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A Critical Lens to Understand Gender and Caste Politics of Rural Maharashtra, India 解读印度马哈拉施特拉邦农村性别与种姓政治的批判性视角
Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v4i1.333
Tanuja Harad
'Sairat’, is a highly acclaimed movie and is the highest grossing Marathi film till date. It was one of the biggest hits of the Marathi films industry and screened for many months in theaters after the release. ‘Sairat’, a Marathi romantic drama film portrays the construction of hegemonic masculinity and its relation to the controlling of women’s sexuality. The movie centers around controlling women’s sexuality, portraying dominant masculinity and brutal killing due to transgression of caste (in the form of inter-caste marriage) in rural Maharashtra. In July 2016, an upper caste girl was raped and murdered by lower castes at Kopardi village soon after the release of the movie. The rape and murder of the girl led to protests all over Maharashtra. The protesters and leaders of the upper caste community alleged that the rape and murder of a girl was provoked by the movie, ‘Sairat’. This article takes the protests as a provocation to take a closer look at Sairat’s gender and caste politics. This article explores the way hegemonic masculine identity has been manifested through control over women’s sexuality and their mobility, and violence against women. The hegemonic masculinity has been constructed based on unequal gender and power relations between men and women, dominant and lower caste men.
《赛拉特》是一部广受好评的电影,也是迄今为止票房最高的马拉地电影。这是马拉地电影业最受欢迎的电影之一,上映后在影院上映了好几个月《赛拉特》是一部马拉地浪漫主义戏剧电影,它描绘了霸权男子气概的构建及其与女性性欲控制的关系。这部电影围绕着控制女性的性取向展开,描绘了马哈拉施特拉邦农村地区占主导地位的男子气概和因种姓越轨(以跨种姓婚姻的形式)而造成的残酷杀戮。2016年7月,电影上映后不久,一名上层种姓女孩在Kopardi村被下层种姓强奸并谋杀。对女孩的强奸和谋杀引发了马哈拉施特拉邦各地的抗议活动。抗议者和上层种姓社区的领导人声称,强奸和谋杀一名女孩是由电影《赛拉特》引发的。这篇文章将抗议活动视为一种挑衅,以深入了解赛拉特的性别和种姓政治。本文探讨了霸权男性身份是如何通过控制女性的性取向和流动性以及对女性的暴力来表现的。霸权的男子气概是建立在男女、占主导地位的男性和低种姓男性之间不平等的性别和权力关系之上的。
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引用次数: 0
Caste Identities and Structures of Threats: Stigma, Prejudice and Social Representation in Indian universities 种姓身份和威胁的结构:污名,偏见和社会代表性在印度大学
Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v4i1.470
Gaurav J. Pathania, S. Jadhav, Amit Thorat, D. Mosse, Sumeet Jain
Caste is a complex ontological construction. Despite several anti-caste movements and constitutional provisions, caste exists in the Indian psyche as part of everyday life. Even in the advent of globalization, caste continues to foster social and economic inequalities and exclusion in newer forms and perpetuates violence. The available research on caste-based stigma and humiliation provides a limited understanding as it deals with Dalits only; and ignores caste-Hindus (upper-caste) agency. Based largely on qualitative data collected at an intense three-day workshop, including two Focus Group Discussions and a year-long ethnography, this article illustrates the micro processes of everyday life experiences of caste-based stigma and humiliation among university students, academic staff and administrative staff. It explores subtle and overt caste discrimination, prejudices and stereotypes existing in the spatial morphologies of Indian higher education, its perpetuation on campuses and its impact on students’ psyche. It highlights the dearth of scholarship in this area of caste identity and stigma; and proposes nuanced questions for future research to understand why universities in India are turning into places of social defeat for Dalit and OBC students. The article argues the basis of caste discrimination and humiliation in universities is not the same as it exists in other social institutions. Instead of asserting conclusions on this matter we set out justifiable lines of inquiry. There are two issues that this article examines: first, how students in Indian higher education evolve strategies for coping with threatened identities. Second, what structural repair in higher education is required to heal the wounded (caste) psyche?
种姓是一个复杂的本体论建构。尽管有几次反种姓运动和宪法规定,种姓作为日常生活的一部分存在于印度人的心理中。即使在全球化到来之际,种姓制度仍在以新的形式助长社会和经济不平等和排斥,并使暴力永久化。现有的关于基于种姓的污名和羞辱的研究提供了有限的理解,因为它只涉及达利特人;并忽视种姓印度教徒(上层种姓)的代理。本文主要基于在为期三天的紧张研讨会上收集的定性数据,包括两次焦点小组讨论和一年的民族志,阐述了大学生、学术人员和行政人员日常生活中基于种姓的污名和羞辱的微观过程。它探讨了印度高等教育空间形态中存在的微妙和公开的种姓歧视、偏见和刻板印象,它在校园中的长期存在及其对学生心理的影响。它强调了在种姓认同和污名化领域缺乏学术知识;并为未来的研究提出了微妙的问题,以了解为什么印度的大学正在成为达利特和OBC学生的社会失败之地。文章认为,大学中种姓歧视和羞辱的基础与其他社会机构不同。我们没有就这一问题得出结论,而是提出了合理的调查路线。本文探讨了两个问题:首先,印度高等教育中的学生如何发展应对身份威胁的策略。第二,高等教育需要什么样的结构修复来治愈受伤的(种姓)心理?
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引用次数: 2
Caste and Religion Matters in Access to Housing, Drinking Water, and Toilets: Empirical Evidence from National Sample Surveys, India 种姓和宗教在获得住房、饮用水和厕所方面的影响:来自印度国家抽样调查的经验证据
Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v4i1.654
V. Mishra
This article aims to provide a systematic analysis of inter-group inequality in access to good quality housing and basic amenities. It also attempts to discuss the socio-economic determinants of accessing housing and basic amenities. The article provides evidence of social identity-based discrimination by implying econometric analysis of decomposition methods. The findings of the article demonstrate that social group identities such as caste and religion play a significant role in determining the sufficiency, continuity and quality of housing and basic amenities. Inter-group inequality in accessing these essential services is significantly high in both rural and urban areas. The results of logistic regression model and decomposition method used in the article shows that social identity-based discrimination reduces the sufficiency and quality of housing and basic services availed by marginalized social groups such as scheduled caste, scheduled tribe and religious minorities. It can be argued from the analysis that right to adequate housing in terms of good quality dwelling and access to drinking water and sanitation is adversely affected by social exclusion and discrimination experienced by marginalized social groups.
本文旨在系统分析在获得优质住房和基本设施方面的群体间不平等。它还试图讨论获得住房和基本便利设施的社会经济决定因素。本文通过暗示计量经济分析的分解方法,提供了基于社会身份的歧视的证据。文章的调查结果表明,社会群体身份,如种姓和宗教,在决定住房和基本便利设施的充分性、连续性和质量方面发挥着重要作用。在农村和城市地区,获得这些基本服务方面的群体间不平等现象非常严重。本文采用的逻辑回归模型和分解方法的结果表明,基于社会身份的歧视降低了边缘化社会群体(如在册种姓、在册部落和宗教少数群体)获得住房和基本服务的充分性和质量。从分析中可以认为,在优质住房和获得饮用水和卫生设施方面获得适当住房的权利受到边缘化社会群体所遭受的社会排斥和歧视的不利影响。
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引用次数: 0
Health Investments to Reduce Health Inequities in India: Do We Need More Evidence? 减少印度卫生不平等的卫生投资:我们需要更多证据吗?
Pub Date : 2022-10-28 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v3i2.441
I. Gupta, A. Ranjan
    Large inequities in health outcomes and treatment-seeking behaviour continue to exist in India, across households, states and residence. A few large populous states continue to contribute the most to multi-dimensional poverty, including indicators for health outcomes. A significant contributor is the high out-of-pocket spending that continues to be a key feature of India’s health sector, accompanied by one of the lowest levels of public investment on health. The COVID pandemic has brought out sharply the lack of preparedness of the country and its states to face a catastrophe of this kind. A resilient health sector can only be built by bridging the various gaps in key inputs into the sector – infrastructure, personnel, supplies and training. This investment is likely to bring down the demand for health services in the private sector and reduce spending on health services by households by making these affordable and accessible. A quantum jump in investment would also be required to offer health coverage that is truly universal in scope and coverage. Unless that happens, India would remain unprepared for the next calamity and continue with significant inequalities in health outcomes and access to services.
印度的家庭、州和居民在健康结果和寻求治疗行为方面仍然存在巨大的不平等。少数几个人口大国继续对多层面贫困做出最大贡献,包括健康结果指标。一个重要的因素是高自付支出,这仍然是印度卫生部门的一个关键特征,同时也是卫生公共投资水平最低的部门之一。新冠肺炎疫情严重表明,该国及其各州缺乏应对此类灾难的准备。只有在基础设施、人员、物资和培训等关键投入方面弥补各种差距,才能建立一个有韧性的卫生部门。这项投资可能会降低私营部门对医疗服务的需求,并通过使这些服务负担得起和可获得来减少家庭在医疗服务上的支出。还需要大幅增加投资,才能提供范围和覆盖范围真正普遍的医疗保险。除非发生这种情况,否则印度将对下一场灾难毫无准备,并在健康结果和获得服务方面继续存在严重的不平等。
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引用次数: 0
Health Disparity and Health Equity in India: Understanding the Difference and the Pathways Towards Policy 印度的健康差距和健康公平:理解差异和政策路径
Pub Date : 2022-10-28 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v3i2.453
S. Acharya
Health is essential in all spheres of everyday life. It is crucial for well-being, longevity, and to avail economic and social opportunity. Therefore, resources and services needed to be healthy go beyond medical care. Living and working conditions which promote health assume greater importance as they have the potential to reduce the need for medical care (Daniels, 1981;1Daniels et al., 1999). Therefore, the discourse on health needs to begin from the socioecological framework and move towards the biomedical through the biopsychosocial.  The health promoting elements require to be distributed according to need, rather than treated as commodities which can be accessed based on one’s economic propensity. Evidences are aplenty that health status is contingent to health promoting environment, and  imbalances in this environment are likely to produce disparities, inequities and inequalities in health.
健康在日常生活的各个方面都是必不可少的。它对幸福、长寿以及利用经济和社会机会至关重要。因此,健康所需的资源和服务超出了医疗保健的范畴。促进健康的生活和工作条件更为重要,因为它们有可能减少对医疗保健的需求(Daniels, 1981年;1Daniels等人,1999年)。因此,健康话语需要从社会生态框架出发,通过生物心理社会走向生物医学。促进健康的要素需要根据需要进行分配,而不是将其视为可以根据个人经济倾向获得的商品。大量证据表明,健康状况取决于促进健康的环境,而这种环境的不平衡很可能产生健康方面的差距、不公平和不平等。
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引用次数: 1
Social Inequities in Private Health Sector Workforce in India: Religion, Caste, Class, and Gender 印度私营卫生部门劳动力的社会不平等:宗教、种姓、阶级和性别
Pub Date : 2022-10-28 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v3i2.444
R. Baru, Seemi Zafar
The health workforce is hierarchical in structure in terms of skill mix and social composition. Most of the studies on the health workforce are focused on the number of personnel in the public sector. The private sector that has a large presence employs a significant percentage of the total health work force but there is little reliable data on the numbers involved. This is largely due to the lack of regulation of the private health services. Apart from the numbers involved in both the sectors, a few studies have shown the relationship between the work and social hierarchy in health services. While the public sector has a more diverse mix of social backgrounds due to affirmative policies, the private sector ownership is mostly dominated by an upper and middle caste-class combine. There is an under-representation of minorities and women as owners of private health services. The gendered nature of work is visible with the middle and lower rungs constituted by mostly women and men from lower caste-class combine. The terms of work, working conditions and wages paid for this category of workers amounts to exploitation with no forum for redressal. This essay draws together some primary work and references to secondary research and anecdotal evidences to build the scenario of social inequities among the workforce in the private health services.
卫生工作人员在技能组合和社会构成方面具有层次结构。大多数关于卫生工作人员的研究都集中在公共部门的人员数量上。拥有大量员工的私营部门雇佣了占卫生劳动力总数很大比例的员工,但关于所涉及的人数,几乎没有可靠的数据。这在很大程度上是由于缺乏对私人医疗服务的监管。除了涉及这两个部门的人数外,一些研究还表明了卫生服务工作与社会等级之间的关系。虽然由于平权政策,公共部门的社会背景更加多样化,但私营部门的所有权主要由上层和中产阶级的结合所主导。少数民族和妇女作为私人保健服务所有者的代表性不足。工作的性别性质显而易见,中下层主要由来自低种姓阶层的女性和男性组成。这类工人的工作条件、工作条件和工资相当于剥削,没有补救的余地。本文汇集了一些主要工作、二次研究参考文献和轶事证据,以构建私营医疗服务机构劳动力中社会不平等的情景。
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引用次数: 0
Inequality in Access to Medical Education in India: Implications for the Availability of Health Professionals 印度获得医学教育的不平等:对卫生专业人员可用性的影响
Pub Date : 2022-10-28 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v3i2.448
Khalida Khan
This study examines the access of students from diverse backgrounds to medical education in India. It shows how inequalities existing in society may entail significant social injustices with regard to access to a career in medicine. The study is based on data from secondary sources. The major part of the analysis is from the Periodic Labour Force Survey, 2019–20; All India Survey on Higher Education, 2019–20; and National Sample Survey data on Social Consumption, Education 2017–18. It is observed that the availability of health professionals is very low overall but it is even lower among underprivileged groups. There are indications of a better share of salaried health professionals among underprivileged caste/ethnic groups probably due to the presence of affirmative action but inequality prevails in self-employment and high quality occupations, thus reflecting the inequality prevalent in society. However, the pattern among Muslims is different from the caste/ethnic groups as the share of regular salaried workers is lower and self-employed is higher among Muslims. The study shows that access to medical courses is linked to family background depicted by caste/ethnicity and religious identities. The availability of medical education in general is very low. The situation is further aggravated for students from underprivileged backgrounds. The high cost of medical courses combined with the dominance of self-financed courses and private unaided institutions may make it inaccessible to students from weaker sections of society. In fact, the probability of attending a medical course is relatively lower for Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes (SCs/STs) and Muslims than Hindu High Castes (HHCs). The low average expenditure of medical courses confirms the low quality of education accessed by the student from underprivileged backgrounds at every level. It is important to note that education of the head of the family emerges as the most important predictor for access to medicine education. Similarly low household size also improves the probability of attendance. It is thus important to improve the access to medical education through establishing new educational institutions with affordable costs. The challenge is to ensure equal access for students from underprivileged groups so that the existing inequality in the availability of health professionals may be addressed. For this, affirmative action for the students from poor families and first generation learners may be worthwhile to address the problem of inequality of access to medical education. Such policies would also improve the availability of health professionals from the underprivileged socio-religious background which in turn would play an instrumental role in ensuring better access to healthcare services for patients from underprivileged communities.
这项研究考察了来自不同背景的学生在印度接受医学教育的机会。它表明,社会中存在的不平等可能会导致在获得医学职业方面的重大社会不公正。这项研究是基于二手资料。分析的主要部分来自2019-20年的定期劳动力调查;2019-20年全印度高等教育调查;以及2017-18年全国社会消费抽样调查数据。据观察,卫生专业人员的可用性总体上很低,但在贫困群体中更低。有迹象表明,受薪卫生专业人员在贫困种姓/族裔群体中的比例更高,这可能是由于平权行动的存在,但自营职业和高质量职业中普遍存在不平等现象,从而反映了社会中普遍存在的不平等现象。然而,穆斯林的模式与种姓/族裔群体不同,因为穆斯林中正规受薪工人的比例较低,自营职业者的比例较高。研究表明,获得医学课程与种姓/种族和宗教身份所描绘的家庭背景有关。医学教育的普及率普遍很低。对于来自贫困家庭的学生来说,这种情况更加严重。医学课程的高昂成本,加上自费课程和私立独立机构的主导地位,可能会使社会弱势群体的学生无法进入。事实上,在册种姓/在册部落和穆斯林参加医学课程的概率相对低于印度教高种姓。医学课程的平均支出很低,这证实了来自贫困背景的学生在各个层面接受的教育质量很低。值得注意的是,户主的教育是获得医学教育的最重要预测因素。同样,低家庭规模也提高了出勤率。因此,重要的是通过建立成本可承受的新教育机构来改善获得医学教育的机会。面临的挑战是确保贫困群体的学生获得平等的机会,从而解决现有的卫生专业人员不平等问题。为此,为贫困家庭的学生和第一代学习者采取平权行动可能有助于解决获得医学教育的不平等问题。这些政策还将改善来自贫困社会宗教背景的卫生专业人员的可用性,这反过来将在确保贫困社区患者更好地获得医疗服务方面发挥重要作用。
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引用次数: 0
Chains of Servitude: Bondage and Slavery in India 奴役的锁链:印度的奴役和奴隶制
Pub Date : 2022-10-28 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v3i2.435
Manoj Siwach, Bharat ., B. Jakhar
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引用次数: 0
Appearing in Court in India: Challenges in Representing the Marginalised 在印度出庭:代表边缘化群体的挑战
Pub Date : 2022-10-28 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v3i2.452
S. Muralidhar
This article reflects on the challenges faced in the process of improving access to justice and representation of the marginalized communities in the legal system. The author has drawn reflections from his own career as a human rights lawyer. Explaining this, the author first highlights the barriers faced by marginalized communities in the legal system, and then narrates the challenges faced by those who seek to represent the marginalised or espouse their causes. The emphasis of the article is on understanding what it means to be a marginalised person facing the barriers of the system. Lastly, the article suggests institutional measures to approach the challenges thrown up in the process of representing the marginalised. Acknowledgements The author acknowledges Mohd. Arsalan Ahmed, Aligarh Muslim University for his assistance in editing the article in the format required by the CASTE: A Global Journal on Social Exclusion. The Editors of the Journal are grateful to CEDE team (Community for the Eradication of Discrimination in Education and Employment), for facilitating the process of publishing this article in the Journal. CEDE is a network of lawyers, law firms, judges, and other organisations and individuals, who are committed towards reforming the Indian legal profession. It was founded in April 2021 by Disha Wadekar (Lawyer, Supreme Court of India), Anurag Bhaskar (Assistant Professor, O.P. Jindal Global University, India), and Avinash Mathews (Lawyer, Supreme Court of India). Since its inception, CEDE is organising annual Dr Ambedkar Memorial Lectures. The first inaugural lecture in 2021 was delivered by Dr. Justice DY Chandrachud (Judge, Supreme Court of India) on the topic “Why Representation Matters”. On 14 April 2022, Dr. S. Muralidhar (Chief Justice, High Court of Orissa) delivered the second annual lecture on the topic “Appearing in Court: Challenges in Representing the Marginalised”. This article is an edited version of the lecture delivered by Dr. Justice Muralidhar.
这篇文章反映了在改善司法机会和边缘化社区在法律体系中的代表权的过程中所面临的挑战。作者从自己作为人权律师的职业生涯中得出了一些思考。为了解释这一点,作者首先强调了边缘化社区在法律体系中面临的障碍,然后叙述了那些寻求代表边缘化群体或支持其事业的人所面临的挑战。这篇文章的重点是理解作为一个面临制度障碍的边缘人意味着什么。最后,文章提出了应对边缘化群体代表过程中所面临挑战的制度性措施。作者感谢Mohd。Arsalan Ahmed,阿里加尔穆斯林大学,感谢他协助编辑《种姓:社会排斥全球期刊》所要求的文章格式。本刊编辑感谢CEDE团队(消除教育和就业歧视社区)协助本刊发表这篇文章。CEDE是一个由律师、律师事务所、法官和其他致力于改革印度法律职业的组织和个人组成的网络。它由Disha Wadekar(印度最高法院律师),Anurag Bhaskar(印度O.P.金达尔全球大学助理教授)和Avinash Mathews(印度最高法院律师)于2021年4月成立。自成立以来,cee每年都会举办Ambedkar博士纪念讲座。2021年,印度最高法院法官钱德拉查德(DY Chandrachud)博士就“为什么代表性很重要”这一主题发表了首场演讲。2022年4月14日,S. Muralidhar博士(奥里萨邦高等法院首席大法官)就“出庭:代表边缘化群体的挑战”发表了第二届年度讲座。本文是法官穆拉里达博士演讲的编辑版。
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引用次数: 0
Manifestations of Academic Untouchability in India: Exclusionary Practices that Subvert Reservations in Admissions in Higher Education 印度学术贱民的表现:颠覆高等教育录取保留的排他性做法
Pub Date : 2022-10-28 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v3i2.374
C. Samraj
The notions of ritual purity and pollution hierarchically grades people according to their castes, and this hierarchy is socially expressed in terms of unequal rights to space, and the idea of ‘untouchability’ is socially realized either in terms of a complete denial or the most inferior participation. As a corrective measure of the historical injustices to certain sections of the society, the state and union governments in India have enacted reservation policies in education and employment. Nevertheless, the administrators of several institutions show reluctance in implementing reservations in letter and spirit, despite the fact that the University Grants Commission has emphasized about proper implementation of reservations at various points in time. The demand for proper implementation of Central Educational Institutions (Reservation in Admission) Act, 2006, subsequently amended in 2012, in Pondicherry University exposes how an ambiguity inherent in the act’s amended version has been used to justify the systematic exclusion of Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe doctoral aspirants in several departments of the university. Based on interactions with the university administration, the essay attempts to understand the politics behind the method of implementing reservations in admissions in higher education. It emphasizes that the bodies governing higher education should provide proper directions in regard to the implementation of the act. It further calls for the establishment of administrative mechanisms, directly under the apex regulatory bodies, to oversee implementation of reservation policies in all the government educational institutions.
仪式的纯洁和污染的概念根据他们的种姓对人们进行等级划分,这种等级在社会上表现为对空间的不平等权利,而“不可接触”的概念在社会上以完全拒绝或最次等的参与来实现。作为对历史上某些社会阶层的不公正的纠正措施,印度的邦和联邦政府在教育和就业方面制定了保留政策。然而,尽管大学教育资助委员会在不同时间点强调适当执行保留意见,但几个机构的行政人员表示不愿在文字和精神上执行保留意见。本地治里大学要求适当实施2006年中央教育机构(入学保留)法,该法案随后于2012年进行了修订,这暴露了该法案修订版中固有的模糊性如何被用来证明大学几个部门系统地排斥表列种姓和表列部落博士的合理性。基于与大学管理部门的互动,本文试图理解在高等教育招生中实施保留的方法背后的政治。委员会强调,管理高等教育的机构应就该法案的执行提供适当的指示。它还要求建立直接隶属于最高管理机构的行政机制,以监督所有政府教育机构保留政策的执行情况。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Caste (Waltham, Mass.)
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