/人格,并认识到这个不稳定主体——首陀罗,作为一个历史主体。但是这个不稳定主体的人格从来不是一个完整的人格。因此,Jotiba试图通过中断种姓社会结构的历史流动,并建立一个从历史社会结构危机中产生的新主体,来揭示实现完整人格的道路,这条道路嵌入在重申丢失或隐藏的真理中。我从Jotiba的作品中选择了两部作品作为历史写作和历史批评的新方法论工具,并对这两部作品进行了解释学和现象学的解读。这些作品是他的诗《Kulambin》(一位农妇)和《真理追寻者》(Satyashodhak)的婚姻,这是他公开抗议的表现——两者都是他生活的本质和世俗,这体现了Jotiba所遵循的真理,并建立了一个组织Satyashodhak Samaj(真理追寻者协会)作为证明。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Caste (Waltham, Mass.)
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