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Un‘casting’ Universities: Examining the Intersections of Inclusive Curriculum and Dalit Pedagogies in a Private University in Bangalore, India 揭开大学的面纱:印度班加罗尔一所私立大学包容性课程与达利特教育学的交叉点
Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v4i1.428
Rolla Das
Despite India’s constitutional dream to achieve equity and justice, caste still remains an issue of concern. Especially in the context of education, reports indicate a disparity in access and participation across gender, caste and other parameters (Hickey & Stratton, 2007). The prevalence of caste-based discrimination across universities and Dalit student suicides continue to be widely reported (Anderson, 2016; Niazi, 2022; Shantha, 2023; Nair, 2023). While the University Grants Commission, especially Mandal Commission and the Thorat Committee have placed certain recommendations, many universities fall short of implementing the same and even if they do, they don’t percolate to an informed student/ faculty/ administration policy (Sitlhou, 2017). Lack of a well-defined policy, its implementation and the disconnect between curriculum and pedagogy has resulted in an erasure of the discourse on caste within higher education institutions. Furthermore, the disconnect has promoted a sense of alienation in educational institutions wherein some students graduate from school or universities without any exposure to caste as a social problem and some students face humiliation routinely. This project is an autoethnographic study of classrooms in a private university in Bangalore to understand the gaps that emerge from the disconnect between curriculum, pedagogy and comprehension of students about caste and present an alternative pedagogical paradigm that is situated, participatory, historical and critical.
尽管印度的宪法梦想是实现公平和正义,但种姓仍然是一个令人担忧的问题。特别是在教育方面,报告指出,在性别、种姓和其他参数方面,在获得和参与方面存在差异(Hickey & Stratton, 2007)。大学中普遍存在的基于种姓的歧视和达利特学生自杀事件继续被广泛报道(Anderson, 2016;Niazi, 2022;到了,2023;奈尔,2023)。虽然大学教育资助委员会,特别是Mandal委员会和Thorat委员会提出了一些建议,但许多大学没有实施同样的建议,即使他们这样做了,他们也没有渗透到一个知情的学生/教师/行政政策中(Sitlhou, 2017)。缺乏明确的政策,其实施以及课程和教学法之间的脱节导致了高等教育机构中关于种姓的话语的消除。此外,这种脱节促进了教育机构的疏离感,一些学生从学校或大学毕业,没有接触到种姓作为一个社会问题,一些学生经常面临羞辱。本项目是对班加罗尔一所私立大学的课堂进行的一项自我民族志研究,旨在了解课程、教学法和学生对种姓的理解之间的脱节所产生的差距,并提出一种替代性的、参与性的、历史性的和批判性的教学范式。
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引用次数: 0
The The Exclusion of Bahujan Schoolchildren: An Anti-Caste Critique of the National Education Policy 2020, India 排斥巴胡扬学童:对国家教育政策的反种姓批评2020,印度
Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v4i1.411
Y. Singh
This article explores the link between education policy and the social reproduction of caste, with a special focus on the National Education Policy 2020 (NEP 2020). It traces the shape of exclusion that Bahujan schoolchildren experience in the Indian school system by attempting to analyse, and build a coherent understanding of, caste-based exclusion in the sphere of school education. The article is organised in two parts, both of which use the NEP 2020 as an anchor to study the nature of educational inequality. The first part maps the outer contours of educational inequality, engaging with the issue of unequal access to schooling. The inner contours of educational inequality, that is, the internal processes of schooling that engender exclusion, are examined subsequently. At the kernel of this study is the complex relationship between education and power. In essence, the present article delineates the myriad ways through which the NEP 2020 contributes to the processes of social reproduction, particularly the mechanisms through which it conduces to the hegemony of historically privileged caste groups in the society.
本文探讨了教育政策与种姓的社会再生产之间的联系,特别关注2020年国家教育政策(NEP 2020)。它通过试图分析和建立对学校教育领域基于种姓的排斥的连贯理解,追溯了巴胡扬学童在印度学校系统中所经历的排斥的形式。本文分为两部分,这两部分都使用新经济政策2020作为锚来研究教育不平等的本质。第一部分描绘了教育不平等的外部轮廓,涉及受教育机会不平等的问题。教育不平等的内部轮廓,即产生排斥的学校教育的内部过程,随后被检查。这项研究的核心是教育与权力之间的复杂关系。从本质上讲,本文描述了新经济政策2020促进社会再生产过程的无数方式,特别是它促进历史上特权种姓群体在社会中的霸权的机制。
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引用次数: 0
'Dalit Feminist Theory: A Reader' “达利特女权主义理论:读者”
Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v4i1.468
P. -
This reader is a compilation of eighteen essays written by academics, feminists and scholar-activists from a Dalit Feminist Perspective. The editors Sunaina Arya and Aakash Singh Rathore, introduces the book by theorizing Dalit feminism underpinning its ontology and epistemology. Critiquing the academic discourse of feminism which predominantly questions gender inequality on a single axis as a fight against patriarchy, Arya and Rathore pose the important question, ‘Why Dalit Feminist Theory?’. Although the dialogue on Dalit Feminist standpoints started during the 1990s, the core of the book lies in attempting to legitimize Dalit Feminist Theory due to the ubiquity of caste question in Indian society, which cannot be overlooked in any circumstances. Thus, the book revisits the Indian Feminist discourse for feminists to critique the gatekeeping that ‘upper caste’ privileged feminists did to represent the issues of all women by homogenizing the category of a woman based on a few percentages of upper caste women leaving out Dalit, Bahujan, Adivasi and minority women who forms a much larger percentage in comparison. The book is an important read due to its critical engagement and initiation of a dialogue with Indian feminists to argue the need for Dalit Feminist Theory in reshaping Indian feminist discourse.
本读者汇集了学者、女权主义者和学者活动家从达利特女权主义角度撰写的十八篇文章。编辑Sunaina Arya和Aakash Singh Rathore介绍了这本书,将达利特女权主义理论化为其本体论和认识论的基础。Arya和Rathore在批评女权主义的学术话语时提出了一个重要问题,“为什么是贱民女权主义理论?”。尽管关于达利特女权主义立场的对话始于20世纪90年代,但由于种姓问题在印度社会中的普遍性,这一点在任何情况下都不容忽视,本书的核心在于试图使达利特女权理论合法化。因此,这本书重新审视了印度女权主义者的话语,让女权主义者批评了“上层种姓”特权女权主义者为代表所有女性的问题所做的把关工作,他们根据少数上层种姓女性的百分比将女性的类别同质化,而将达利特、巴胡詹、阿迪瓦西和少数民族女性排除在外,相比之下,少数民族女性的比例要大得多。这本书是一本重要的读物,因为它批判性地参与并发起了与印度女权主义者的对话,以论证达利特女权主义理论在重塑印度女权主义话语中的必要性。
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引用次数: 3
Latitudes of Marginality in India 印度的边缘纬度
Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v4i1.665
L. Simon
This issue, Latitudes of Marginality in India, presents new research that challenge mainstream doctrines and beliefs that buttress and stiffen attitudes limiting social and economic equity. The term ‘latitudinarian’ was used in theology to describe churchmen who relied upon reason to verify moral certainty rather than the orthodoxy of tradition. Used more broadly, latitudes allow for ideas from outside, new approaches to research, inclusivity, and forgotten voices. With this issue, J-Caste embarks on our fourth year of heterodox research with readers across countries in Asia, Europe, North America and elsewhere. We maintain the rigor of our peer-review process as well as our original open-access policy which eliminates all financial barriers to publish, subscribe, read, download, or forward articles. We take pride in publishing promising young academics alongside celebrated and established scholars. The lead article in this issue, Caste Identities and Structures of Threats: Stigma, Prejudice, and Social Representation in Indian Universities, breaks new ground into why universities in India are turning into places of social defeat for Dalit and Other Backward Classes (OBC) students. Based largely on qualitative data gathered by the authors, the article argues that the basis of caste discrimination and humiliation in universities is not the same as it exists in other social institutions. The authors offer insights as to how students evolve strategies for coping and ideas for how higher education can heal “the wounded (caste) psyche.” Two other articles in the issue address learning in Indian education. The Exclusion of Bahujan Schoolchildren: An Anti-Caste Critique of the National Education Policy 2020, India explores the nature of educational inequality with direct reference to the social reproduction of caste. Un‘casting’ Universities: Examining the Intersections of Inclusive Curriculum and Dalit Pedagogies in a Private University in Bangalore, India, in our Forum section, addresses the disconnect between curriculum and pedagogy which results in the “erasure of the discourse on caste,” and a deep and tragic alienation among some.
本期《印度的边缘化纬度》提出了新的研究,挑战了主流理论和信仰,这些理论和信仰支持并强化了限制社会和经济公平的态度。“自由主义者”一词在神学中被用来描述那些依靠理性来验证道德确定性而不是传统正统的教会人士。更广泛地说,纬度允许来自外部的想法、新的研究方法、包容性和被遗忘的声音。从这一期开始,J-Caste开始了我们第四年的非正统研究,我们的读者来自亚洲、欧洲、北美和其他地区。我们保持严格的同行评审过程,以及我们原有的开放获取政策,消除了所有出版、订阅、阅读、下载或转发文章的经济障碍。我们为出版有前途的年轻学者和知名学者而感到自豪。本期的主要文章《种姓身份与威胁结构:印度大学中的污名、偏见与社会代表》,开辟了新的领域,探讨了为什么印度的大学正在成为达利特和其他落后阶级(OBC)学生的社会失败场所。这篇文章主要基于作者收集的定性数据,认为大学里存在的种姓歧视和羞辱的基础与其他社会机构不一样。作者就学生如何发展应对策略以及高等教育如何治愈“受伤的(种姓)心理”提出了见解。本期杂志的另外两篇文章讨论了印度教育中的学习。排斥巴胡扬学童:对国家教育政策的反种姓批评2020年,印度探讨了教育不平等的本质,直接参考了种姓的社会再生产。“非种姓”大学:在印度班加罗尔的一所私立大学中审视包容性课程和达利特教学法的交叉点,在我们的论坛部分,解决了课程和教学法之间的脱节,这种脱节导致了“种姓话语的消除”,以及一些人之间深刻而悲剧性的异化。
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引用次数: 0
Sanitising India or Cementing Injustice? Scrutinising the Swachh Bharat Mission in India 净化印度还是巩固不公正?审视印度的“清洁印度”使命
Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v4i1.418
S. Shekhar
Occupational competence and division of labour in India have historically been linked to social institutions of caste, class and gender. Labour related to sanitation and waste disposal has perpetually been assigned to the most backward caste groups. The reality of the caste system and the revulsion of upper caste groups from any physical contact with dirt and human waste, or with people dealing with waste and sewage, has had many implications for the state of sanitation and cleanliness in India. The national policy on sanitation and its flagship program the Swachh Bharat Mission (SBM), seems to ignore this caste reality and the conditions of people involved in waste and sanitation-related activities. SBM focuses on infrastructure building for ownership and access of toilets and not on dealing with sludge and sewage, conditions of sanitary workers and their rehabilitation. The technology used in the toilets being constructed, their sustainability, safety and retrofitting needs also requires critical assessment. Any policy for a sanitised India or Swachh Bharat will only be successful if it considers the notion of caste, of ritual pollution associated with human waste and dirt in India and removes the shackles of caste that have chained few marginal communities to such occupations, thereby making the enterprise of sanitation and cleaning in India truly egalitarian and democratic, in the sense of opportunities and participation.
在印度,职业能力和劳动分工历来与种姓、阶级和性别的社会制度联系在一起。与卫生和废物处理相关的劳动一直被分配给最落后的种姓群体。种姓制度的现实,以及上层种姓群体对任何与污垢和人类粪便,或与处理废物和污水的人进行身体接触的反感,对印度的卫生和清洁状况产生了许多影响。国家卫生政策及其旗舰项目“清洁印度使命”(SBM)似乎忽视了这种种姓现实,以及参与废物和卫生相关活动的人的状况。SBM的重点是建造拥有和使用厕所的基础设施,而不是处理污泥和污水、卫生工人的条件和他们的康复。正在建造的厕所所使用的技术、它们的可持续性、安全性和改造需求也需要进行严格的评估。只有考虑到种姓的概念,考虑到印度与人类排泄物和污垢相关的仪式污染,并消除种姓的束缚,才能使印度的卫生和清洁事业在机会和参与的意义上真正平等和民主,任何清洁印度或Swachh Bharat的政策才能成功。
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引用次数: 0
Politics of Recognition and Caste among Muslims: A Study of Shekhra Biradari of Bihar, India 穆斯林中的认同政治与种姓制度:印度比哈尔邦Shekhra Biradari的研究
Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v4i1.401
Tausif Ahmad
The caste system among Muslim society has long been an ignorant point of debate in academia. But in recent times it emerged as a thoughtful discourse. The sociological study finds that Muslim society of India is divided into three major social groups, Ashraf, Ajlaf, and Arzal. Most Muslims of India belong to the latter two groups. The present study is an attempt to give an insight into an Arzal caste known as Shekhra. Shekhra has an occupational history of bone picking. The article will discuss how the struggle for social recognition harmed their demand for redistributive justice (reservation). They have been included in the Central OBC and in EBC in Bihar. However, later, reservation has been denied because of their self-misrecognition as Sheikh Biradari. The study is an attempt to explore the reasons behind it and suggests the possible way to find a solution.
穆斯林社会的种姓制度长期以来一直是学术界争论的焦点。但近年来,它成为一种深思熟虑的话语。社会学研究发现,印度穆斯林社会分为三大社会群体,阿什拉夫、阿吉拉夫和阿尔扎尔。印度的大多数穆斯林属于后两个群体。本研究试图深入了解被称为Shekhra的Arzal种姓。谢赫拉有挖骨头的职业史。这篇文章将讨论争取社会认可的斗争如何损害了他们对再分配正义(保留)的要求。他们已被纳入中央OBC和比哈尔邦的EBC。然而,后来,由于他们自我误认为谢赫·比拉达里,保留被拒绝。这项研究试图探索其背后的原因,并提出可能的解决方案。
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引用次数: 1
A Critical Lens to Understand Gender and Caste Politics of Rural Maharashtra, India 解读印度马哈拉施特拉邦农村性别与种姓政治的批判性视角
Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v4i1.333
Tanuja Harad
'Sairat’, is a highly acclaimed movie and is the highest grossing Marathi film till date. It was one of the biggest hits of the Marathi films industry and screened for many months in theaters after the release. ‘Sairat’, a Marathi romantic drama film portrays the construction of hegemonic masculinity and its relation to the controlling of women’s sexuality. The movie centers around controlling women’s sexuality, portraying dominant masculinity and brutal killing due to transgression of caste (in the form of inter-caste marriage) in rural Maharashtra. In July 2016, an upper caste girl was raped and murdered by lower castes at Kopardi village soon after the release of the movie. The rape and murder of the girl led to protests all over Maharashtra. The protesters and leaders of the upper caste community alleged that the rape and murder of a girl was provoked by the movie, ‘Sairat’. This article takes the protests as a provocation to take a closer look at Sairat’s gender and caste politics. This article explores the way hegemonic masculine identity has been manifested through control over women’s sexuality and their mobility, and violence against women. The hegemonic masculinity has been constructed based on unequal gender and power relations between men and women, dominant and lower caste men.
《赛拉特》是一部广受好评的电影,也是迄今为止票房最高的马拉地电影。这是马拉地电影业最受欢迎的电影之一,上映后在影院上映了好几个月《赛拉特》是一部马拉地浪漫主义戏剧电影,它描绘了霸权男子气概的构建及其与女性性欲控制的关系。这部电影围绕着控制女性的性取向展开,描绘了马哈拉施特拉邦农村地区占主导地位的男子气概和因种姓越轨(以跨种姓婚姻的形式)而造成的残酷杀戮。2016年7月,电影上映后不久,一名上层种姓女孩在Kopardi村被下层种姓强奸并谋杀。对女孩的强奸和谋杀引发了马哈拉施特拉邦各地的抗议活动。抗议者和上层种姓社区的领导人声称,强奸和谋杀一名女孩是由电影《赛拉特》引发的。这篇文章将抗议活动视为一种挑衅,以深入了解赛拉特的性别和种姓政治。本文探讨了霸权男性身份是如何通过控制女性的性取向和流动性以及对女性的暴力来表现的。霸权的男子气概是建立在男女、占主导地位的男性和低种姓男性之间不平等的性别和权力关系之上的。
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引用次数: 0
Caste Identities and Structures of Threats: Stigma, Prejudice and Social Representation in Indian universities 种姓身份和威胁的结构:污名,偏见和社会代表性在印度大学
Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v4i1.470
Gaurav J. Pathania, S. Jadhav, Amit Thorat, D. Mosse, Sumeet Jain
Caste is a complex ontological construction. Despite several anti-caste movements and constitutional provisions, caste exists in the Indian psyche as part of everyday life. Even in the advent of globalization, caste continues to foster social and economic inequalities and exclusion in newer forms and perpetuates violence. The available research on caste-based stigma and humiliation provides a limited understanding as it deals with Dalits only; and ignores caste-Hindus (upper-caste) agency. Based largely on qualitative data collected at an intense three-day workshop, including two Focus Group Discussions and a year-long ethnography, this article illustrates the micro processes of everyday life experiences of caste-based stigma and humiliation among university students, academic staff and administrative staff. It explores subtle and overt caste discrimination, prejudices and stereotypes existing in the spatial morphologies of Indian higher education, its perpetuation on campuses and its impact on students’ psyche. It highlights the dearth of scholarship in this area of caste identity and stigma; and proposes nuanced questions for future research to understand why universities in India are turning into places of social defeat for Dalit and OBC students. The article argues the basis of caste discrimination and humiliation in universities is not the same as it exists in other social institutions. Instead of asserting conclusions on this matter we set out justifiable lines of inquiry. There are two issues that this article examines: first, how students in Indian higher education evolve strategies for coping with threatened identities. Second, what structural repair in higher education is required to heal the wounded (caste) psyche?
种姓是一个复杂的本体论建构。尽管有几次反种姓运动和宪法规定,种姓作为日常生活的一部分存在于印度人的心理中。即使在全球化到来之际,种姓制度仍在以新的形式助长社会和经济不平等和排斥,并使暴力永久化。现有的关于基于种姓的污名和羞辱的研究提供了有限的理解,因为它只涉及达利特人;并忽视种姓印度教徒(上层种姓)的代理。本文主要基于在为期三天的紧张研讨会上收集的定性数据,包括两次焦点小组讨论和一年的民族志,阐述了大学生、学术人员和行政人员日常生活中基于种姓的污名和羞辱的微观过程。它探讨了印度高等教育空间形态中存在的微妙和公开的种姓歧视、偏见和刻板印象,它在校园中的长期存在及其对学生心理的影响。它强调了在种姓认同和污名化领域缺乏学术知识;并为未来的研究提出了微妙的问题,以了解为什么印度的大学正在成为达利特和OBC学生的社会失败之地。文章认为,大学中种姓歧视和羞辱的基础与其他社会机构不同。我们没有就这一问题得出结论,而是提出了合理的调查路线。本文探讨了两个问题:首先,印度高等教育中的学生如何发展应对身份威胁的策略。第二,高等教育需要什么样的结构修复来治愈受伤的(种姓)心理?
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引用次数: 2
Caste and Religion Matters in Access to Housing, Drinking Water, and Toilets: Empirical Evidence from National Sample Surveys, India 种姓和宗教在获得住房、饮用水和厕所方面的影响:来自印度国家抽样调查的经验证据
Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v4i1.654
V. Mishra
This article aims to provide a systematic analysis of inter-group inequality in access to good quality housing and basic amenities. It also attempts to discuss the socio-economic determinants of accessing housing and basic amenities. The article provides evidence of social identity-based discrimination by implying econometric analysis of decomposition methods. The findings of the article demonstrate that social group identities such as caste and religion play a significant role in determining the sufficiency, continuity and quality of housing and basic amenities. Inter-group inequality in accessing these essential services is significantly high in both rural and urban areas. The results of logistic regression model and decomposition method used in the article shows that social identity-based discrimination reduces the sufficiency and quality of housing and basic services availed by marginalized social groups such as scheduled caste, scheduled tribe and religious minorities. It can be argued from the analysis that right to adequate housing in terms of good quality dwelling and access to drinking water and sanitation is adversely affected by social exclusion and discrimination experienced by marginalized social groups.
本文旨在系统分析在获得优质住房和基本设施方面的群体间不平等。它还试图讨论获得住房和基本便利设施的社会经济决定因素。本文通过暗示计量经济分析的分解方法,提供了基于社会身份的歧视的证据。文章的调查结果表明,社会群体身份,如种姓和宗教,在决定住房和基本便利设施的充分性、连续性和质量方面发挥着重要作用。在农村和城市地区,获得这些基本服务方面的群体间不平等现象非常严重。本文采用的逻辑回归模型和分解方法的结果表明,基于社会身份的歧视降低了边缘化社会群体(如在册种姓、在册部落和宗教少数群体)获得住房和基本服务的充分性和质量。从分析中可以认为,在优质住房和获得饮用水和卫生设施方面获得适当住房的权利受到边缘化社会群体所遭受的社会排斥和歧视的不利影响。
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引用次数: 0
Hariprasad Tamta: Father of Shilpkar Revolution in India 哈里普拉萨德·塔塔:印度锡普卡尔革命之父
Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v4i1.319
Sandeep Kumar
Uttarakhand is a region replete with social diversity. This can be observed in its culture, customs and language. The social perspective of these diversities is outwardly similar but in the social and economic perspective the discrimination between Dalits and upper castes can be easily seen. The Shilpkar (the term used for Dalit caste) here also suffer from untouchability, inequality, humiliation and discrimination like Dalits of other areas. Munshi Hariprasad Tamta fought against these inequalities and untouchability throughout his life to educate, create awareness and provide leadership to the Shilpkar during the British and post Independence era. Hariprasad Tamta: The Father of Shilpkar Revolution has remained anonymous in the local history of Uttarakhand. This article attempts to re-analyze the personality, political and social works of Hariprasad Tamta and to provide new insight into the Shilpakar struggle. Alongside, an attempt has also been made to redefine the prevailing concept of social scientists to define the ideology of Hariprasad Tamta as class interest and pro-British.
北阿坎德邦是一个充满社会多样性的地区。这可以从它的文化、习俗和语言中观察到。这些多样性的社会视角表面上是相似的,但从社会和经济角度来看,贱民和上层种姓之间的歧视是显而易见的。这里的Shilpkar(达利特种姓的术语)也和其他地区的达利特人一样,遭受着不可触碰、不平等、羞辱和歧视。Munshi Hariprasad Tamta一生都在与这些不平等和贱民作斗争,在英国和后独立时代为Shilpkar提供教育、提高认识和领导。Hariprasad Tamta:Shilpkar革命之父在北阿坎德邦当地历史上一直默默无闻。本文试图重新分析哈里普拉萨德·坦塔的人格、政治和社会作品,以期对希尔巴卡尔斗争提供新的视角。与此同时,还试图重新定义社会科学家的主流概念,将Hariprasad Tamta的意识形态定义为阶级利益和亲英。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Caste (Waltham, Mass.)
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