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Medicine and the Querelle des Femmes in Early Modern Spain 近代早期西班牙的医学和女性法典

Medical history. Supplement

Pub Date : 2009-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0025727300072410

Mónica Bolufer

Among the forms of knowledge that express and at the same time shape world views and social standards, scientific discourse, like religious discourse, has played a key part in producing an appearance of truth, appealing to “nature” as incontrovertible evidence. Throughout history, medicine has helped to theorize and justify gender differences and inequalities by naturalizing them, that is, by basing the attribution of social functions and hierarchies on a set of physical, moral and intellectual inclinations and aptitudes, supposedly rooted in nature, which doctors declared themselves to be the persons most authorized to disclose and interpret. Indeed, in various ages and societies scientific discourses (particularly medical discourse) have persistently wondered about the meaning of gender difference and inequality, and in doing so they projected the conventions, expectations and prejudices of their own time on to their questions and responses, and on to the attitudes and results of their research and practice.1 The influence of medical science became particularly intense in European culture and society in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, as the secularization of thinking reduced the preponderant role of providentialist explanations in favour of others based on “reason” and “evidence”, and the medical profession experienced an increase in its social prestige and power. Since medieval times, however, medical or philosophical explanations of classical origin and the Christian tradition based on the Bible and theological authorities had been the main pillars that supported theories about the different “nature”, functions and authority which corresponded to men and women in society.2 And therefore, in what they wrote for their professional colleagues or for a broader range of readers, doctors had an important influence on the societies in which they lived. They shaped the thinking, social practices and ways in which people understood and experienced their own bodies, their identity and their relation with others; on the one hand, by formulating and disseminating theoretical thinking about the sexually differentiated body, its influence on the moral and intellectual plane, and its connection with social organization, and on the other, by providing practical advice about how to lead one’s life which echoed those ideas and helped to spread them. In the Hispanic monarchy and the rest of Europe, the theories of humours formulated in Greek philosophy and medicine which had survived during the Middle Ages remained in force during the early modern centuries as a result of the influence of Galen’s work and the revival of the Hippocratic texts due to humanism.3 Their principles concerning gender difference are well known: men and women possess different degrees of the basic qualities (hot or cold, dry or moist), men being hotter and drier and women comparatively moister and colder.4 The greater heat of men supposedly makes it possible for their bl

在表达并同时塑造世界观和社会标准的知识形式中，科学话语，就像宗教话语一样，在产生真理的表象方面发挥了关键作用，呼吁“自然”作为无可争议的证据。纵观历史，医学通过将性别差异和不平等归化，帮助将其理论化和正当化，也就是说，通过将社会功能和等级的归属建立在一系列生理、道德和智力倾向和才能之上，这些倾向和才能据称根植于自然，医生们宣称自己是最有权力披露和解释这些倾向和才能的人。的确，在不同的时代和社会中，科学论述(特别是医学论述)一直想知道性别差异和不平等的意义，因此，他们将自己时代的习俗、期望和偏见投射到他们的问题和回答上，并投射到他们的研究和实践的态度和结果上医学科学的影响在18和19世纪的欧洲文化和社会中变得特别强烈，因为思想的世俗化减少了天意主义解释的优势作用，而支持基于“理性”和“证据”的其他解释，医学专业经历了其社会声望和权力的增加。然而，自中世纪以来，古典起源的医学或哲学解释以及以《圣经》和神学权威为基础的基督教传统一直是支持关于社会中男女不同的"性质"、功能和权威理论的主要支柱因此，在他们为他们的专业同事或更广泛的读者所写的东西中，医生对他们所生活的社会产生了重要影响。它们塑造了人们理解和体验自己身体、身份和与他人关系的思维、社会实践和方式;一方面，通过阐述和传播关于性别差异身体的理论思想，它对道德和智力层面的影响，以及它与社会组织的联系，另一方面，通过提供关于如何过自己的生活的实用建议，这些建议与这些思想相呼应，并有助于传播这些思想。在西班牙君主制和欧洲其他地区，在中世纪幸存下来的希腊哲学和医学中形成的幽默理论在现代早期几个世纪仍然有效，这是盖伦作品的影响和希波克拉底文本因人文主义而复兴的结果他们关于性别差异的原则是众所周知的:男性和女性具有不同程度的基本素质(热或冷，干或湿)，男性更热和更干，而女性相对更湿和更冷据推测，男性体内较高的热量使他们的血液有可能混合成精液，而在女性体内，由于缺乏热量，血液只能不完全地转化，留下多余的经血或残余物至于智力，幽默理论指出，男性的热燥气质比女性的湿冷气质更适合知识。按照同样的原则,男性和女性的性器官被理解的反对称性或类比:他们是相似的,但是那些女人的体内保留由于缺乏所需的热量“驱逐”,这些人的外部:当胡安·德·圣胡安重复直到1575年,“男人……是不同于一个女人在零els(说盖伦)只有在他genitall。成员没有他的身体”。6这就解释了为什么医学允许人们在一生中的某个时候经历性别改变的可能性，当那些内部器官可能由于一些巨大的努力(例如，在分娩期间)而恢复到外部因此，医生被要求在雌雄同体或性别改变的情况下作证，就像1587.8年托莱多宗教裁判所对埃琳娜/埃莱诺·德·塞斯佩德斯(Elena/Eleno de Cespedes)的审判一样。按照自然趋向于更完美的想法，这种改变只能从女人到男人，因此永远不会向相反的方向进化，从男人到女人。因为，根据亚里士多德的格言，女人是“不完美的”或“残缺的”男人:由于大自然趋向于最大可能的完美，所有的胚胎最初都是男性，尽管其中一些在进化过程中变成了女性。所有这些都是理解性别差异的一种方式，正如托马斯·拉克尔(Thomas Laqueur)所解释的那样，解剖学条件根本不是决定性的;相反，性别在某种程度上被认为是程度差异的结果，当一个人没有完全达到女性或男性的自然属性时，这种程度差异承认了自然中可能存在的中间状态(雌雄同体、女性化的男人、男性化的女人)，甚至例外地接受了从女性到男性的转变，这被理解为一种“进步”换句话说，性别，即涉及法律差异和不平等以及对男女行为的不同期望的规范性身份的社会和文化归属，尚未与绝对的生物二元性联系起来，尽管这并没有使它在社会的等级结构和个人认同感方面具有任何决定性作用这种理解性别差异的方式并不局限于医学领域，而是在当时的文化和大众思维中普遍存在。因此，医学在所谓的“妇女诉讼”(querelle des femmes，西班牙语为querella de las mujeres;querella de les doones(加泰罗尼亚语)，这个词用来指15到18世纪在西班牙和欧洲其他地方发生的关于性别本质及其各自的倾向、品质和恶习的文学和哲学辩论，通常与另一场关于婚姻的辩论联系在一起，11在争论中，医学论点通常被用来支持对女性自卑甚至有害的厌恶女性的态度，但它们有时也被用在基本的宫廷传统的背景下，这种传统捍卫了她们在道德和智力上的“卓越”，如德国人文主义者，医生和炼金术士海因里希·科尼利厄斯·阿格里帕·冯·内茨海姆在他的著作《高贵与女性之爱》(1529年)中写道，几年后以法语出版，书名为《高贵与女性之爱》(1537年)在本文中，我感兴趣的是通过分析Huarte de San Juan的影响深远的著作Examen de ingenios para las scicias(1575)(男性智慧的检验)和一些“健康建议”或流行医学文献的例子，来展示早期现代医学文献中关于男性和女性“天性”的观点是如何表达的，以及它们在社会层面上的影响。我将把这些医学文献中发展起来的思想、价值观和论点与当时其他道德和文学文献中所代表的思想、价值观和论点进行比较，并以母亲母乳喂养为例，这很好地说明了旧制度中家庭模式和行为模式与18世纪开始普及的家庭模式和行为模式的特殊性。最后，我将对贝尼托·费约(Benito Feijoo)在18世纪20年代出版的著作作一个简短的评论，这本书揭示了生理和解剖学话语在性别“本质”建构中的意识形态作用，从而形成了对生物决定论的早期批评，这种决定论在19世纪的欧洲思想中变得如此流行。

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引用次数: 2

Health and medicine in Hapsburg Spain: agents, practices, representations. Introduction. 西班牙哈布斯堡王朝的卫生和医药:代理人、实践、陈述。介绍。

Medical history. Supplement

Pub Date : 2009-01-01

Harold J Cook

引用次数: 0

Michael Foster and Thomas Henry Huxley, Correspondence, Letters 53 through 75, 1865–1895 迈克尔·福斯特和托马斯·亨利·赫胥黎，通信，信件53至75,1865-1895

Medical history. Supplement

Pub Date : 2009-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0025727300072203

T. Huxley

My dear Foster I have just had notice that our papers will not be ready till Monday the 19th instead of Saturday 17th of May. So we will meet at four o'clock P.M. on that former day. I judge from what you said that the new arrangement will suit you better than the old. Please to let Martin & Yule know. We meet in my room. My dear Foster I have not had any news of the Pendel myograph as yet. I have no doubt you picked the best!! I am off on Wednesday next July 2. Tuesday July 1. is the wife's birthday & it would be jolly if you could come & dine & have a yarn. Will Mrs Foster be coming up with you? If so, her coming would make it jollier. Formal invitation on the largest sized note paper sent if required. I have been altering the Physiology programme a little. I want to talk to you about that among other things.

我亲爱的福斯特，我刚接到通知，我们的文件要到5月19日星期一才能准备好，而不是5月17日星期六。所以我们将在前一天下午四点见面。从你所说的来看，我认为新的安排比旧的更适合你。请让马丁和尤尔知道。我们在我的房间见面。我亲爱的福斯特，我还没有得到彭德尔的肌电图的任何消息。我毫不怀疑你选了最好的!!我下周三7月2日休假。7月1日星期二。今天是妻子的生日，如果你能来吃饭，听个故事，那该多好啊。福斯特太太会和你一起去吗?如果是这样的话，她的到来会使事情变得更加愉快。如有需要，请将正式邀请贴在最大尺寸的便签纸上。我对生理学课程做了一些调整。我想和你们谈谈这一点。

引用次数: 0

Michael Foster and Thomas Henry Huxley, Correspondence, Letters 20 through 52, 1865–1895 迈克尔·福斯特和托马斯·亨利·赫胥黎，通信，信件20至52,1865-1895

Medical history. Supplement

Pub Date : 2009-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0025727300072197

T. Huxley, M. Foster, Georgina Gregory Edmunds

My dear Foster A pretty fellow I am not to have answered your letter – but I was dead beat at the end of last week & did nothing more than could be helped. I have arranged to make only some introductory observations – by way of floating you among the schoolmasters and I expect that the lectures will not be given before the beginning of July. Any time on either Friday or Saturday will suit me for a talk here – Don’t come if it is a bad day like this. I however ought to have looked over Pye Smith’s Glossary, not only for the elimination of Beulian Bosh but on other grounds. Par exemple look at the second paragraph of the explication of Abdomen which happens to be the first word in the glossary. Where the deuce did he hear that the abdomen of his Insect is a “segment” & above all a “coalesced segment”. I shall have that thrown in my teeth by ingenuous youth. Ever Yours kindly T. H. Huxley

我亲爱的福斯特是个漂亮的小伙子，我没有给你回信——可是上个周末我已经筋疲力尽了，没有别的办法。我已经安排好了，只作一些介绍性的观察——把你介绍给校长们，我预计在七月初之前不会讲课。周五或周六的任何时间我都可以在这里演讲——如果天气不好就不要来了。然而，我应该看一看派伊·史密斯的词汇表，不仅是为了消除博连波什，还有其他理由。举个例子，看看第二段对“腹部”的解释，它恰好是词汇表中的第一个词。他究竟从哪里听说他的昆虫的腹部是一个“节”，首先是一个“合并节”。天真的年轻人会把这句话扔在我嘴里。t.h.赫胥黎

引用次数: 0

Medical Ideals in the Sephardic Diaspora: Rodrigo de Castro’s Portrait of the Perfect Physician in early Seventeenth-Century Hamburg 散居在外的西班牙系犹太人的医学理想:罗德里戈·德·卡斯特罗对17世纪早期汉堡完美医生的描绘

Medical history. Supplement

Pub Date : 2009-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0025727300072422

J. Arrizabalaga

As is well known, there were no formal systems of medical ethics until the end of the eighteenth century. Yet at least from the composition of the Hippocratic Oath, western scholarly debates, particularly among doctors, on the foundations of good medical practice and behaviour produced written works. These works simultaneously reflected and contributed to setting customary rules of collective behaviour—medical etiquette—that were reinforced by pressure groups who, while they could not always judge and sentence offenders, sanctioned them with disapproval. Most early modern works on medical~ etiquette were dominated by the question of what constituted a good medical practitioner, with the emphasis sometimes on the most suitable character of a physician, sometimes on professional behaviour.1 The medical literary genre of the perfect physician appears to have been popular in the early modern Iberian world, and the frequent involvement of converso practitioners in writing about it has often been associated with the peculiarities of their profes sional posi t ion in the territories under the Spanish monarchy.2 Among the most outstanding examples of this medical genre are a couple of printed works written by two Portuguese Jewish physicians who were almost exactly contemporary with each other, namely Henrique Jorge Henriques (c.1555–1622)3 and Rodrigo de Castro (c.1546–1627).4 Despite similarities, their images of the ideal medical practitioner appear to have been modified somewhat by each author’s differing life experiences and career, as I will show later on. De Castro’s life and works have been treated in a very limited and rather traditional way by historians, mostly according to the patterns of disciplinary history both medical and medical-ethical as well as of Jewish national history.5 Indeed, he has repeatedly been introduced as one of the founding fathers of modern gynaecology and obstetrics, as a medical ethicist well ahead of his time and, in particular, as an outstanding example of a singular, almost idiosyncratic excellence, that has supposedly characterized the professional practice of Jewish physicians throughout history.6 The present essay is an attempt to approach De Castro’s intellectual agenda in the context of the Sephardic medical diaspora, by exploring the portrait of the perfect physician that he drew in his Medicus-politicus. His views on the ideal medical practitioner need to be placed in the social context of the early modern European medical world and, specifically, in that of early seventeenth-century Hamburg.7 In order to understand better De Castro’s views, I will outline the vicissitudes of his life, beginning with his medical training at Salamanca University in about the mid-1560s. As we will see, far from any essentialist view about identities (Jewish or otherwise), De Castro’s intellectual profile was a typical example of the mutual fluid exchange of identities between the “new Christians” and the “new Jews”. Th

众所周知，直到18世纪末才出现正式的医学伦理学体系。然而，至少从希波克拉底誓言的组成来看，西方学术界，尤其是医生之间，就良好医疗实践和行为基础的辩论产生了书面作品。这些作品同时反映并有助于制定集体行为的习惯规则——医疗礼仪——这些规则被压力集团强化，这些压力集团虽然不能总是审判和判决罪犯，但却不赞成他们。关于医疗礼仪的大多数早期现代著作都围绕着一个好医生的构成问题，有时强调医生最合适的性格，有时强调职业行为完美医生的医学文学类型似乎在现代早期伊比利亚世界很流行，在西班牙君主制统治下的领土上，经常有皈依者参与写作，这通常与他们的专业地位的特殊性有关这种医学流派中最杰出的例子是两位几乎完全同时代的葡萄牙犹太医生所写的几本印刷作品，即Henrique Jorge Henriques (c.1555-1622)3和Rodrigo de Castro (c.1546-1627)尽管有相似之处，但他们对理想医生的形象似乎因每个作者不同的生活经历和职业而有所改变，我将在后面说明。德·卡斯特罗的生平和作品被历史学家们用一种非常有限的传统方式来研究，主要是根据医学和医学伦理学以及犹太民族历史的学科历史模式事实上，他一再被介绍为现代妇产科学的奠基人之一，作为一个超越他的时代的医学伦理学家，特别是作为一个独特的，几乎是特殊的卓越的杰出例子，据说这是整个历史上犹太医生专业实践的特点本文试图通过探索德·卡斯特罗在他的《美第古-政治》中描绘的完美医生的肖像，在西班牙裔医学流散的背景下探讨德·卡斯特罗的思想议程。他对理想医生的看法需要放在早期现代欧洲医学世界的社会背景下，特别是在17世纪早期的汉堡。7为了更好地理解德卡斯特罗的观点，我将概述他的人生变迁，从他在1560年代中期在萨拉曼卡大学接受医学培训开始。正如我们将看到的，与任何关于身份(犹太人或其他)的本质主义观点不同，德卡斯特罗的知识分子形象是“新基督徒”和“新犹太人”之间身份相互流动交换的典型例子。这一特征在早期现代西班牙语中很容易发现，它生动地说明了身份配置过程的开放性、动态性和复杂性，以及文化多样性和混合通常在其中发挥的基本作用从初步的考虑来看，鉴于“科学革命”的主要史学范式在过去几十年中经历了深刻的修订，9我建议在我对罗德里戈·德·卡斯特罗和其他早期现代犹太医生和哲学家的调查中，不要被诸如他们参与科学革命的程度(如果有的话)和原因等问题所限制，或者犹太宗教在这方面是有利还是不利。相反，伊比利亚皈依医生的活动应该重新定位在他们特定的社会文化背景下;这些实践者的智力“世界”应该以最全面的方式重建，特别是与他们的教育背景联系起来。这些史学方法对新社会和文化史的贡献是显而易见的，因为通过这种新的视角研究这些人物时，他们获得了更大的重要性和复杂性，因为这些策略在重建伊比利亚医学和科学的过去方面具有更大的力量。

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引用次数: 4

La Mayson pour Distiller des Eaües at El Escorial: Alchemy and Medicine at the Court of Philip II, 1556–1598 La Mayson pour Distiller des ea<e:1>在El Escorial: 1556-1598年菲利普二世宫廷的炼金术和医学

Medical history. Supplement

Pub Date : 2009-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0025727300072380

M. R. Bueno

In 1593 the Irishman, Richard Stanyhurst, one of the most controversial figures of Elizabethan letters, wrote to his friend Sir Francis Englefield from the town of El Escorial near Madrid, commenting on his activities at the court of the elderly Philip II. The letter, dated 2 August, begins with various personal matters before moving on to a more detailed description of the work he had been called upon to do for the Spanish monarch. Touching myne own affayres, I have not dealt as yet with his Majestie, nor with any of his officers, and doe purpose too use silence, until such tyme as I have accomplished such matters as are expected of me heere. A xv days his Majestie dyd apoynt too visit my wurches, but the physicians proceeding in theyr woonted malice, dyd diswayde his Majestie, saying the walk was too long from his chamber to the wurchhouse, and in the canicular days yt might be dangerous for hym to enter into those heates of the fyres and too smell too those strong waters, with sundry such bible babbles: too tedious too be written.1 Stanyhurst’s words speak for themselves of the true nature of his activity at the court. It seems that the Irishman had been contracted by Philip II to work in an alchemist’s laboratory installed in El Escorial complex, preparing all kinds of distilled waters and essences. The “prudent king” (el rey prudente), who was always portrayed by the black legend as an unbending counter-reformer intent on isolating his lands from any external influence that might threaten the purity of the Catholic faith, appears in the lines quoted above as being genuinely interested in the art of Hermes; challenging his personal physicians, visiting the laboratory where experiments, which were undoubtedly transmutational, were being carried out. This information, published by Albert J Loomie in 1965, did not evoke the slightest interest among historians of science; it was common in the historiography of the modern age to ignore (almost totally) scientific practice in the Spain of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Fortunately, this has changed in recent years, but it meant the exclusion from the international scene of what was, without a doubt, the first global empire and the most powerful monarchy of the period.2 The reign of Philip II is of special importance, given that he was profoundly interested in the sciences, and, thanks to his patronage, the court of Madrid became a meeting point for herbalists and doctors, astrologers and alchemists, natural philosophers and cosmographers. Immersed in the scientific culture of the Renaissance, Philip II established institutions for the advancement of knowledge, as well as financing expensive expeditions to discover the hidden natural treasures of his overseas possessions.3 There was no area of natural philosophy that he did not follow, and alchemy, inevitably, formed an important part of his interests. It was considered to be one of the major sciences of early modern times,

1593年，爱尔兰人理查德·斯坦赫斯特(Richard Stanyhurst)——伊丽莎白时代信件中最具争议的人物之一——从马德里附近的埃尔斯科里亚尔(El Escorial)镇写信给他的朋友弗朗西斯·恩格尔菲尔德爵士(Sir Francis Englefield)，评论他在年迈的菲利普二世宫廷中的活动。这封日期为8月2日的信从各种个人事务开始，然后更详细地描述了他被要求为西班牙君主做的工作。至于我自己的事，我还没有跟陛下和他的任何官员谈过，而且我也不愿意保持沉默，直到我完成了这里要求我做的事情。有十五天，陛下决定去拜访我的教堂，但医生们怀着恶毒的心情前来，他们把陛下打发走了，说从他的房间到教堂的路程太长，而且在教堂的日子里，赞美诗进入炉火的热气里可能是危险的，太难闻那些浓烈的水，还有各种各样的圣经废话，太乏味了，不宜写斯坦尼赫斯特的话说明了他在宫廷活动的真实性质。这个爱尔兰人似乎被菲利普二世雇佣，在埃斯科里亚尔综合体的炼金术士实验室工作，准备各种蒸馏水和香精。“谨慎的国王”(el rey prudente)，总是被黑人传说描绘成一个不妥协的反改革者，意图将他的土地与任何可能威胁到天主教信仰纯洁性的外部影响隔离开来，在上面引用的几句话中，他似乎对赫尔墨斯的艺术真正感兴趣;挑战他的私人医生，参观实验室，毫无疑问，这些实验正在进行。这一信息由阿尔伯特·J·卢米(Albert J Loomie)于1965年发表，并没有引起科学史家们丝毫的兴趣;在现代史学中，忽略(几乎完全)16和17世纪西班牙的科学实践是很常见的。幸运的是，近年来这种情况发生了变化，但这意味着，毫无疑问，第一个全球帝国和那个时期最强大的君主制被排除在国际舞台之外菲利普二世的统治具有特殊的重要性，因为他对科学非常感兴趣，而且由于他的赞助，马德里的宫廷成为了草药学家和医生、占星家和炼金术士、自然哲学家和宇宙学家的交汇点。沉浸在文艺复兴时期的科学文化中，菲利普二世建立了促进知识进步的机构，并资助了昂贵的探险活动，以发现他海外财产中隐藏的自然宝藏自然哲学的各个领域都是他所不追求的，炼金术不可避免地成为他兴趣的重要组成部分。它被认为是近代早期的主要科学之一，它的实践得到了赞助人和有权有势的人的推广，他们认为这是一种获得财富、延长寿命甚至获得更高知识的手段，只适合少数初学者。从这个意义上说，菲利普二世可以被看作是一位有远见的君主，他促进了炼金术实践中新药物的发展，并寻找了乌利安人的精华。这两项任务都是在王室的实验室里进行的。在阿兰胡埃斯、马德里和埃尔斯科里亚尔，他建立了三个令人印象深刻的蒸馏实验室，每个实验室都有各自的花园。本地和外来植物，蒸馏水和治疗精华;对于一个着迷于收集各种医学秘密的君主来说，这是一段完美的关系。因为菲利普二世不仅在他的宫殿里收藏提香和博希斯的作品。大量的园丁、酿酒师、药剂师和自然哲学家被雇佣来满足这位狂热的收藏家的要求然而，这项浩大的工程很快就被完全遗忘了。几个世纪过去了，剩下的事情已经完成了，今天很少有人知道菲利普的激情。在这篇文章中，我的意图是对过去15年来我在这一领域所做的工作进行综合介绍我将从与金属转化有关的炼金术实践的皇家圈子的第一个消息开始。这些实验被解释为试图找到必要的黄金来掩盖菲利普整个统治时期的破产。我将继续介绍菲利普二世作为一个狂热的秘密收藏家;这是史学中相对不为人知的方面，但这并不令人惊讶，因为它是由哈布斯堡王朝的艺术兴趣所构成的，尤其是那个时期的文化。最后，我将特别强调菲利普二世对蒸馏水和香精世界的热情;这种激情使他建造了许多蒸馏实验室，然后才建造了最宏伟的蒸馏实验室，这座实验室坐落在他统治时期的标志性建筑埃斯科里亚尔大楼里

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引用次数: 5

Michael Foster and Thomas Henry Huxley, Correspondence, Letters 288 through 310, 1865–1895 迈克尔·福斯特和托马斯·亨利·赫胥黎，通信，信件288至310,1865-1895

Medical history. Supplement

Pub Date : 2009-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s002572730007229x

引用次数: 0

Michael Foster and Thomas Henry Huxley, Correspondence, Letters 330 through 363, 1865–1895 迈克尔·福斯特和托马斯·亨利·赫胥黎，通信，信件330至363,1865-1895

Medical history. Supplement

Pub Date : 2009-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0025727300072318

T. Huxley, Henry Dawson Farnell

My dear Foster Do you want me to go to the Society of Authors Dinner? I am steward & have taken my ticket – but as I canot hear a word that is said & there will be nothing to look at, I would gladly be let off – If necessary I could make a point of catching a cold on the 30 . Is Mr Leach going to publish his lecture on “Hardy Climbers & Creepers” They are just the things I want to know about. What with gales of wind, cold and lack of rain gardening here is pursued under difficulties – but we are getting on by degrees. Ever yours T. H. Huxley

亲爱的福斯特你想让我去参加作家协会的晚宴吗?我是乘务员，拿了我的票——但因为我听不见乘务员说的话，也没有什么可看的，我很乐意被放掉——如果有必要的话，我可以在30号的时候感冒。利奇先生要发表他关于“坚强的攀登者和爬行者”的演讲吗?这些正是我想知道的事情。在这里，由于大风、寒冷和缺乏雨水，园艺工作困难重重，但我们正在逐步取得进展。永远属于你的t.h.赫胥黎

引用次数: 0

Healing virtue: Saludadores versus witches in early modern Spain. 疗愈的美德:现代早期西班牙的萨鲁达多教徒与女巫。

Medical history. Supplement

Pub Date : 2009-01-01

María Tausiet

引用次数: 0

Michael Foster and Thomas Henry Huxley, Correspondence, Letters 100 through 134, 1865–1895 迈克尔·福斯特和托马斯·亨利·赫胥黎，通信，书信100至134,1865-1895

Medical history. Supplement

Pub Date : 2009-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0025727300072227

引用次数: 0