American journal of public health最新文献

Objectives. To determine whether the Communities That HEAL (CTH) intervention is effective in increasing naloxone distribution compared with usual care. Methods. The HEALing (Helping to End Addiction Long-Term) Communities Study (HCS) is a cluster-randomized, parallel-arm, wait-list controlled implementation science trial testing the impact of the CTH intervention on increasing the use of evidence-based practices to lower opioid-related overdose deaths. Communities (n = 67) highly impacted by opioid overdose in Kentucky, Massachusetts, New York, and Ohio were allocated to CTH intervention (n = 34) or wait-list comparison (usual care; n = 33) arms. The primary outcome for this study was the number of naloxone units distributed in HCS communities during the comparison period (July 1, 2021‒June 30, 2022), examined using an intent-to-treat negative binomial regression model. Results. Naloxone distribution was 79% higher in the CTH intervention versus usual care arm (adjusted relative rate = 1.79; 95% confidence interval = 1.28, 2.51; P = .001; adjusted rates of naloxone distribution 3378 vs 1884 naloxone units per 100 000 residents), when controlling for urban‒rural status, state, baseline opioid-related overdose death rate, and baseline naloxone distribution rate. Conclusions. The CTH intervention increased naloxone distribution compared with usual care in communities highly impacted by the opioid crisis. Trial Registration. ClinicalTrials.gov identifier: NCT04111939. (Am J Public Health. Published online ahead of print October 10, 2024:e1-e12. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2024.307845).

Objectives.  To explore the extent to which structural stigma (sociocultural and institutional constraining factors) is associated with sexual orientation disparities in long-term health conditions. Methods.  We measured structural stigma using the regional percentage of votes against same-sex marriage from Australia's 2017 Marriage Equality Survey and mapped this to the 2021 Census survey of 10 093 399 and 136 988 individuals in different-sex and same-sex relationships, respectively. Controlling for individual and area-level confounders, we used logistic regression analyses to examine the association between quartiles of structural stigma and sexual orientation disparities in long-term health conditions (e.g., any, mental health, asthma, cardiovascular). Results.  In the lowest stigma quartile, individuals in same-sex relationships had 56% higher odds of reporting any long-term health condition (odds ratio [OR] = 1.56; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.53, 1.59) and this increased to 63% in the highest stigma quartile (OR = 1.63; 95% CI = 1.58, 1.68). Effects were particularly pronounced for cardiovascular, respiratory, and mental health conditions as well as for men, younger populations, and those living in socioeconomically deprived regions. Conclusions.  Living in stigmatizing environments may have deleterious health effects for sexual minorities in Australia. Policy action and enhanced protections for sexual minorities are urgently required. (Am J Public Health. 2024;114(10):1110-1122. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2024.307759).

The US food supply is increasingly associated with diet-related diseases, toxicity, cancer, and other health harms. These public health concerns are partly attributable to a loophole in federal law. The Food and Drug Administration (FDA) evaluates the premarket safety of ingredients regulated as food additives but allows the food industry to self-regulate and determine which substances to classify as generally recognized as safe (GRAS) based on undisclosed data and conclusions that the FDA never sees. Furthermore, the FDA lacks a formal approach for reviewing food additives and GRAS substances already found in the food supply. Substances in the food supply thus include innocuous ingredients (e.g., black pepper), those that are harmful at high levels (e.g., salt), those that are of questionable safety (e.g., potassium bromate), and those that are unknown to the FDA and the public. A recent court decision codified these gaps in the FDA's current approach, leaving states to try to fill the regulatory void. The FDA and Congress should consider several policy options to ensure that the FDA is meeting its mission to ensure a safe food supply. (Am J Public Health. 2024;114(10):1061-1070. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2024.307755).

Objectives. To assess the associations between the executive order that Texas governor Greg Abbott issued on March 22, 2020, postponing procedures deemed not immediately medically necessary, and patients' access to abortion care in Texas. Methods. We used 17 515 individual-level patient records from 13 Texas abortion facilities for matched periods in 2019 and 2020 to examine differences in return rates for abortion after completion of a state-mandated ultrasound and median wait times between ultrasound and abortion visits for those who returned. Results. Patients were less likely to return for an abortion if they had an ultrasound while the executive order was under effect (82.8%) than in the same period in 2019 (90.4%; adjusted odds ratio = 2.06; 95% confidence interval = 1.12, 3.81). Compared with patients at or before 10.0 weeks' gestation at ultrasound, patients at more than 10 weeks' gestation had higher odds of not returning for an abortion or, if they returned, experienced greater wait times between ultrasound and abortion visits. Conclusions. Texas' executive order prohibiting abortion during the COVID-19 pandemic disrupted patients' access to care and disproportionately affected patients who were past 10 weeks' gestation. (Am J Public Health. 2024;114(10):1013-1023. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2024.307747).

Insurance coverage for prenatal care, labor and delivery care, and postpartum care for undocumented immigrants consists of a patchwork of state and federal policies, which varies widely by state. According to federal law, states must provide coverage for labor and delivery through Emergency Medicaid. Various states have additional prenatal and postpartum coverage for undocumented immigrants through policy mechanisms such as the Children's Health Insurance Program's "unborn child" option, expansion of Medicaid, and independent state-level mechanisms. Using a search of state Medicaid and federal government websites, we found that 27 states and the District of Columbia provide additional coverage for prenatal care, postpartum care, or both, while 23 states do not. Twelve states include any postpartum coverage; 7 provide coverage for 12 months postpartum. Although information regarding coverage is available publicly online, there exist many barriers to access, such as lack of transparency, lack of availability of information in multiple languages, and incorrect information. More inclusive and easily accessible policies are needed as the first step toward improving maternal health among undocumented immigrants, a population trapped in a complicated web of immigration policy and a maternal health crisis. (Am J Public Health. 2024;114(10):1051-1060. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2024.307750).