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Healing Virtue: Saludadores versus Witches in Early Modern Spain 疗愈的美德:近代早期西班牙的萨鲁达多与女巫
Pub Date : 2009-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0025727300072392
María Tausiet
Said one devil: ‘‘To see good people, look at the saludadores, who . . . claim they do possess virtue.’’ They took offence and said that it was true that they possessed it. And to this replied [another] devil: ‘‘How can it be that virtue is found in wanderers who do naught but blow?’’ The absence of any clear dividing line between the fields of medicine and religion in early modern Spain becomes particularly evident when looking at the figure of the socalled saludador (literally, a healer, or health-giver, from the verb saludar, to heal). As the term implies, these individuals claimed to have healing powers—powers that stemmed from the possession of a divine gift or innate grace bestowed upon only a chosen few. The concept of ‘‘virtue’’, understood as both an ability and a moral guarantee, expressed better than any other the widely held belief that disease and sin (and, therefore, health and spiritual perfection) were inextricably linked. Rather than operating at an individual and self-reflective level, this implicit assumption meant that both the causes of and cures for many illnesses were attributed to the qualities of good or evil of certain external agents supposedly endowed with extraordinary powers. Of these, the most prominent were, without doubt, witches and saludadores. The success of saludadores was based not only on curing disease, but also on pointing to its cause, and in particular, to discerning the influence of evil spells and witchcraft.
一个魔鬼说:“要看好人,就看那些无赖,他们……声称他们拥有美德。“他们生气了,说他们确实拥有它。对此,另一个魔鬼回答说:“除了吹口哨,什么都不做的流浪者怎么会有美德呢?在现代早期的西班牙,医学和宗教领域之间没有任何明确的分界线,这一点在所谓的saludador(字面上,治疗师或健康提供者,来自动词saludar,治愈)的形象中尤为明显。正如这个术语所暗示的那样,这些人声称自己有治愈的能力——这种能力源于拥有一种神圣的礼物或天生的恩典,只有被选中的少数人才能拥有这种能力。"美德"的概念被理解为一种能力和一种道德保证,它比任何其他概念都更好地表达了一种广泛持有的信念,即疾病和罪恶(因此,健康和精神完美)是密不可分的。这种隐含的假设不是在个人和自我反思的层面上运作,而是意味着许多疾病的原因和治疗都归因于某些被认为具有非凡力量的外部因素的善或恶的品质。在这些人中,最突出的无疑是女巫和撒路达多。saludadores的成功不仅建立在治愈疾病的基础上,而且还建立在指出其原因的基础上,特别是,辨别邪恶咒语和巫术的影响。
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引用次数: 1
Michael Foster and Thomas Henry Huxley, Correspondence, 1865-1895. 迈克尔·福斯特和托马斯·亨利·赫胥黎,通信,1865-1895。
Pub Date : 2009-01-01
Michael Foster, Thomas Henry Huxley
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引用次数: 0
Michael Foster and Thomas Henry Huxley, Correspondence, Letters 201 through 233, 1865–1895 迈克尔·福斯特和托马斯·亨利·赫胥黎,通信,信件201至233,1865-1895
Pub Date : 2009-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0025727300072264
My dear Foster I have suggested an alteration in one paragraph of your draft – I have no doubt as to the value of the scientific results of the borings if they are carried to the bottom – but it is quite another question whether the R.S. would be justified in warranting the expenditure incurred. I should like to see the Zagazig boring carried to the bottom or at any rate until Miocene fossils are brought up by the borer – the results of this boring should then be carefully discussed and the ways & means of getting another made elsewhere considered – If we leave off before we touch Miocene bottom at Zagazig we shall have spent a good deal of money without getting any definite result. However it is something to know that there is no bottom at 66 feet. 1 I expect that fellow Figari Bey 2 drew a good deal on his imagination. I return all the papers herewith. The smashing of the G. O. M. appears to be pretty complete 3 – though he has unfortunately enough left to give him the means of playing an ugly game of obstruction in the next Parliament. You have rather taken the shine out of my exultation at Lubbock's majority 4 – though I confess I was disheartened to see so many educated men going in for the disruption policy. If it were not for Randolph I should turn Tory – but that fellow will someday oust Salisbury as Dizzy ousted old Derby – and sell his party to Parnell or anybody else who makes a good bid. We are flourishing on the whole. Sulphide of wife joins with me in love Ever yours T. H. H. 1 Stokes reports in his presidential address to the Royal Society in November 1886 that the committee had decided to extend the initial boring at Zagazig in the Nile delta and that money had been given from the Government Grant to supplement the funds from the Royal Society; see previous letter. 'Anniversary meeting', Proceedings of the Royal Society of London, 1886, 41: 378. 2 Figari Bey, an Italian geologist in the service of the Egyptian Government, had published the results of a series of borings in different parts of the Nile delta. 3 Gladstone lost the general election of July 1886. 4 John Lubbock was the liberal unionist parliamentary candidate for …
我亲爱的福斯特,我曾建议修改你草稿中的一段话——我毫不怀疑,如果把这些无聊的东西挖到海底,它们的科学成果是有价值的——但R.S.是否有理由支付这笔费用,则完全是另一个问题。我希望看到扎加齐格的钻孔一直进行到底,或者至少要等到钻孔者挖出中新世的化石——然后应该仔细讨论这次钻孔的结果,并考虑在其他地方进行另一次钻孔的方法和方法——如果我们在到达扎加齐格中新世的底部之前就停止,我们将花费大量的钱而没有得到任何明确的结果。然而,要知道66英尺处没有底部。我想费加里·贝(Figari Bey)这个家伙一定是充分发挥了他的想象力。我把所有文件一并退还。对g.o.的打击似乎已经相当彻底了——尽管不幸的是,他还有足够的机会在下一届议会中玩一场丑陋的阻挠游戏。你倒让我对拉伯克赢得多数席位的喜悦黯然失色——不过我承认,看到这么多受过教育的人支持扰乱政策,我感到很沮丧。如果不是兰多夫,我就会转投保守党——但这个家伙总有一天会把索尔兹伯里赶下台,就像迪兹赶下台德比一样——把他的党卖给帕内尔或任何出价高的人。我们总体上是繁荣的。1886年11月,t·h·h·1·斯托克斯在他向皇家学会发表的主席演讲中报告说,委员会已经决定延长尼罗河三角洲扎加齐格的初步钻探,这笔钱已经从政府拨款中拨款,以补充皇家学会的资金;见上一封信。“周年会议”,伦敦皇家学会学报,1886年,41:378。为埃及政府服务的意大利地质学家菲加里·贝发表了在尼罗河三角洲不同地区进行的一系列钻孔的结果。格莱斯顿在1886年7月的大选中失利。约翰·拉伯克是自由统一党议员候选人。
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引用次数: 0
Madrid Hospitals and Welfare in the Context of the Hapsburg Empire 哈布斯堡帝国背景下的马德里医院和福利
Pub Date : 2009-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0025727300072409
Teresa Huguet-Termes
Over the last twenty-five years, the tendency of historians to see extreme distinctions between Catholic and Protestant health care provision has faded away, mainly thanks to the works of Brian Pullan on Venice and Jean-Pierre Gutton on Lyons. It has become generally accepted that Catholic areas pursued efficient and highly selective welfare policies, especially as regards the control of public begging, in order to achieve long-term social improvement by giving the poor both an education and opportunities to work.1 In order to centralize and co-ordinate the resources available, welfare services were improved by the creation of institutions under the auspices of the Church and lay authorities.2 Public begging was prohibited, and relief was limited to deserving local inhabitants and restricted to the period before they could be set to work, while the itinerant poor were given only the temporary assistance they required. It has also been generally assumed that Madrid was included among the towns where a programme of reform led by lay elites following the guidelines of the poor law tract De subventione pauperum (On Assistance to the Poor) by Juan Luis Vives (1526) prevailed from the second to the fourth decades of the sixteenth century. In accordance with this programme, hospitals for beggars and other “undeserving” poor were founded, supposedly reaching a peak in the seventeenth century. In the confines of such institutions, unworthy individuals could be punished if they resisted the obligation to work.3 However, measures for poor relief have primarily been studied in cities with a strong communal tradition and a sophisticated system of urban government. It is these studies, simplistically extrapolated to less well-researched cities like Madrid, that have provided the basis for the picture of the principal characteristics of the Catholic system of welfare.4 But what was the true situation in a villa—Madrid—which was essentially a creation of the early modern period, and which was designed by the Hapsburg dynasty to be the centre of government of the largest Catholic empire history has ever known? It is clear that both the history and character of Madrid (a small town that had become the capital and the home of the royal court in 1561) are very different from those of the republics, principalities and cities of Spain, Italy and France. The latter were endowed with municipal dynamism, strong manufacturing, trade and guild traditions, and possessed systems of relief that have attracted the attention of historians and have generally been regarded as pioneering. The aim of this paper is to summarize current research on poor relief in Madrid, including the policy towards the sick, between 1561 and 1700. After briefly reviewing the current state of research, two particular features will be focused on, the assistance given to the sick poor, and that which all other categories of poor people received. It will be argued that, in contrast with other Cath
在过去的25年里,历史学家认为天主教和新教在医疗保健方面存在极端差异的倾向已经消失,这主要归功于布莱恩·普兰(Brian Pullan)关于威尼斯和让-皮埃尔·古顿(Jean-Pierre Gutton)关于里昂的著作。人们普遍认为,天主教地区实行有效和高度选择性的福利政策,特别是在控制公共乞讨方面,以便通过给予穷人教育和工作机会来实现长期的社会改善为了集中和协调现有的资源,在教会和世俗当局的主持下设立了各种机构,从而改善了福利服务公开乞讨是被禁止的,救济仅限于有资格的当地居民,并且仅限于他们能够开始工作之前的一段时间,而流动的穷人只得到他们需要的临时援助。人们还普遍认为,马德里是由非专业精英领导的改革计划的城镇之一,这些改革计划遵循胡安·路易斯·维维斯(1526年)的《穷人援助法》(De subventione pauperum)的指导方针,从16世纪第二到第四十年盛行。根据这一方案,为乞丐和其他"不应得的"穷人建立了医院,据说在17世纪达到了顶峰。在这些机构的范围内,不值得的人如果拒绝工作的义务就会受到惩罚然而,救济穷人的措施主要是在具有强大的社区传统和复杂的城市政府制度的城市进行研究的。正是这些研究,简单地外推到像马德里这样研究较少的城市,为描绘天主教福利制度的主要特征提供了基础但是,这座马德里别墅的真实情况是什么呢?这座别墅本质上是近代早期的产物,由哈布斯堡王朝设计,作为历史上最大的天主教帝国的政府中心。很明显,马德里(一个在1561年成为首都和王室所在地的小镇)的历史和特点与西班牙、意大利和法国的共和国、公国和城市有很大的不同。后者被赋予了城市活力、强大的制造业、贸易和行会传统,并拥有吸引历史学家注意的救济制度,通常被认为是先驱。本文的目的是总结目前研究的贫困救济在马德里,包括对病人的政策,在1561年和1700年之间。在简要审查了目前的研究状况之后,将着重讨论两个特别的特点,即对患病穷人的援助和所有其他类别的穷人所得到的援助。与其他天主教地区不同的是,直到1700年,改善医疗保健而不是对乞丐和流浪者的救赎和改造被视为王朝有用的意识形态和政治资源。为了说明这两个主题,将研究三集。首先是以马德里总医院法令(1589年)为例的穷人救济计划。从理论上讲,该医院是各种现有机构统一的结果,这一举措是在马德里被宣布为首都仅五年后进行的。其次,通过访问和账簿等资料,该机构的历史将从1613年追溯到1677年,反映政策在实践中是如何执行的。最后,还将简要介绍1673年为乞丐提供庇护所的新项目及其“再次”失败的原因。
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引用次数: 3
Medical ideals in the Sephardic Diaspora: Rodrigo de Castro's portrait of the perfect physician in early seventeenth-century Hamburg. 散居在外的西班牙系犹太人的医学理想:罗德里戈·德·卡斯特罗对17世纪初汉堡完美医生的描绘。
Pub Date : 2009-01-01
Jon Arrizabalaga
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引用次数: 0
La Mayson pour Distiller des Eaües at El Escorial: alchemy and medicine at the court of Philip II, 1556-1598. La Mayson pour Distiller des ea<e:1> es at El Escorial: 1556-1598年菲利普二世宫廷的炼金术和医学。
Pub Date : 2009-01-01
Mar Rey Bueno
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引用次数: 0
Medical pluralism in the Iberian kingdoms: the control of extra-academic practitioners in Valencia. 伊比利亚王国的医疗多元化:对瓦伦西亚非学术从业者的控制。
Pub Date : 2009-01-01
María Luz López Terrada
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引用次数: 0
Michael Foster and Thomas Henry Huxley, Correspondence, Letters 186 through 200, 1865–1895 迈克尔·福斯特和托马斯·亨利·赫胥黎,通信,信件186至200,1865-1895
Pub Date : 2009-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0025727300072252
My dear Foster I have not received your prospectus of an Authors' company so I can't say yea or nay. Won't there be time to talk over it on Thursday. Mr Faunthorpe, 1 the Principal of Whitelands College has sent in a furious attack on us for the results of the examinations of his lambs – I think it will be necessary to direct their performances in detail. If you could come here on Thursday evening we could go over the business together. Ever yours T. H. Huxley I will go to the meeting of the Council of the [Assocn] for research if possible. Reverend Sir Do you see your way to entering Lankester in Athenaeum Books. I am quite prepared to second him. At present his name is not down, so that the Ctee can't take cognisance of him. With all exaggeration of his fault, there can't amount to an exclusion from the Club, and of all the Biologists etc, he from scientific eminence has to my mind prior claims. Ever thine M. Foster My dear mother is a little better & will I hope recover.
我亲爱的福斯特,我还没有收到你关于一家作家公司的招股说明书,所以我不能说赞成或反对。星期四没有时间讨论一下吗?惠特兰兹学院校长方索普先生就他的小羊的考试结果向我们发出了猛烈的攻击——我认为有必要详细地指导它们的表现。如果你星期四晚上能来的话,我们可以一起讨论一下生意。如果可能的话,我将参加[协会]理事会的会议进行研究。牧师阁下你能在雅典娜书店找到去兰开斯特的路吗。我很愿意支持他。目前他的名字没有记下来,所以委员会不认识他。尽管夸大了他的过错,但这并不等于把他排除在俱乐部之外,在所有生物学家等人中,他在科学上的卓越地位在我看来是优先要求的。永远是你的,福斯特先生。我亲爱的母亲好些了,我希望能康复。
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引用次数: 0
Sources and Short Bibliography 来源和简短参考书目
Pub Date : 2009-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0025727300072331
Alter, Peter, The reluctant patron: science and the state in Great Britain, 1850–1920, transl. Angela Davies, Leamington Spa, Berg, 1986. Barr, Alan P. (ed.), Thomas Henry Huxley’s place in science and letters, Athens, GA, University of Georgia Press, 1997. Bibby, Cyril, T. H. Huxley: scientist, humanist, and educator, London, Watts, 1959. —— Scientist extraordinary: the life and scientific works of Thomas Henry Huxley, 1825–1895, Oxford and New York, Pergamon Press, [1972]. Clodd, Edward, Thomas Henry Huxley, Edinburgh, William Blackwood and Sons, 1902. Corfield, Richard, The silent landscape: in the wake of HMS Challenger, 1872–1876, London, John Murray, 2004. Dawson, Warren R., The Huxley papers: a descriptive catalogue of the correspondence, manuscripts and miscellaneous papers of the Rt. Hon. Thomas Henry Huxley, London, published for the Imperial College of Science and Technology by Macmillan, 1946. Deacon, Margaret, Scientists and the sea, 1650–1900, 2nd ed., Aldershot, Ashgate, 1997. Desmond, Adrian, Huxley: from devil’s disciple to evolution’s high priest, London, Penguin, 1997; originally published in 2 vols: Huxley, the devil’s disciple, London, Michael Joseph, 1994; Huxley: evolution’s high priest, London, Michael Joseph, 1997. Pages are cited from the Penguin edition. —— ‘Huxley, Thomas Henry (1825–1895)’, in H. C. G. Matthew and Brian Harrison (eds), Oxford dictionary of national biography, Oxford and New York, Oxford University Press, 2004, vol. 29, pp. 99–111; http://www.oxforddnb.com di Gregorio, Mario A., T. H. Huxley’s place in natural science, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1984. Eve, A. S., and Creasey, C. H., Life and work of John Tyndall, London, Macmillan, 1945. Foster, Michael, and Lankester, E. Ray (eds), The scientific memoirs of Thomas Henry Huxley, London, Macmillan; and New York, D. Appleton, 1898–1902, 4 vols. Geison, Gerald L., Michael Foster and the Cambridge School of Physiology: the scientific enterprise in late Victorian society, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1978. Hall, Marie Boas, All scientists now: the Royal Society in the nineteenth century, Cambridge and New York, Cambridge University Press, 1984. Heuss, Theodor, Anton Dohrn: a life for science, translated from the German by Liselotte Dieckmann, Berlin and New York, Springer, 1991. Huxley, Aldous, T.H. Huxley as a man of letters, London, Macmillan, 1932. Huxley, Leonard, Life and letters of Thomas Henry Huxley, 2 vols, London, Macmillan, 1900. Pages are cited from this two-volume English edition.
彼得·阿尔特:《不情愿的赞助人:英国的科学与国家,1850-1920》译。Angela Davies, Leamington Spa, Berg, 1986。巴尔,艾伦P.(编),托马斯亨利赫胥黎在科学和文学的地位,雅典,佐治亚州,佐治亚大学出版社,1997年。《赫胥黎:科学家、人文主义者和教育家》,西里尔·毕比,瓦特,伦敦,1959年。——《非凡的科学家:托马斯·亨利·赫胥黎的生平和科学著作,1825-1895》,牛津和纽约,佩加蒙出版社,[1972]。爱德华·克劳德,托马斯·亨利·赫胥黎,爱丁堡,威廉·布莱克伍德和儿子们,1902年。Richard Corfield,《寂静的风景:1872-1876年,挑战者号之后》,伦敦,John Murray, 2004。道森,沃伦·R.,《赫胥黎论文:伦敦托马斯·亨利·赫胥黎阁下的信件、手稿和杂项论文的描述性目录》,麦克米伦出版社为帝国理工学院出版,1946年。Margaret Deacon,《科学家与海洋,1650-1900》,第二版,Aldershot, Ashgate, 1997。戴斯蒙德,阿德里安,《赫胥黎:从魔鬼的门徒到进化论的大祭司》,伦敦,企鹅出版社,1997年;最初出版于2卷:赫胥黎,魔鬼的门徒,伦敦,迈克尔·约瑟夫,1994;《赫胥黎:进化论的大祭司》,伦敦,迈克尔·约瑟夫,1997年。页面引用自企鹅版。——《赫胥黎,托马斯·亨利(1825-1895)》,载于h.c.g.马修和布莱恩·哈里森(编辑),《牛津国家传记词典》,牛津和纽约,牛津大学出版社,2004年,第29卷,第99-111页;http://www.oxforddnb.com di Gregorio, Mario A., t.h.赫胥黎在自然科学中的地位,纽黑文,耶鲁大学出版社,1984。Eve, a.s.和Creasey, c.h.,《约翰·廷德尔的生平与工作》,伦敦,麦克米伦,1945年。福斯特,迈克尔和兰克斯特,E.雷(编),托马斯·亨利·赫胥黎的科学回忆录,伦敦,麦克米伦;纽约,D.阿普尔顿,1898-1902,4卷。Geison, Gerald L., Michael Foster和剑桥生理学学院:维多利亚晚期社会的科学事业,普林斯顿,普林斯顿大学出版社,1978年。霍尔,玛丽·鲍亚士,《现在的所有科学家:19世纪的皇家学会》,剑桥和纽约,剑桥大学出版社,1984年。赫斯,西奥多,安东·多恩:科学的一生,利塞洛特·迪克曼译自德文,柏林和纽约,1991年10月10日。赫胥黎,Aldous, T.H.赫胥黎作为一个文学家,伦敦,麦克米伦,1932年。伦纳德·赫胥黎,《托马斯·亨利·赫胥黎的生平和书信》,2卷,伦敦,麦克米伦,1900年。页数引用自这本两卷本的英文版。
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引用次数: 0
Michael Foster and Thomas Henry Huxley, Correspondence, Letters 1 through 19, 1865–1895 迈克尔·福斯特和托马斯·亨利·赫胥黎,通信,信件1至19,1865-1895
Pub Date : 2009-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0025727300072185
M. Foster, T. Huxley
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Medical history. Supplement
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