American Journal of Law & Medicine最新文献_第7页

Women’s Right to Choose a Spouse: In the Hanafi School of Islamic Jurisprudence 妇女选择配偶的权利:从伊斯兰法学的哈纳菲学派看

IF 0.6 4区社会学 Q3 LAW

American Journal of Law & Medicine

Pub Date : 2022-10-20 DOI: 10.47672/ajl.1239

Toryalai Hemat, Muhammad Ibrahim Sekandary

Introduction: According to the sacred provisions of Islamic sharia and the Hanafi School of Islamic jurisprudence (Madhab), a woman has the right to choose herself a spouse. When a woman becomes a widow, this right is given to her even more often because they know more. Purpose: The purpose of this research is to clarify the right of a woman to choose her spouse. It clarifies all the conditions and circumstances according to the Hanafi School, in which a woman can choose a spouse for herself. Methodology: The doctrinal research methodology and a descriptive, explanatory, and analytical research approach are used in this work. In this study, the rules and regulations of the Hanafi School of Islamic jurisprudence will be analyzed in detail to support the research study. It is worth mentioning that this part of the research is entirely based on library sources. References are mostly primary and secondary sources. The primary sources include the Afghan civil code and the secondary sources include jurisprudential textbooks, scholarly published and unpublished journal articles, law reports, and online websites related to the research area. Findings: According to the Hanafi School of Islamic jurisprudence, a woman is not given the right to choose her husband in the pre-puberty stage. In the remaining two stages (the puberty stage and the stage of widowhood), a woman can choose her own spouse and no one can take that right away from her. Even if a guardian (Wali) marries a girl who is too young, the marriage can be ended when the girl reaches puberty. She can do this by taking the matter to the competent court. Unique contribution of theory and practice: Theoretically, this work is very useful in contributing to the existing body of literature of knowledge. Practically, this work identifies the circumstances in which a woman is allowed to choose her own spouse. Each and every woman will know her bona fide right to choose a husband. On the other hand, society will never force a woman to marry without her own consent.

导言:根据伊斯兰教法和伊斯兰法学哈纳菲学派(Madhab)的神圣规定，妇女有权选择自己的配偶。当一个女人成为寡妇时，这种权利往往被赋予她，因为她们知道得更多。目的:本研究的目的是阐明女性选择配偶的权利。它明确了所有的条件和情况，根据哈纳菲学校，一个女人可以选择自己的配偶。方法论:在这项工作中使用了理论研究方法和描述性，解释性和分析性研究方法。在本研究中，将详细分析哈纳菲伊斯兰法学学派的规章制度，以支持本研究。值得一提的是，这部分研究完全基于图书馆资料。参考文献大多是主要和次要来源。主要资料来源包括阿富汗民法典，次要资料来源包括法学教科书、已发表和未发表的学术期刊文章、法律报告以及与研究领域有关的在线网站。研究发现:根据伊斯兰法学的哈纳菲学派，女性在青春期前没有选择丈夫的权利。在剩下的两个阶段(青春期和守寡阶段)，女性可以选择自己的配偶，没有人能从她身上夺走这种权利。即使监护人(Wali)娶了一个太年轻的女孩，当女孩进入青春期时，婚姻也可以结束。她可以通过将此事提交主管法院来做到这一点。理论和实践的独特贡献:从理论上讲，这项工作对现有的文献知识体系的贡献非常有用。实际上，这项工作确定了允许妇女选择自己的配偶的情况。每个女人都知道她选择丈夫的真正权利。另一方面，社会永远不会强迫女性在未经自己同意的情况下结婚。

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引用次数: 0

Pragmatic Markers in an Appellate Court Judgment: General Brigadier, A.M Adekunle (Rtd) V. Rockview 上诉法院判决中的语用标记:准将，a.a.m Adekunle (Rtd)诉Rockview

IF 0.6 4区社会学 Q3 LAW

American Journal of Law & Medicine

Pub Date : 2022-10-19 DOI: 10.47672/ajl.1236

Abiola Kalejaiye, Wale Osisanwo

Purpose: Linguistics is the scientific study of language; however its meta-implications in Appellate court judgment is yet to be given as much scholarly attention as other legal genres. Most studies on courtroom and particularly court judgement have focused on stylistic analysis, speech act and genre analysis; consequently studies on non-propositional meanings are still lean. Therefore, this study in the bid to further describe language of judges and account for how language is organised to achieve justice, investigated the nature and function pragmatic markers in a select Nigerian Appellate Court Judgement. Methodology: Using a Purposive random sampling technique, the study selected a property case judgement titled General Brigadier, A.M Adekunle (Rtd) V. Rockview from the Nigerian Weekly Law Reports (1999-2004). It adopted Fraser’s 1996 Pragmatic Marker Theory and mixed method of analysis –The quantitative was used in analysing the frequencies of the types of pragmatic markers employed by the judge while pragmatic imports of the markers in the ApCJ were discussed qualitatively. Findings: These analyses revealed that the selected ApCJ, though linguistic, is also replete with the four variants of pragmatic markers: Basic (44.9% marker), commentary (37.8%) and discourse markers (10.35%) and parallel (3.45%) identified by Fraser’s .The appellate judge used the basic markers particularly (the declarative markers) to build up the fact of the case and signal his opinions about them and the imperative markers were verdict pronounced. Commentary markers with (37.8%) were the second class of pragmatic marker observed in the (ApCJ). It comprised the following : Hearsay (3.45%), evidential (13.8%), contrastive markers (3.45%) assessment markers (13.7%) and emphasis marker (6.9%).The judge used more of evidential markers and assessment to predicate his judicial argumentation, implicitly justify the trial court’s judgement and thereby build logical bases for partly disallowing the appeal . Recommendation: The language of ApCJs is laden with pragmatic markers which serve essentially to build up and issues of the case, provide judicial argumentation and ultimately construct the verdicts. Pragmatic makers are greatly exploited by the appellate judge for effective adjudication. Therefore applied linguists and Forensic experts should critically investigate them to ascertain the correctness of the ratio dicidendi and the judge’s obiter dictum -crucial variables for establishing judicial accountability and fairness.

目的:语言学是研究语言的科学;然而，其在上诉法院判决中的元含义尚未得到与其他法律类型一样多的学术关注。对法庭尤其是法院判决的研究大多集中在文体分析、言语行为分析和体裁分析上;因此，对非命题意义的研究还比较贫乏。因此，为了进一步描述法官的语言，并解释语言是如何组织起来实现正义的，本研究调查了尼日利亚上诉法院判决中语用标记的性质和功能。方法:采用有目的的随机抽样技术，研究选择了尼日利亚法律周报(1999-2004)中题为General Brigadier, A.M Adekunle (Rtd) V. Rockview的财产案件判决。采用了弗雷泽1996年的语用标记理论和混合分析方法，定量分析了法官使用的语用标记类型的频率，定性讨论了ApCJ中标记的语用输入。结果表明:所选的ApCJ虽然是语言学上的，但也充满了弗雷泽(Fraser)的四种语用标记:基本标记(44.9%)、评论标记(37.8%)、话语标记(10.35%)和平行标记(3.45%)。上诉法官特别使用基本标记(陈述性标记)来构建案件事实并表明他对案件的看法，而祈使性标记则是判决宣告。注释标记(37.8%)是第二类语用标记(ApCJ)。包括传闻标记(3.45%)、证据标记(13.8%)、对比标记(3.45%)、评价标记(13.7%)和强调标记(6.9%)。法官更多地使用证据标记和评价来断言其司法论证，含蓄地为初审法院的判决辩护，从而为部分驳回上诉建立逻辑基础。建议:ApCJs的语言充满了实用主义标记，这些标记主要用于构建案件的问题，提供司法论证并最终构建判决。为了有效的判决，上诉法官极大地利用了语用制造者。因此，应用语言学家和司法专家应该对其进行批判性调查，以确定判决比例和法官判决的正确性，这是建立司法问责制和公平的关键变量。

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引用次数: 0

Impact of the Land Use Act on Land Tenural System in Nigeria 《土地使用法》对尼日利亚土地权属制度的影响

IF 0.6 4区社会学 Q3 LAW

American Journal of Law & Medicine

Pub Date : 2022-10-10 DOI: 10.47672/ajl.1226

D. K. Derri, Josephine Nkeonye Egemonu

Purpose: Before the advent of the Land Use Act in 1978, individuals, families and communities owned land absolutely according to customary law. Thus, the family or community was free to give out their land to deserving members of the family or community or even to outsiders as the case may be. Where an individual was the absolute owner of the land, he was free to deal with it in any manner he liked. Therefore, the individual, family or community exercised all incidents of ownership without restrictions. All these were altered when the Land Use Act was promulgated. The extent to which this Act affected the existing land tenural system in Nigeria is discussed in this article. This article critically analyses the land tenure system under both conventional land law and customary land tenure in Nigeria. Methodology: Applying doctrinal research methodology, it uses some available resources in some Nigerian libraries, both online and offline. Findings: It concluded that the provisions of the Land Use Act have severe consequences on land tenural system in Nigeria. Recommendations: In view of the challenges highlighted in the Act, this article recommends among other things that the State Governors need to improve and quicken the process of issuing certificates of occupancy and payment of adequate compensation after revocation of tittle to land to forestall unnecessary litigation and that there should be a land reform that recognizes the rights of individuals or communities to land either freehold (indefinite absolutely) or for a relatively long-term duration. This will ensure a genuine free market economy.

目的:在1978年《土地使用法》颁布之前，个人、家庭和社区完全根据习惯法拥有土地。因此，家庭或社区可以视情况自由地将其土地分给家庭或社区中有资格的成员，甚至分给外人。当一个人是土地的绝对所有者时，他可以自由地以任何他喜欢的方式处理土地。因此，个人、家庭或社区不受限制地行使所有所有权。这些都在《土地使用法》颁布后发生了变化。本文将讨论该法案对尼日利亚现有土地所有权制度的影响程度。本文批判性地分析了尼日利亚传统土地法和习惯土地法下的土地权属制度。方法:应用理论研究方法，它使用一些可用的资源在一些尼日利亚图书馆，在线和离线。结论:《土地使用法》的规定对尼日利亚的土地使用权制度产生了严重的影响。建议:鉴于该法案所强调的挑战，本文除其他事项外建议，州长需要改进和加快在撤销土地所有权后颁发占用证书和支付适当补偿的程序，以防止不必要的诉讼，并应进行土地改革，承认个人或社区对土地的权利，要么是永久保有(无限期绝对)，要么是相对长期的。这将确保真正的自由市场经济。

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引用次数: 0

From Freedom of Expression to Freedom of Speech – the Guarantees under the Nigerian Constitution and the Real Challenges 从言论自由到言论自由——尼日利亚宪法的保障与真正的挑战

IF 0.6 4区社会学 Q3 LAW

American Journal of Law & Medicine

Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.47672/ajl.1207

I. Sule

Right to freedom of expression is one of the globally recognized fundamental rights guaranteed and protected in many international human rights conventions, charters and other international and regional treaties and instruments. In Nigeria, the right has always been given recognision and specifically provided for in all the Nigeria’s constitutions, including the colonial and pre-independence. Even under the constitutional arrangements under the military governments, the said right is given recognition. Under the 1999 Constitution of Federal republic of Nigeria, the said right has also been prescribed for as one of the rights guaranteed for all Nigerians and anybody on the Nigerian soil. Nevertheless, it is one thing to recognize a right and it is completely another to practically implement the guarantees provided for. The Nigerian constitution is said to have given the said right with one hand and takes it away with another hand. This article critically analyses the right to freedom of expression under the Nigerian Constitution 1999 to discover whether or not the constitution as is being alleged, is really speaking from two sides of its mouth.

言论自由权是全球公认的基本权利之一，受到许多国际人权公约、宪章以及其他国际和区域条约和文书的保障和保护。在尼日利亚，这项权利一直得到承认，并在尼日利亚的所有宪法中，包括殖民时期和独立前的宪法中作出具体规定。即使在军政府统治下的宪法安排下，上述权利也得到承认。根据1999年《尼日利亚联邦共和国宪法》，上述权利也被规定为所有尼日利亚人和尼日利亚土地上任何人的保障权利之一。然而，承认一项权利是一回事，实际执行所规定的保证则完全是另一回事。据说尼日利亚宪法用一只手赋予了上述权利，又用另一只手夺走了它。本文批判性地分析了1999年尼日利亚宪法下的言论自由权，以发现宪法是否真的像人们所说的那样，只是从两个方面说话。

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引用次数: 0

Pro Bono Legal Services in Rural Communities: Experiences of the Bagauda Law Clinic in Aid of Citizens 农村社区的无偿法律服务:巴古达法律诊所援助公民的经验

IF 0.6 4区社会学 Q3 LAW

American Journal of Law & Medicine

Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.47672/ajl.1206

I. Sule, Y. Y. Dadem

In communities with low standard of living and low literacy level, access to justice is challenging; for rural communities who are under-served by the justice system, access to justice is a nightmare. These communities rely on traditional institutions of the family, the clergy and village councils to administer to resolve disputes. Law clinics may fill in the gaps of absence of regular courts, and serve as clinics for the legal education of students who wish to join the legal profession. Through the practical application of classroom lessons, students acquire skills and imbibe values to practice as lawyers. In order to address some of the legal needs of these communities, the Nigerian Law School established law clinics in all its five campuses and one of such is the Bagauda Law Clinic established in 2013 at the Kano Campus of the institute. This article analyses some the activities of the clinic in addressing some of the legal needs of its near-by communities and villages to see whether the purpose for which the clinic is established is achievable.

在生活水平和识字率较低的社区，诉诸司法是一项挑战;对于司法系统服务不足的农村社区来说，诉诸司法是一场噩梦。这些社区依靠传统的家庭机构、神职人员和村委会来管理解决争端。法律诊所可以填补正规法院缺位的空缺，为有志从事法律职业的学生提供法律教育的诊所。通过课堂课程的实际应用，使学生掌握作为律师执业的技能和价值观。为了解决这些社区的一些法律需求，尼日利亚法学院在其所有五个校区建立了法律诊所，其中一个是2013年在该研究所卡诺校区建立的巴古达法律诊所。本文分析了诊所在解决其附近社区和村庄的一些法律需求方面的一些活动，以了解诊所建立的目的是否可以实现。

引用次数: 0

Analysis and Identification of Suspected Substance in the Trial of Drug Offences in Nigeria: A Review of Oyem v FRN 尼日利亚毒品犯罪审判中可疑物质的分析和鉴定:Oyem诉FRN案述评

IF 0.6 4区社会学 Q3 LAW

American Journal of Law & Medicine

Pub Date : 2022-08-17 DOI: 10.47672/ajl.1151

Moses Ejiro Ediru

Purpose: The purpose of the review was to show that the affirmation of the appellant’s conviction in the case of Oyem v FRN by the Nigerian apex court was erroneous. To achieve the purpose, it is expedient to unravel the various errors committed by the apex court as a result of its failure to adhere to the law and to observe the peculiarities in the procedure for the trial of drug offences. Methodology: This work adopts the doctrinal method of research which involves the use of primary and secondary sources of law. The primary sources used in this work were legislation (Acts of the National Assembly), Case laws and Decrees while the secondary sources were books and article. The review of Oyem’s case in substance reveals that the apex court affirmed the conviction of the appellant on the assumption that, (1) the result of the preliminary (color) test conducted by the exhibit keeper at the NDLEA Command, using UN Narcotic Identification Testing Kit was the legal proof of the suspected substance as Indian hemp, instead of a chemist’s report on the mandatory confirmatory laboratory test by an analyst and, (2) the appellant’s confessional statement and guilty plea served as alternative proof that the suspected substance was Indian hemp even when the trial court did not carry out the test of veracity on the confessional statement. Findings: The two (2) assumptions by the apex court are the main findings in this work. Furthermore, even when the appellant was charged, tried and convicted for an offence constituted by expert evidence, no expert gave evidence at the trial, at least not on record. This work is of the view that extra-judicial confession made prior to analysis of a suspected substance cannot serve as proof of the nature of the substance, that is, Indian hemp. Moreover, the Nigerian Evidence Law having provided for the method for the analysis and identification of suspected substance in the trial of drug offences no other method can be used under the law.

目的:审查的目的是要表明尼日利亚最高法院在Oyem诉FRN案中确认上诉人的定罪是错误的。为了达到这一目的，最好的办法是澄清最高法院因未能遵守法律而犯下的各种错误，并注意到审判毒品罪行程序的特殊性。方法论:这项工作采用理论的研究方法，涉及使用主要和次要的法律来源。在这项工作中使用的主要来源是立法(国民议会法案)、判例法和法令，而次要来源是书籍和文章。对Oyem案件的实质审查显示，最高法院在以下假设下维持了对上诉人的定罪:(1)NDLEA司令部的证物管理员使用联合国麻醉品鉴定测试试剂盒进行的初步(颜色)测试的结果是怀疑物质为印度大麻的法律证据，而不是化学家关于分析师强制性确认实验室测试的报告;(2)在初审法院未对供词进行真实性检验的情况下，上诉人的供词和认罪供词作为证明嫌疑物质为印度大麻的替代证据。研究结果:两(2)假设由最高法院是本工作的主要发现。此外，即使上诉人因专家证据构成的罪行而受到指控、审判和定罪，也没有专家在审判中提供证据，至少没有记录在案。这项工作的观点是，在分析一种可疑物质之前作出的法外供词不能作为该物质的性质的证据，即印度大麻。此外，尼日利亚的《证据法》规定了在审判毒品犯罪时分析和鉴定可疑物质的方法，但法律规定不能使用其他方法。

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引用次数: 0

Reversing the Criminalization of Reproductive Health Care Access. 扭转对获得生殖保健服务的刑事定罪。

IF 0.6 4区社会学 Q3 LAW

American Journal of Law & Medicine

Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/amj.2022.22

Meghan Boone

The state is increasingly criminalizing reproduction. While prosecutions of pregnant people for prenatal drug use began occurring several decades ago,¹ this type of prosecution remained relatively rare for many years.² But such prosecutions have increased dramatically-thousands have now occurred across the United States.³ In addition, the criminalization of reproduction is not limited to instances of prenatal drug use,⁴ but extends to a wide array of prosecutions in the reproductive space-including the criminalization of stillbirth,⁵ miscarriage,⁶ breastfeeding,⁷ home births,⁸ and c-section refusals.⁹ And, of course, recent changes in the Supreme Court have resulted in an almost certain change in the criminal regulation of abortion, as well.¹⁰ The criminalization of reproduction often occurs at an initial point of access to the health care system - at the hospital, the doctor's office, the lactation consultant appointment, or the addiction treatment clinic. In this way, health care settings become gateways into the criminal justice system, and it is the attempt to access reproductive health care that results in criminal prosecution.¹¹.

国家越来越把生育定为犯罪。虽然对孕妇在产前使用药物的起诉在几十年前就开始发生了，但这种类型的起诉多年来一直相对罕见但是这样的起诉急剧增加——现在在美国已经发生了数千起。此外，对生育的刑事定罪并不局限于产前吸毒的情况，而是扩展到生殖领域的一系列广泛的起诉，包括对死胎、流产、母乳喂养、在家分娩、拒绝剖腹产的刑事定罪当然，最近最高法院的变动也几乎必然导致了对堕胎的刑事规定的变化对生育的刑事定罪往往发生在最初获得医疗保健系统的地方——医院、医生办公室、哺乳顾问预约或成瘾治疗诊所。这样，卫生保健机构就成为进入刑事司法系统的门户，正是试图获得生殖保健导致了刑事起诉。

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引用次数: 0

Vitriolic Verification: Accommodations, Overbroad Medical Record Requests, and Procedural Ableism in Higher Education - Corrigendum. 恶意核查：高等教育中的住宿、过分宽泛的医疗记录要求和程序障碍--更正。

IF 0.5 4区社会学 Q3 LAW

American Journal of Law & Medicine

Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/amj.2022.32

Tara Roslin

引用次数: 0

EACH Person's Right: The Importance of Federal Abortion Care Funding to Health Care Reform. 每个人的权利:联邦堕胎护理资金对医疗改革的重要性。

IF 0.6 4区社会学 Q3 LAW

American Journal of Law & Medicine

Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/amj.2022.25

Cassandra LaRose, Michael S Sinha

The United States has a long and controversial history with abortion that did not end with Roe v. Wade. Almost immediately thereafter, anti-choice politicians commenced a decades-long effort to restrict access to abortion, recently culminating in the Dobbs decision that overturned Roe. One successful attempt to restrict access immediately following Roe was the Hyde Amendment. With more Americans covered by federally funded health insurance than ever, the Hyde Amendment creates an insurmountable barrier to abortion care for those who lack other sources of financing.Despite the impacts of the Hyde Amendment, support for discontinuing the amendment has been weak. For the first time in over forty years, the United States is in a position to change its abortion funding policy. Beyond ending Hyde, the EACH Act has been introduced in Congress to ensure permanent funding for abortion through all federally funded insurance programs. To secure funding for abortion and reduce barriers to access, advocates must press the federal government to pass legislation such as the EACH Act.

美国在堕胎问题上有着悠久而有争议的历史，并没有因为罗伊诉韦德案而结束。几乎就在那之后，反对堕胎的政客们开始了长达数十年的限制堕胎的努力，最近在推翻罗伊案的多布斯案中达到高潮。在Roe案件之后，海德修正案(Hyde Amendment)就是一个成功的尝试。随着越来越多的美国人享受联邦资助的医疗保险，海德修正案为那些缺乏其他资金来源的人在堕胎护理方面制造了一个不可逾越的障碍。尽管海德修正案产生了影响，但废除该修正案的支持一直很弱。40多年来，美国第一次能够改变其堕胎资助政策。除了结束海德案，国会还提出了《每个法案》，以确保通过所有联邦资助的保险项目为堕胎提供永久性资金。为了确保为堕胎提供资金并减少获得堕胎的障碍，倡导者必须向联邦政府施压，要求通过诸如《每个法案》之类的立法。

引用次数: 0

Trust, Brutality, and Human Dignity: How "Partial Birth Abortion" Helps Shape American Biopolitics. 信任、残暴和人类尊严:“部分堕胎”如何帮助塑造美国的生命政治。

IF 0.6 4区社会学 Q3 LAW

American Journal of Law & Medicine

Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/amj.2022.20

George J Annas

Abstract In this Article, I explore how nearly continuous public rhetorical challenges to abortion in the political realm first led the public and the courts to turn away from a particular abortion procedure (intact dilation and extraction, also known as partial-birth abortion) which political agitators labeled as “barbaric” and then to view physicians who performed abortions not as legitimate professionals, but simply as “abortionists,” and sometimes as evil “Frankensteins.” “Abortionists” use no “medical judgment” and are unworthy of deference by state legislatures, Congress, or the courts when deciding how or when to perform an abortion. The concentration on the welfare of fetuses and the actions of physicians permitted the abortion debate to bypass discussion of both the rights and welfare of pregnant patients, including their right to health, and to virtually never mention that abortion restrictions primarily affect people in poverty who cannot afford to seek reproductive health care, including an abortion, by traveling to a nonrestrictive state. Understanding the power of extreme rhetoric, including the use of social media in political campaigns and the use and misuse of concrete terms such as murder, infanticide, brutality, and dismemberment, and abstract concepts such as “human dignity,” can help us plot a post-Dobbs way forward. Perhaps the demise of Roe can lead to a birth of a new rhetoric on abortion, one that concentrates on the right to health of everyone, including the right to make reproductive decisions, and requires moving abortion back into the realm of contemporary medicine, complete with a meaningful doctor-patient relationship protected by privacy and financed in a way that is accessible to all pregnant patients.

在这篇文章中，我探讨了在政治领域中，公众对堕胎的近乎持续的口头挑战是如何首先导致公众和法院对一种特定的堕胎程序(完整的扩张和提取，也称为部分分娩堕胎)不感兴趣的，这种堕胎程序被政治煽动者贴上了“野蛮”的标签，然后又将进行堕胎的医生视为不合法的专业人士，而只是“堕胎者”，有时甚至是邪恶的“弗兰肯斯坦”。在决定如何或何时实施堕胎时，“堕胎者”不使用“医学判断”，不值得州立法机构、国会或法院尊重。把注意力集中在胎儿的福利和医生的行动上，使得关于堕胎的辩论绕过了对怀孕病人的权利和福利，包括其健康权的讨论，而且几乎从未提到堕胎限制主要影响的是穷人，他们无法负担前往不受限制的国家寻求生殖保健(包括堕胎)的费用。了解极端言论的力量，包括在政治活动中使用社交媒体，以及对谋杀、杀婴、残忍和肢解等具体术语的使用和误用，以及“人类尊严”等抽象概念的使用，可以帮助我们规划后多布斯时代的前进道路。也许罗伊案的终结会导致一种关于堕胎的新言论的诞生，这种言论关注每个人的健康权，包括做出生育决定的权利，并要求将堕胎重新纳入当代医学领域，并建立一种有意义的医患关系，受隐私保护，并以一种所有怀孕患者都能获得的方式提供资金。

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引用次数: 0