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Narratives from the Margin: Sexual Harassment and Strategies of Resistance 《边缘叙事:性骚扰与反抗策略》
Pub Date : 2023-10-30 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v4i2.603
Sandhya Balasaheb Gawali
In India, the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act 2013 completed its ten years in April 2023. However, this is a crucial time to review its effects, provisions, and the awareness about the Act, and how much it has percolated at the grassroots level. Consequently, we must pay attention to the voices from the margin in order to comprehend the situation and need to bring these voices to the center to point out the lacuna and challenges of the Act as well as strengthen the discourse around the sexual harassment of women at the workplace. The study based on empirical findings, focuses on experiences of women workers at a wholesale vegetable market in Pune1 and follows an ethnographic approach. The article argues that mainstream discourse on sexual harassment does not acknowledge experiences of women from the bottom of the socio-economic margins and it is a caste-blind gender discourse. Caste shapes women’s experiences of sexual harassment at workplace differently and sometimes to mitigate the risk, women apply different strategies and build alternative mechanisms to combat sexual harassment at the workplace.
在印度,《2013年工作场所对妇女的性骚扰(预防、禁止和补救)法》于2023年4月结束了它的十年。然而,现在是审查其效果、条款、对该法案的认识以及它在基层渗透了多少的关键时刻。因此,我们必须关注来自边缘的声音,以便了解情况,并需要将这些声音带到中心,指出该法案的不足和挑战,并加强围绕工作场所女性性骚扰的讨论。该研究以实证研究结果为基础,重点关注浦那1蔬菜批发市场女工的经历,并采用民族志方法。本文认为,关于性骚扰的主流话语不承认社会经济边缘底层女性的经历,是一种种姓盲从的性别话语。种姓不同地塑造了女性在工作场所遭受性骚扰的经历,有时为了减轻风险,女性采用不同的策略并建立替代机制来打击工作场所的性骚扰。
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引用次数: 0
The Bir Sunarwala: An Uncharted Dalit Land Movement of Haryana, India Bir Sunarwala:印度哈里亚纳邦未知的达利特土地运动
Pub Date : 2023-10-30 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v4i2.681
Anand Mehra
Dalits are the lowest social group in the Indian caste hierarchy, formerly known as ‘untouchables’. They have been subjected to centuries of discrimination, violence and continue to face widespread social exclusion and economic deprivation. In rural areas, Dalits are often forced to live in segregated quarters and are denied access to common resources such as wells, temples, schools and land. They are often forced to do the most menial and degrading work, such as manual scavenging and cleaning toilets. This exclusion and humiliation are rooted in their lack of access to socio-economic capital, namely, land. As the world’s primary source of wealth, land plays a significant role in the life of rural communities, transforming into a socio-economic reality. Dalits are historically landless; in this outbreak, they participated in various land movements to access land. Landless Dalits and other agricultural labourers fought alongside peasants for better wages, land ownership and to end the practice of forced labour. However, Dalit struggles always remain subordinate to peasant struggles. In this context, this study examines Haryana’s rarely documented and majorly unknown Dalit land movement that took place in 1973 at Bir Sunarwala village of the Jhajjar district of Haryana. Additionally, this study seeks to highlight the significance of the Bir Sunarwala land movement within the broader framework of the Dalit movements in India.
达利特人是印度种姓制度中最低的社会群体,以前被称为“贱民”。他们遭受了几个世纪的歧视和暴力,并继续面临广泛的社会排斥和经济剥夺。在农村地区,达利特人经常被迫住在隔离的地方,不能使用水井、寺庙、学校和土地等公共资源。他们经常被迫做最卑微和有辱人格的工作,如手动清理和清洁厕所。这种排斥和羞辱的根源在于他们无法获得社会经济资本,即土地。土地作为世界财富的主要来源,在农村社区的生活中发挥着重要作用,成为一种社会经济现实。达利特人历来没有土地;在这次疫情中,他们参加了各种土地运动,以获得土地。没有土地的达利特人和其他农业劳动者与农民并肩作战,争取更高的工资、土地所有权和结束强迫劳动的做法。然而,达利特的斗争始终服从于农民的斗争。在此背景下,本研究考察了1973年发生在哈里亚纳邦Jhajjar区的Bir Sunarwala村的达利特土地运动,这些运动很少被记录下来,而且大多不为人知。此外,本研究试图在印度达利特运动的更广泛框架内强调Bir Sunarwala土地运动的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Utilizing Dalit Autobiographies in History 在历史上利用达利特自传
Pub Date : 2023-10-30 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v4i2.626
None Jatin
In the academic field, debates in the discipline of history largely contest whether the people whose narratives are absent in the dominant archives of knowledge, including Dalits, can be considered as devoid of history. Such contestations raise queries about the ways in which these groups form a sense of their past. In this light, can we consider cultural forms of narrative as reliable and ‘valid’ means to form an understanding of past, and to what extent? Can the cultural narrative forms, particularly autobiographical accounts, be utilized to reflect on the past of these communities? What methodologies does such an approach demand, and what challenges does it pose? This paper shall grapple with these intriguing inquiries. It attempts to position Dalit autobiographies and their utility in locating the sense of their past and in the larger knowledge production. This paper fundamentally proposes that Dalit autobiographies can lend crucial insights into the history of Dalit communities and beyond. These autobiographies can provide a perspective ‘from below’ and contribute to understanding how Dalits made sense of their past into narratives. I argue that Dalit articulation of their life experiences in the form of autobiographies not only rupture the assumptions of a singular past but also foregrounds the multiplicities and specificities to their everyday experiences.
在学术领域,历史学科的争论主要是关于那些在主流知识档案中没有叙述的人,包括达利特人,是否可以被认为没有历史。这样的争论引发了人们对这些群体如何形成对自己过去的感觉的质疑。从这个角度来看,我们是否可以将叙事的文化形式视为可靠和“有效”的手段来形成对过去的理解,以及在多大程度上?文化叙事形式,尤其是自传体叙述,能否被用来反映这些社区的过去?这种方法需要什么样的方法,它带来了什么样的挑战?本文将努力探讨这些有趣的问题。它试图定位达利特自传及其在定位他们的过去和更大的知识生产的意义上的效用。这篇论文从根本上提出,达利特自传可以为达利特社区和其他社区的历史提供重要的见解。这些自传可以提供一个“从下面”的视角,并有助于理解达利特人如何将他们的过去理解为叙述。我认为,达利特人以自传的形式表达他们的生活经历,不仅打破了单一过去的假设,而且突出了他们日常经历的多样性和特殊性。
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引用次数: 0
Democratizing Spiritual Sphere: Radical Bhakti Traditions in the Telugu-Speaking Region in India 民主化的精神领域:激进的巴克提传统在印度泰卢格语地区
Pub Date : 2023-10-30 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v4i2.680
Chandraiah Gopani
The modern anti-caste consciousness has deep roots in medieval bhakti traditions in India. The Bhakti saints like Basavanna, Kabir, Ravidas, Vemana, and Pothuluri Veerabrahmam have contributed towards democratizing the spiritual sphere. The radical bhakti traditions shaped new value systems, cultural practices, language, and other art forms and proposed a new egalitarian society. The tendency of locating subaltern saints within the spiritual domain does not capture the radical visions of an egalitarian society which are articulated in their songs, poems, thoughts, and practice. This article is an attempt to document and analyze the radical visions of Vemana and Pothuluri Veerabrahmam and other thinkers in the Telugu-speaking region. The article draws on both published works and fieldwork work which was conducted in the year 2022.
现代反种姓意识深深植根于印度中世纪的奉爱传统。巴克提圣人如巴萨凡纳、卡比尔、拉维达斯、维玛纳和波图鲁里·韦拉伯拉罕为精神领域的民主化做出了贡献。激进的奉爱传统塑造了新的价值体系、文化习俗、语言和其他艺术形式,并提出了一个新的平等主义社会。将低等圣人定位在精神领域的倾向并没有捕捉到平等主义社会的激进愿景,而平等主义社会在他们的歌曲、诗歌、思想和实践中得到了清晰的表达。本文试图记录和分析Vemana和Pothuluri veerabraham以及其他泰卢格语地区思想家的激进观点。本文借鉴了已发表的著作和在2022年进行的实地工作。
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引用次数: 0
Un‘casting’ Universities: Examining the Intersections of Inclusive Curriculum and Dalit Pedagogies in a Private University in Bangalore, India 揭开大学的面纱:印度班加罗尔一所私立大学包容性课程与达利特教育学的交叉点
Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v4i1.428
Rolla Das
Despite India’s constitutional dream to achieve equity and justice, caste still remains an issue of concern. Especially in the context of education, reports indicate a disparity in access and participation across gender, caste and other parameters (Hickey & Stratton, 2007). The prevalence of caste-based discrimination across universities and Dalit student suicides continue to be widely reported (Anderson, 2016; Niazi, 2022; Shantha, 2023; Nair, 2023). While the University Grants Commission, especially Mandal Commission and the Thorat Committee have placed certain recommendations, many universities fall short of implementing the same and even if they do, they don’t percolate to an informed student/ faculty/ administration policy (Sitlhou, 2017). Lack of a well-defined policy, its implementation and the disconnect between curriculum and pedagogy has resulted in an erasure of the discourse on caste within higher education institutions. Furthermore, the disconnect has promoted a sense of alienation in educational institutions wherein some students graduate from school or universities without any exposure to caste as a social problem and some students face humiliation routinely. This project is an autoethnographic study of classrooms in a private university in Bangalore to understand the gaps that emerge from the disconnect between curriculum, pedagogy and comprehension of students about caste and present an alternative pedagogical paradigm that is situated, participatory, historical and critical.
尽管印度的宪法梦想是实现公平和正义,但种姓仍然是一个令人担忧的问题。特别是在教育方面,报告指出,在性别、种姓和其他参数方面,在获得和参与方面存在差异(Hickey & Stratton, 2007)。大学中普遍存在的基于种姓的歧视和达利特学生自杀事件继续被广泛报道(Anderson, 2016;Niazi, 2022;到了,2023;奈尔,2023)。虽然大学教育资助委员会,特别是Mandal委员会和Thorat委员会提出了一些建议,但许多大学没有实施同样的建议,即使他们这样做了,他们也没有渗透到一个知情的学生/教师/行政政策中(Sitlhou, 2017)。缺乏明确的政策,其实施以及课程和教学法之间的脱节导致了高等教育机构中关于种姓的话语的消除。此外,这种脱节促进了教育机构的疏离感,一些学生从学校或大学毕业,没有接触到种姓作为一个社会问题,一些学生经常面临羞辱。本项目是对班加罗尔一所私立大学的课堂进行的一项自我民族志研究,旨在了解课程、教学法和学生对种姓的理解之间的脱节所产生的差距,并提出一种替代性的、参与性的、历史性的和批判性的教学范式。
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引用次数: 0
The The Exclusion of Bahujan Schoolchildren: An Anti-Caste Critique of the National Education Policy 2020, India 排斥巴胡扬学童:对国家教育政策的反种姓批评2020,印度
Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v4i1.411
Y. Singh
This article explores the link between education policy and the social reproduction of caste, with a special focus on the National Education Policy 2020 (NEP 2020). It traces the shape of exclusion that Bahujan schoolchildren experience in the Indian school system by attempting to analyse, and build a coherent understanding of, caste-based exclusion in the sphere of school education. The article is organised in two parts, both of which use the NEP 2020 as an anchor to study the nature of educational inequality. The first part maps the outer contours of educational inequality, engaging with the issue of unequal access to schooling. The inner contours of educational inequality, that is, the internal processes of schooling that engender exclusion, are examined subsequently. At the kernel of this study is the complex relationship between education and power. In essence, the present article delineates the myriad ways through which the NEP 2020 contributes to the processes of social reproduction, particularly the mechanisms through which it conduces to the hegemony of historically privileged caste groups in the society.
本文探讨了教育政策与种姓的社会再生产之间的联系,特别关注2020年国家教育政策(NEP 2020)。它通过试图分析和建立对学校教育领域基于种姓的排斥的连贯理解,追溯了巴胡扬学童在印度学校系统中所经历的排斥的形式。本文分为两部分,这两部分都使用新经济政策2020作为锚来研究教育不平等的本质。第一部分描绘了教育不平等的外部轮廓,涉及受教育机会不平等的问题。教育不平等的内部轮廓,即产生排斥的学校教育的内部过程,随后被检查。这项研究的核心是教育与权力之间的复杂关系。从本质上讲,本文描述了新经济政策2020促进社会再生产过程的无数方式,特别是它促进历史上特权种姓群体在社会中的霸权的机制。
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引用次数: 0
'Dalit Feminist Theory: A Reader' “达利特女权主义理论:读者”
Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v4i1.468
P. -
This reader is a compilation of eighteen essays written by academics, feminists and scholar-activists from a Dalit Feminist Perspective. The editors Sunaina Arya and Aakash Singh Rathore, introduces the book by theorizing Dalit feminism underpinning its ontology and epistemology. Critiquing the academic discourse of feminism which predominantly questions gender inequality on a single axis as a fight against patriarchy, Arya and Rathore pose the important question, ‘Why Dalit Feminist Theory?’. Although the dialogue on Dalit Feminist standpoints started during the 1990s, the core of the book lies in attempting to legitimize Dalit Feminist Theory due to the ubiquity of caste question in Indian society, which cannot be overlooked in any circumstances. Thus, the book revisits the Indian Feminist discourse for feminists to critique the gatekeeping that ‘upper caste’ privileged feminists did to represent the issues of all women by homogenizing the category of a woman based on a few percentages of upper caste women leaving out Dalit, Bahujan, Adivasi and minority women who forms a much larger percentage in comparison. The book is an important read due to its critical engagement and initiation of a dialogue with Indian feminists to argue the need for Dalit Feminist Theory in reshaping Indian feminist discourse.
本读者汇集了学者、女权主义者和学者活动家从达利特女权主义角度撰写的十八篇文章。编辑Sunaina Arya和Aakash Singh Rathore介绍了这本书,将达利特女权主义理论化为其本体论和认识论的基础。Arya和Rathore在批评女权主义的学术话语时提出了一个重要问题,“为什么是贱民女权主义理论?”。尽管关于达利特女权主义立场的对话始于20世纪90年代,但由于种姓问题在印度社会中的普遍性,这一点在任何情况下都不容忽视,本书的核心在于试图使达利特女权理论合法化。因此,这本书重新审视了印度女权主义者的话语,让女权主义者批评了“上层种姓”特权女权主义者为代表所有女性的问题所做的把关工作,他们根据少数上层种姓女性的百分比将女性的类别同质化,而将达利特、巴胡詹、阿迪瓦西和少数民族女性排除在外,相比之下,少数民族女性的比例要大得多。这本书是一本重要的读物,因为它批判性地参与并发起了与印度女权主义者的对话,以论证达利特女权主义理论在重塑印度女权主义话语中的必要性。
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引用次数: 3
Latitudes of Marginality in India 印度的边缘纬度
Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v4i1.665
L. Simon
This issue, Latitudes of Marginality in India, presents new research that challenge mainstream doctrines and beliefs that buttress and stiffen attitudes limiting social and economic equity. The term ‘latitudinarian’ was used in theology to describe churchmen who relied upon reason to verify moral certainty rather than the orthodoxy of tradition. Used more broadly, latitudes allow for ideas from outside, new approaches to research, inclusivity, and forgotten voices. With this issue, J-Caste embarks on our fourth year of heterodox research with readers across countries in Asia, Europe, North America and elsewhere. We maintain the rigor of our peer-review process as well as our original open-access policy which eliminates all financial barriers to publish, subscribe, read, download, or forward articles. We take pride in publishing promising young academics alongside celebrated and established scholars. The lead article in this issue, Caste Identities and Structures of Threats: Stigma, Prejudice, and Social Representation in Indian Universities, breaks new ground into why universities in India are turning into places of social defeat for Dalit and Other Backward Classes (OBC) students. Based largely on qualitative data gathered by the authors, the article argues that the basis of caste discrimination and humiliation in universities is not the same as it exists in other social institutions. The authors offer insights as to how students evolve strategies for coping and ideas for how higher education can heal “the wounded (caste) psyche.” Two other articles in the issue address learning in Indian education. The Exclusion of Bahujan Schoolchildren: An Anti-Caste Critique of the National Education Policy 2020, India explores the nature of educational inequality with direct reference to the social reproduction of caste. Un‘casting’ Universities: Examining the Intersections of Inclusive Curriculum and Dalit Pedagogies in a Private University in Bangalore, India, in our Forum section, addresses the disconnect between curriculum and pedagogy which results in the “erasure of the discourse on caste,” and a deep and tragic alienation among some.
本期《印度的边缘化纬度》提出了新的研究,挑战了主流理论和信仰,这些理论和信仰支持并强化了限制社会和经济公平的态度。“自由主义者”一词在神学中被用来描述那些依靠理性来验证道德确定性而不是传统正统的教会人士。更广泛地说,纬度允许来自外部的想法、新的研究方法、包容性和被遗忘的声音。从这一期开始,J-Caste开始了我们第四年的非正统研究,我们的读者来自亚洲、欧洲、北美和其他地区。我们保持严格的同行评审过程,以及我们原有的开放获取政策,消除了所有出版、订阅、阅读、下载或转发文章的经济障碍。我们为出版有前途的年轻学者和知名学者而感到自豪。本期的主要文章《种姓身份与威胁结构:印度大学中的污名、偏见与社会代表》,开辟了新的领域,探讨了为什么印度的大学正在成为达利特和其他落后阶级(OBC)学生的社会失败场所。这篇文章主要基于作者收集的定性数据,认为大学里存在的种姓歧视和羞辱的基础与其他社会机构不一样。作者就学生如何发展应对策略以及高等教育如何治愈“受伤的(种姓)心理”提出了见解。本期杂志的另外两篇文章讨论了印度教育中的学习。排斥巴胡扬学童:对国家教育政策的反种姓批评2020年,印度探讨了教育不平等的本质,直接参考了种姓的社会再生产。“非种姓”大学:在印度班加罗尔的一所私立大学中审视包容性课程和达利特教学法的交叉点,在我们的论坛部分,解决了课程和教学法之间的脱节,这种脱节导致了“种姓话语的消除”,以及一些人之间深刻而悲剧性的异化。
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引用次数: 0
Sanitising India or Cementing Injustice? Scrutinising the Swachh Bharat Mission in India 净化印度还是巩固不公正?审视印度的“清洁印度”使命
Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v4i1.418
S. Shekhar
Occupational competence and division of labour in India have historically been linked to social institutions of caste, class and gender. Labour related to sanitation and waste disposal has perpetually been assigned to the most backward caste groups. The reality of the caste system and the revulsion of upper caste groups from any physical contact with dirt and human waste, or with people dealing with waste and sewage, has had many implications for the state of sanitation and cleanliness in India. The national policy on sanitation and its flagship program the Swachh Bharat Mission (SBM), seems to ignore this caste reality and the conditions of people involved in waste and sanitation-related activities. SBM focuses on infrastructure building for ownership and access of toilets and not on dealing with sludge and sewage, conditions of sanitary workers and their rehabilitation. The technology used in the toilets being constructed, their sustainability, safety and retrofitting needs also requires critical assessment. Any policy for a sanitised India or Swachh Bharat will only be successful if it considers the notion of caste, of ritual pollution associated with human waste and dirt in India and removes the shackles of caste that have chained few marginal communities to such occupations, thereby making the enterprise of sanitation and cleaning in India truly egalitarian and democratic, in the sense of opportunities and participation.
在印度,职业能力和劳动分工历来与种姓、阶级和性别的社会制度联系在一起。与卫生和废物处理相关的劳动一直被分配给最落后的种姓群体。种姓制度的现实,以及上层种姓群体对任何与污垢和人类粪便,或与处理废物和污水的人进行身体接触的反感,对印度的卫生和清洁状况产生了许多影响。国家卫生政策及其旗舰项目“清洁印度使命”(SBM)似乎忽视了这种种姓现实,以及参与废物和卫生相关活动的人的状况。SBM的重点是建造拥有和使用厕所的基础设施,而不是处理污泥和污水、卫生工人的条件和他们的康复。正在建造的厕所所使用的技术、它们的可持续性、安全性和改造需求也需要进行严格的评估。只有考虑到种姓的概念,考虑到印度与人类排泄物和污垢相关的仪式污染,并消除种姓的束缚,才能使印度的卫生和清洁事业在机会和参与的意义上真正平等和民主,任何清洁印度或Swachh Bharat的政策才能成功。
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引用次数: 0
Politics of Recognition and Caste among Muslims: A Study of Shekhra Biradari of Bihar, India 穆斯林中的认同政治与种姓制度:印度比哈尔邦Shekhra Biradari的研究
Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v4i1.401
Tausif Ahmad
The caste system among Muslim society has long been an ignorant point of debate in academia. But in recent times it emerged as a thoughtful discourse. The sociological study finds that Muslim society of India is divided into three major social groups, Ashraf, Ajlaf, and Arzal. Most Muslims of India belong to the latter two groups. The present study is an attempt to give an insight into an Arzal caste known as Shekhra. Shekhra has an occupational history of bone picking. The article will discuss how the struggle for social recognition harmed their demand for redistributive justice (reservation). They have been included in the Central OBC and in EBC in Bihar. However, later, reservation has been denied because of their self-misrecognition as Sheikh Biradari. The study is an attempt to explore the reasons behind it and suggests the possible way to find a solution.
穆斯林社会的种姓制度长期以来一直是学术界争论的焦点。但近年来,它成为一种深思熟虑的话语。社会学研究发现,印度穆斯林社会分为三大社会群体,阿什拉夫、阿吉拉夫和阿尔扎尔。印度的大多数穆斯林属于后两个群体。本研究试图深入了解被称为Shekhra的Arzal种姓。谢赫拉有挖骨头的职业史。这篇文章将讨论争取社会认可的斗争如何损害了他们对再分配正义(保留)的要求。他们已被纳入中央OBC和比哈尔邦的EBC。然而,后来,由于他们自我误认为谢赫·比拉达里,保留被拒绝。这项研究试图探索其背后的原因,并提出可能的解决方案。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Caste (Waltham, Mass.)
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