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2. The Letters 2. 这些信件
Pub Date : 2011-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0025727300072537
H. Sigerist
My dear Singer, Many thanks for your letter of the 15th April. You probably have also received the enclosed sheet about the Greek Tour. Since I apparently suggested it I shall have to join the group. I had thought that the tour would take place after the Rome meeting, but our American colleagues apparently must be back home by the end of September. If a sufficient number joins the group, which I very much doubt, I would not be able to meet you in Naples and I would regret it very much. $ 400 is a lot of money for two weeks even for Americans, and seems rather unlikely to me that a group of twenty will come together. A very nice hotel in Naples is Santa Lucia. It is on the waterfront and my daughter Nora and her husband 1 liked it very much. In Rome I asked for reservations at the Hotel Continental, it is not a particularly pleasant hotel but has a good central location. I quite agree with you about the subject of drugs. I of course shall have to discuss them and their preparation in my book, 2 but I cannot possibly devote too much space to them either. The policy you outline for your book is absolutely correct and as a matter of fact the only possible one. 3 My health is better than when I wrote you last time, I am on a strict reducing diet and have to take off twenty lbs. I am also taking Serpasil with good results. It is a drug that Ciba 4 is producing, and which actually is a very old drug[,] a glucoside extract from Rau-wolfia, a plant used in India for 2000 years. Maybe Dorothy [sic] should take it also, it lowers the blood pressure and is at the same time a sedative. You need not be vaccinated for smallpox, but inoculation for typhoid may be advisable as there is a good deal of typhoid in Naples and the whole of Southern Italy. I keep my immunisation up by having a shot every year when I go to WHO in Geneva. 5 On the other hand if you are a little careful, drink wine instead of water and avoid salads etc. you should be perfectly safe. I do not know if I ever wrote you that my daughter Erica got typhoid in Geneva a few …
非常感谢你4月15日的来信。您可能也收到了随信附上的关于希腊之旅的表格。既然是我提议的,我就得加入这个团体。我原以为这次访问将在罗马会议之后进行,但我们的美国同事显然必须在9月底之前回国。如果有足够多的人加入,我很怀疑,我将不能在那不勒斯见到你,我会非常遗憾。即使对美国人来说,400美元对于两个星期来说也是一大笔钱,而且在我看来,20个人聚在一起似乎不大可能。圣卢西亚是那不勒斯一家非常好的酒店。它在海滨,我的女儿诺拉和她的丈夫我非常喜欢它。在罗马,我预订了大陆酒店,它不是一家特别舒适的酒店,但位置很好。关于毒品的问题,我很同意你的看法。当然,我必须在我的书中讨论它们和它们的准备工作,但我也不可能在它们上面花太多的篇幅。你在书中概述的策略是绝对正确的,事实上也是唯一可行的策略。我的健康状况比上次写信给你时好多了,我正在严格减肥,必须减掉20磅。我也在服用Serpasil,效果很好。这是汽巴公司正在生产的一种药物,实际上是一种非常古老的药物,一种从印度使用了2000年的植物劳沃菲亚中提取的葡萄糖苷。也许多萝西也应该服用它,它可以降低血压,同时也是一种镇静剂。你不需要接种天花疫苗,但接种伤寒疫苗可能是明智的,因为那不勒斯和整个意大利南部都有大量的伤寒。当我去日内瓦的世界卫生组织时,我每年都要打一针来保持免疫。5另一方面,如果你有点小心,喝葡萄酒而不是水,不吃沙拉等,你应该是完全安全的。我不知道我是否曾经写信给你说过,我的女儿艾丽卡几天前在日内瓦得了伤寒……
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引用次数: 0
2. The Letters 2. 这些信件
Pub Date : 2011-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0025727300072501
C. Singer
My dear Sigerist, It is perfectly mad of me, but I find I have Sudhoff’s Syphilis work perfectly safe after all. I had an idea that it was in proof form and I have been hunting everywhere for proofs. But I see that this is not the case. I have the typed document perfectly safe and will embark on it at once. Will you please explain to Wolff and Lier what has happened? The whole mistake arose from my thinking it was in proof form. I have nearly finished the 1493 Ketham, and you shall have the material in the first week in January. With best wishes from us both to you all for a happy Christmas. Yours ever, Charles Singer
我亲爱的sigist,我真是疯了,但我发现我的Sudhoff的梅毒工作是完全安全的。我有一个想法,它是证明形式,我一直在到处寻找证据。但我发现事实并非如此。我把打印好的文件保存得很好,马上就开始做。你能跟沃尔夫和利耶解释一下发生了什么事吗?整个错误都是由于我认为它是证明形式。1493 Ketham我已经快完成了,1月的第一周你就可以拿到材料了。献上我们俩最美好的祝福,祝你们圣诞快乐。永远的你,查尔斯·辛格
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引用次数: 0
2. The Letters 2. 这些信件
Pub Date : 2011-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0025727300072562
C. Singer, D. M. Schullian
My dear Sigerist, Many thanks for your letter of March 26 received to-day. What good news about your History of Medicine. When do you anticipate the first part will be out? What good news too that you will be in Europe. Could we not meet in London? I have to be in London for some ten days in July and shall also be there the whole of May and June. If you would let me know by return when we could meet I would arrange my movements accordingly. Of course one has to book one’s rooms months in advance. Naturally we should be delighted if you could come down here. We always travel by night as that does not consume time. I would even come down with you if you could see your way to do that. When is your mother’s birthday? We would like to send her a line on that occasion. I think we have her address but perhaps you would attach it to your answer. With all best wishes from us all to you and the family, Yours always, Charles Singer
今天收到您3月26日的来信,非常感谢。你的医学史有什么好消息啊。你预计第一部什么时候出版?你要去欧洲了,这也是个好消息。我们可以不在伦敦见面吗?我七月要在伦敦呆十天左右,而且整个五六月都要在那里。如果你能告诉我我们什么时候见面,我将相应地安排我的活动。当然要提前几个月预订房间。如果你能到这儿来,我们当然会很高兴。我们总是在夜间旅行,因为那样不浪费时间。如果你能想出办法,我甚至愿意和你一起下来。你妈妈的生日是什么时候?在这种情况下,我们想给她发一条短信。我想我们有她的地址,但也许你会把它附在你的答复中。献上我们所有人对你和你的家人最美好的祝愿,你永远的,查尔斯·辛格
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引用次数: 0
2. The Letters 2. 这些信件
Pub Date : 2011-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0025727300072586
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引用次数: 0
2. The Letters 2. 这些信件
Pub Date : 2011-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0025727300072525
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引用次数: 0
Sugar
Pub Date : 2009-06-30 DOI: 10.1017/S0025727300073786
D. Kromhout
By 1961 the situation had become reversed. The fibre consumption of the highest income groups relative to that of the lowest increased steadily during this period. When compared to the lowest two social classes the highest two with the higher overall fibre intake emerged with a lower incidence ofCHD over the twenty years.73 Finally, in a prospective secondary prevention study, Daan Kromhout and his colleagues obtained a dietary history with respect to fibre intake in a group of 871 men who were followed for six to twelve months. The twenty-seven men who died from CHD during the period under review had an average daily fibre intake of 27.2 + 8.1 g per day, appreciably less than the 30.8 + 9.7 g per day of the survivors. When corrected for other factors by multivariate analysis, the difference approached conventional levels of significance, the P value being 0.06.7 In conclusion, the fibre intake of the English middle and upper classes declined during the Georgian era. Recent studies have shown that a low fibre intake affects the lipid profile and incidence of coronary heart disease adversely. The decline in oat fibre intake, in particular, during the eighteenth century could therefore be considered a contributory cause for angina pectoris then becoming manifest in England as a disease of the affluent and increasingly common thereafter.
到1961年,情况发生了逆转。在此期间,最高收入群体的纤维消费量相对于最低收入群体的纤维消费量稳步增加。与最低的两个社会阶层相比,纤维摄入量最高的两个社会阶层在20年间冠心病的发病率较低最后,在一项前瞻性二级预防研究中,Daan Kromhout和他的同事对871名男性进行了为期6至12个月的跟踪调查,获得了他们的膳食纤维摄入量历史。在研究期间,27名死于冠心病的男性的平均每日纤维摄入量为27.2 + 8.1克,明显低于幸存者的30.8 + 9.7克。通过多变量分析校正其他因素后,差异接近常规显著性水平,P值为0.06.7。综上所述,英国中上层阶级的纤维摄入量在格鲁吉亚时期有所下降。最近的研究表明,低纤维摄入量对血脂和冠心病的发病率有不利影响。燕麦纤维摄入量的下降,特别是在18世纪,因此可以被认为是心绞痛的一个原因,然后在英格兰成为一种富裕的疾病,此后越来越普遍。
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引用次数: 100
Madrid hospitals and welfare in the context of the Hapsburg Empire. 马德里医院和福利在哈布斯堡帝国的背景下。
Pub Date : 2009-01-01
Teresa Huguet-Termes
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引用次数: 0
Medicine and the Querelle des Femmes in early modern Spain. 近代早期西班牙的医学和《妇女法典》。
Pub Date : 2009-01-01
Mónica Bolufer
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引用次数: 0
Michael Foster and Thomas Henry Huxley, Correspondence, Letters 163 through 185, 1865–1895 迈克尔·福斯特和托马斯·亨利·赫胥黎,通信,163至185,1865-1895
Pub Date : 2009-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0025727300072240
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引用次数: 0
Medical Pluralism in the Iberian Kingdoms: The Control of Extra-academic Practitioners in Valencia 伊比利亚王国的医疗多元化:对瓦伦西亚非学术从业者的控制
Pub Date : 2009-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0025727300072379
M. L. Terrada
Over the last several decades, historians of medicine have grown increasingly interested in the coexistence of medical systems, a phenomenon known as medical pluralism. While medical pluralism is not at all uncommon in present-day societies, Robert Jutte remarks that it is relatively recently that medical historiography has shifted the emphasis from renowned doctors and orthodox practitioners to the more complex world of medical practice, to include all manner of healers involved in confronting illness. However, the study of this complex world—while indispensable to a full comprehension of the medical practices of any period—presents a number of challenges to traditional medical historiography. For example, the fact that practitioners of folk medicine, charismatic healers, and the like left behind relatively few documents means that we must turn to the systems of control to understand extra-official health practices (i.e. those practices that are neither regulated by nor included within legal frameworks). For this reason, a variety of new historiographical models have been developed, each with its own terms and concepts for the purposes of, on the one hand, properly interpreting and analysing medical pluralism historically and, on the other, methodologically resolving the problems this phenomenon presents, particularly the dichotomy between academic and non-academic medicine.1 These models make use of tools that previously pertained exclusively to social and political history in order to include not only academic medicine but also unregulated and unorthodox practices. In this way, these models help to account for all the options that existed for the treatment of sickness.2 In the case of early modern Spain, medical pluralism involves the coexistence of academic medicine—the Galenism taught in universities to physicians, surgeons and apothecaries through guild-based instruction—and other forms of medical practice. Studies undertaken to date3 demonstrate that alternatives to traditional Galenic therapies were present in all the territories of the Spanish monarchy, the same variety of notions concerning illness and healing practices identified elsewhere in early modern Europe.4 Thus, in order to understand the relationships among the different medical systems that coexist in a society during a certain historical moment, we must take into account not only academic medicine and its professionals, but also the society collectively.5 Part of this task is relatively easy; manuscript and printed sources are fairly abundant for the study of authorized health professions with regimented educational programmes, as the bibliographies of scholarship on these professions attest. As I have mentioned, however, this is not the case for extra-academic practices. Attempts to analyse large-scale tendencies related to illness and healing in a given society must therefore draw on a broad range of materials.6 In the best cases, I have information only about those pra
在过去的几十年里,医学历史学家对医疗系统的共存越来越感兴趣,这种现象被称为医疗多元主义。虽然医学多元化在当今社会并不罕见,但罗伯特·朱特(Robert Jutte)评论说,直到最近,医学史编纂才将重点从著名的医生和正统的从业者转移到更复杂的医疗实践世界,包括所有参与对抗疾病的治疗师。然而,对这个复杂世界的研究,虽然对任何时期的医疗实践的全面理解是必不可少的,但对传统的医疗史学提出了许多挑战。例如,民间医学从业人员、魅力治疗师等留下的文件相对较少,这一事实意味着我们必须求助于控制系统,以了解官方之外的卫生做法(即那些既不受法律框架管制也不包括在法律框架内的做法)。因此,发展了各种新的史学模式,每种模式都有自己的术语和概念,一方面是为了历史地正确解释和分析医学多元化,另一方面是为了方法论地解决这一现象所带来的问题,特别是学术医学和非学术医学之间的二分法这些模型利用了以前只适用于社会和政治历史的工具,以便不仅包括学术医学,而且包括不受管制和非正统的做法。通过这种方式,这些模型有助于解释疾病治疗的所有选择在近代早期的西班牙,医学多元化包括学术医学的共存——大学里通过行会指导向内科医生、外科医生和药剂师传授盖伦主义——以及其他形式的医疗实践。迄今为止进行的研究表明,在西班牙王室的所有领土上都存在着传统盖伦疗法的替代方案,在现代早期欧洲的其他地方也发现了与疾病和治疗方法相同的各种概念。因此,为了理解在某个历史时刻社会中共存的不同医疗系统之间的关系,我们不仅必须考虑学术医学及其专业人员,而且对整个社会也是如此这项任务的一部分相对容易;手稿和印刷资料相当丰富,可用于研究具有严格教育计划的授权卫生专业,这些专业的学术书目证明了这一点。然而,正如我所提到的,在课外实践中并非如此。因此,试图分析特定社会中与疾病和治疗有关的大规模趋势必须利用广泛的材料在最好的情况下,我只掌握那些非法工作、被发现并被起诉的从业者的信息。也就是说,我所掌握的唯一信息与官方之外的治疗实践被积极压制的情况有关;“他者……”通过政治和职业控制得以显现。这使得有必要研究控制系统以及人口的现有卫生资源。由于这个原因,我们的研究——就像其他欧洲地区的研究一样——主要利用与法庭诉讼有关的司法文件但是,控制和规范广泛医疗实践的机构的重要性有时被误解了。例如,虽然传统的史学倾向于将“经验”治疗师和curanderos的普遍存在归因于缺乏内科医生,外科医生和受过教育的药剂师,但现在很明显,这不是伊比利亚半岛的情况(尽管,正如我在下面讨论的那样,西班牙的美洲殖民地缺乏医生)。相反,在16世纪和17世纪的西班牙,多种治疗选择的存在是由于文化环境,应该从历史的角度来研究因此,人们现在可以解释为什么sanadores和经验学出现在宫廷(尤其是菲利普二世的宫廷),或者出现在巴利亚多利德和瓦伦西亚这样的国际大都市,这些城市不仅拥有大学,而且拥有大量的医生,而不用诉诸陈词滥调或迷信。 另一方面,各种不同医疗实践的存在使我们能够拒绝简单化的想法,即致力于控制医疗实践的机构的存在仅仅归因于君主对其臣民的家长式关怀,以及类似的限制观念,即这些机构只不过是新兴资产阶级试图要求新的政府权力或为自己控制社会的手段。相反,医学多元化的盛行表明,迫切需要控制医疗实践的多样性和潜在的混乱
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引用次数: 9
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Medical history. Supplement
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