American Journal of Law & Medicine最新文献

As the United States' largest public health insurance program, Medicaid has since 1965 played a crucial role in the struggle for equitable health care access. It has the potential to be a powerful instrument of reproductive justice, yet discriminatory policies that deny coverage for vital sexual, reproductive, or other health services, or exclude entire populations of people with low incomes from coverage altogether, constrain peoples' health and reproductive futures. Resulting discrimination in Medicaid law and policy thwart the program's ability to promote intergenerational health equity and reproductive justice for underserved communities.This Article provides an account of why reproductive justice is a necessary framework for examining, reimagining, and reforming Medicaid coverage law and policy. Part I gives a brief history and overview of reproductive justice, which serves as "an open source code that people have used to pursue fresh critical thinking regarding power and powerlessness." Part II argues that we should utilize that open source code in Medicaid coverage reform. Using some of the reproductive justice movement's critiques as a starting point, it explores how reproductive oppression has shaped Medicaid coverage law, policy, and mainstream reproductive and health care reform movements' proposals, and to what effect. It argues that examining Medicaid law, policy, and proposed reforms through this lens and in collaboration with the reproductive justice movement can enable health advocates and policymakers to more fully understand, disrupt, and dismantle reproductive injustices that drive health inequities. Ultimately, it can empower reformers to build a more equitable public health insurance safety net that brings us closer to reproductive justice for all.

Recent advances in prenatal genetic testing have made testing for congenital disorders more accessible, with emerging technologies promising further expansion of available testing options. In particular, non-invasive prenatal testing ("NIPT") has allowed women to identify more fetal disorders earlier in pregnancy than was possible only a decade ago. In addition to allowing women to prepare for the birth of a child with a disability, prenatal diagnoses give women the ability to terminate a pregnancy to avoid raising a child with a disability, a choice driven by myriad factors.

The ability of pluripotent stem to develop into any of the cell types in the human body has meant that it was only a matter of time before scientists would try to transform them into human gametes. Up to now though it has not been possible to do so. Nevertheless a 2016 book written by Henry Greely speculated that in twenty to forty years most people in developed countries will cease reproduction through sex, using sex exclusively for pleasure, and instead will rely on reproduction through pluripotent stem cell-derived gametes. This paper will offer a different perspective. After describing the process through which human pluripotent stem cells might eventually be coaxed into gametes, it will show why the use of pluripotent stem cell-derived gametes for reproductive purposes would present significant safety, ethical, and regulatory challenges.

Women with opioid use disorder ("OUD") are more likely than other women to experience sexual assault, unintentional pregnancy, transactional sex and coercion regarding reproductive health care choices than women without OUD. Laws described as family friendly may be punitive rather than helpful to women and rarely apply to men. Laws regarding reproductive health and OUD are unevenly enforced and therefore biased against poor, minority women. As part of a larger study oriented toward strengthening systems of care related to the intersection of HIV and OUD, we conducted an analysis of state laws related to pregnant and postpartum women with OUD. Data on disparities in child removals and pregnant women's use of evidence-based treatment for OUD by income and race were captured for the five states with the most restrictive laws in both categories. Laws that were purportedly designed to improve reproductive health outcomes for women with OUD and/or their children often have the opposite of the expressed intended outcome. There is a relationship between restrictive reproductive choice and coercive OUD treatment policy for women. Restrictive state regulations for pregnant women with OUD persist despite negative outcomes for maternal and child health. Altering coercive and/or criminalizing regulation and redefining 'family friendly' may improve outcomes for individuals and families.

In early June 2021, the U.S. Food and Drug Administration ("FDA") granted Accelerated Approval to Aducanumab ("Aduhelm") for treating Alzheimer's disease. The decision was immediately engulfed in controversy because the agency ignored the Scientific Drugs Advisory Committee's unanimous recommendation not to approve the drug. The FDA granted the approval based on Aduhelm's ability to lower beta-amyloid levels. However, the agency had not previously indicated this as a surrogate clinical end for the trial, and its own scientific analysis failed to show that amyloid changes correlate with cognitive or functional changes for Alzheimer's patients. This decision sets dangerous precedent and has the potential to transform the approval process for new drugs including, but not limited to, those meant to treat Alzheimer's.