Disagreement between Khrushchev and Enver Hoxha, leaders of the Soviet Union and Albania, had been ripening since the mid-1950s. Until the spring of 1960 the leadership of the small country did not show readiness to challenge the Soviets perceived as the great power at the head of Socialist bloc countries and the world Communist movement. But when the Chinese leadership indicated their disagreements with official Moscow in the spring of 1960, Albania joined them without fearing the inevitability of open confrontation with the Soviets. The article reveals the further course of events in chronological order during the deepening rift between the two leaders and their entourage, and analyses the Soviet decision-making process at the highest level consulting newly-declassified documents from the Russian State Archives of Contemporary History in Moscow. By the end of 1961, within less than two years, relations between the Soviet Union and Albania sank to their lowest. The Soviet leadership, presumably Khrushchev himself, failed in their attempts to stop another growing conflict in the Soviet bloc by discussing controversial issues face to face with the Albanian leadership. Researchers have already accumulated considerable knowledge about these processes, but substantial gaps are yet to be filled. Many relevant Soviet documents from Russian archives are not yet declassified. Nevertheless, the already available ones allow researchers to take a broader look on the developing Soviet-Albanian rift and to establish how, in parallel with the collapse of Soviet-Albanian connections in the early 1960s, Soviet-Yugoslav contacts intensified.
{"title":"Additional evidence on the final break between Moscow and Tirana in 1960-1961","authors":"Andrey B. Edemskiy","doi":"10.2298/balc1950375e","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/balc1950375e","url":null,"abstract":"Disagreement between Khrushchev and Enver Hoxha, leaders of the Soviet Union and Albania, had been ripening since the mid-1950s. Until the spring of 1960 the leadership of the small country did not show readiness to challenge the Soviets perceived as the great power at the head of Socialist bloc countries and the world Communist movement. But when the Chinese leadership indicated their disagreements with official Moscow in the spring of 1960, Albania joined them without fearing the inevitability of open confrontation with the Soviets. The article reveals the further course of events in chronological order during the deepening rift between the two leaders and their entourage, and analyses the Soviet decision-making process at the highest level consulting newly-declassified documents from the Russian State Archives of Contemporary History in Moscow. By the end of 1961, within less than two years, relations between the Soviet Union and Albania sank to their lowest. The Soviet leadership, presumably Khrushchev himself, failed in their attempts to stop another growing conflict in the Soviet bloc by discussing controversial issues face to face with the Albanian leadership. Researchers have already accumulated considerable knowledge about these processes, but substantial gaps are yet to be filled. Many relevant Soviet documents from Russian archives are not yet declassified. Nevertheless, the already available ones allow researchers to take a broader look on the developing Soviet-Albanian rift and to establish how, in parallel with the collapse of Soviet-Albanian connections in the early 1960s, Soviet-Yugoslav contacts intensified.","PeriodicalId":80613,"journal":{"name":"Balcanica (Rome, Italy)","volume":"30 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88201733","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
L?insurrection d?Ath?nes de d?cembre 1944 est le point d?aboutissement d?une crise de longue date. Crise politique, sociale, marqu?e de glissements spectaculaires au niveau de l?application et du respect des institutions, ? quoi viendront se joindre l?exp?rience de l?occupation, puis, celle de la r?sistance. Dans la conjoncture, toute neuve, de la lib?ration, cette accumulation de faits ?clatera en un conflit d?une violence hors pair, dont les ?v?nements d?Ath?nes ne serviront, finalement, que de simple d?tonateur. Plut?t que de focaliser sur le d?roulement, puis, sur les effets de la guerre civile grecque, notre t?che consiste ? suivre en amont la trajectoire tourment?e de cette crise multidimensionnelle et ? en d?gager les diff?rents points de rep?re.
L ?Ath叛乱,d ?我是谁?1944年12月是d点吗?终点d ?长期的危机。政治，社会，品牌危机?在过去的20年里，欧盟的平均水平发生了戏剧性的变化。对制度的应用和尊重?什么会加入exp?经验?占领，然后是抵抗。在lib的新形势下?这种事实的积累将导致一场冲突。一场前所未有的暴力，其中的v?d:克莱特?在最后的分析中，它们将仅仅起到调色剂的作用。喜欢吗?而不是专注于d?然后滚动，关于希腊内战的影响，我们的t?它是什么?沿着痛苦的道路前进?这是一场多方面的危机吗?在d ?打赌差异?在某些情况下，还会有额外的代表。
{"title":"Les origines de la guerre civile en Grèce","authors":"Yannis Mourélos","doi":"10.2298/balc1950367m","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/balc1950367m","url":null,"abstract":"L?insurrection d?Ath?nes de d?cembre 1944 est le point d?aboutissement d?une crise de longue date. Crise politique, sociale, marqu?e de glissements spectaculaires au niveau de l?application et du respect des institutions, ? quoi viendront se joindre l?exp?rience de l?occupation, puis, celle de la r?sistance. Dans la conjoncture, toute neuve, de la lib?ration, cette accumulation de faits ?clatera en un conflit d?une violence hors pair, dont les ?v?nements d?Ath?nes ne serviront, finalement, que de simple d?tonateur. Plut?t que de focaliser sur le d?roulement, puis, sur les effets de la guerre civile grecque, notre t?che consiste ? suivre en amont la trajectoire tourment?e de cette crise multidimensionnelle et ? en d?gager les diff?rents points de rep?re.","PeriodicalId":80613,"journal":{"name":"Balcanica (Rome, Italy)","volume":"74 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88572769","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2618-8597.2019.15.25
Kira Sadoja, Elena Boudovskaia
{"title":"The opposition “self vs other” and the constructing of self-identification in a Carpathian village","authors":"Kira Sadoja, Elena Boudovskaia","doi":"10.31168/2618-8597.2019.15.25","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2618-8597.2019.15.25","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":80613,"journal":{"name":"Balcanica (Rome, Italy)","volume":"7 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85756439","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Tito v?cut les purges staliniennes principalement en dehors de l?Union sovi?tique, ce qui lui permit de survivre, mais aussi d?en profiter pour devenir le principal dirigeant du parti. Les s?jours a Moscou, en 1938 et 1939 furent des rudes ?preuves pour lui, mais par un savant m?lange d?opportunisme politique et de l??goisme personnel il sut se distancier de tous ses collegues qui ont p?ri dans les purges ?cartant ainsi les soup?ons qui pesaient sur lui aussi. Le fait qu?il r?ussit a deux reprises de retourner de Moscou indemne en tant qu?au moins messager, sinon, comme il se repr?sentait lui-meme, comme mandataire de Komintern, lui permit de s??tablir d?finitivement au sommet de la hi?rarchie communiste en Yougoslavie dont il avait commenc? le renouveau des 1936.
{"title":"L’ascension au pouvoir au temps des purges staliniennes La longue marche de Tito vers le sommet du parti communiste Yougoslave (1937-1939)","authors":"Vojislav G. Pavlović","doi":"10.2298/balc1950299p","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/balc1950299p","url":null,"abstract":"Tito v?cut les purges staliniennes principalement en dehors de l?Union sovi?tique, ce qui lui permit de survivre, mais aussi d?en profiter pour devenir le principal dirigeant du parti. Les s?jours a Moscou, en 1938 et 1939 furent des rudes ?preuves pour lui, mais par un savant m?lange d?opportunisme politique et de l??goisme personnel il sut se distancier de tous ses collegues qui ont p?ri dans les purges ?cartant ainsi les soup?ons qui pesaient sur lui aussi. Le fait qu?il r?ussit a deux reprises de retourner de Moscou indemne en tant qu?au moins messager, sinon, comme il se repr?sentait lui-meme, comme mandataire de Komintern, lui permit de s??tablir d?finitivement au sommet de la hi?rarchie communiste en Yougoslavie dont il avait commenc? le renouveau des 1936.","PeriodicalId":80613,"journal":{"name":"Balcanica (Rome, Italy)","volume":"81 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76067252","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The conflicting combination of Old and New Diplomacy imparted to the Versailles treaty, through numerous compromises, a flexibility which tends to be overlooked and which was meant also to gain time in face of quite rabid Allied public opinion in 1919. Many provisions could be modified (reparations for instance), many delays could be shortened (as the occupation of the Rhineland). The treaty could be implemented harshly, as in 1921-1923,1 or more leniently, as after Locarno (1925).2 It was one of the few great international treaties which contained the means for its revision. It is not true that all the disasters of the 1930s were implied by the treaties, even if their legacy was much more short-lived and less successful than that of the Vienna Congress.
{"title":"The Paris conference of 1919 between the traditions of European congresses and the “New diplomacy”","authors":"Georges-Henri Soutou","doi":"10.2298/balc1950217s","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/balc1950217s","url":null,"abstract":"The conflicting combination of Old and New Diplomacy imparted to the Versailles treaty, through numerous compromises, a flexibility which tends to be overlooked and which was meant also to gain time in face of quite rabid Allied public opinion in 1919. Many provisions could be modified (reparations for instance), many delays could be shortened (as the occupation of the Rhineland). The treaty could be implemented harshly, as in 1921-1923,1 or more leniently, as after Locarno (1925).2 It was one of the few great international treaties which contained the means for its revision. It is not true that all the disasters of the 1930s were implied by the treaties, even if their legacy was much more short-lived and less successful than that of the Vienna Congress.","PeriodicalId":80613,"journal":{"name":"Balcanica (Rome, Italy)","volume":"258 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77539228","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2618-8597.2019.15.32
T. Teperik
{"title":"The communicative space and the oneiric reality in the film by T. Angelopoulos “Ulysses’ Gaze” (1995)","authors":"T. Teperik","doi":"10.31168/2618-8597.2019.15.32","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2618-8597.2019.15.32","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":80613,"journal":{"name":"Balcanica (Rome, Italy)","volume":"3 S3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72413660","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2618-8597.2019.15.21
Motoki Nomachi
{"title":"On the language of the second edition of Ioann Rajić’s History of Various Slavic Peoples (1823)","authors":"Motoki Nomachi","doi":"10.31168/2618-8597.2019.15.21","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2618-8597.2019.15.21","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":80613,"journal":{"name":"Balcanica (Rome, Italy)","volume":"52 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85249340","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was internationally recognized during the Paris Peace Conference in 1919-20. Even though there was neither a provisional nor a permanent constitution of the newly-formed state, factually there was a state as well as a system of governance, represented by supreme bodies, the King and the Parliament. Many draft constitutions were prepared by different political parties and notable individuals. We shall focus on the official Draft Constitution prepared during the premiership of Stojan Protic. He appointed the Drafting Committee as a governmental (multi-ethnic) advisory team of prominent legal experts from different parts of the new state consisting of Professors Slobodan Jovanovic (President), Kosta Kumanudi and Lazar Markovic (Serbia), Professor Ladislav Polic (Croatia) and Dr Bogumil Vosnjak (Slovenia). After two months of work, the Committee submitted its draft to the Prime Minister. The leading Serbian legal scholar and president of the committee, Slobodan Jovanovic (1869-1958), was well-acquainted with the details of Austro-Hungarian and German legal traditions. Since he was an active participant and witness of the events that led to the creation of the new state, while also being an objective and critical historian, it is important to shed light on his firsthand account of the emergence of the state of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes.
{"title":"Drafting the constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (1920)","authors":"B. Milosavljevic","doi":"10.2298/balc1950225m","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/balc1950225m","url":null,"abstract":"The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was internationally recognized during the Paris Peace Conference in 1919-20. Even though there was neither a provisional nor a permanent constitution of the newly-formed state, factually there was a state as well as a system of governance, represented by supreme bodies, the King and the Parliament. Many draft constitutions were prepared by different political parties and notable individuals. We shall focus on the official Draft Constitution prepared during the premiership of Stojan Protic. He appointed the Drafting Committee as a governmental (multi-ethnic) advisory team of prominent legal experts from different parts of the new state consisting of Professors Slobodan Jovanovic (President), Kosta Kumanudi and Lazar Markovic (Serbia), Professor Ladislav Polic (Croatia) and Dr Bogumil Vosnjak (Slovenia). After two months of work, the Committee submitted its draft to the Prime Minister. The leading Serbian legal scholar and president of the committee, Slobodan Jovanovic (1869-1958), was well-acquainted with the details of Austro-Hungarian and German legal traditions. Since he was an active participant and witness of the events that led to the creation of the new state, while also being an objective and critical historian, it is important to shed light on his firsthand account of the emergence of the state of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes.","PeriodicalId":80613,"journal":{"name":"Balcanica (Rome, Italy)","volume":"39 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90479227","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.31168/2618-8597.2019.15.14
A. Novik, A. Dugushina, D. Ermolin
{"title":"Një komb, një gjuhë (?): The communication between Albanians in the Balkans and in the diaspora","authors":"A. Novik, A. Dugushina, D. Ermolin","doi":"10.31168/2618-8597.2019.15.14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31168/2618-8597.2019.15.14","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":80613,"journal":{"name":"Balcanica (Rome, Italy)","volume":"85 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82376789","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines on the basis of the British archival records the attitude of Great Britain towards the consular initiative of the Great Powers in August and September 1875. It was the first joint undertaking of the European powers in the Great Eastern Crisis (1875-1878). In the British view, it was the ambitions of the League of the Three Emperors in the Balkans and Austria-Hungary in Bosnia-Herzegovina that underpinned the initiative. Although the consuls had limited authority, Britain accepted the initiative with reluctance and mistrust - and only after the Ottoman Empire had given its consent. When the League of the Three Emperors proposed more extensive powers for the consuls in order to prevent the failure of their mission, both the Ottoman Empire and Great Britain declined this proposal. This meant that the Consular Mission could accomplish nothing.
{"title":"Great Britain and the consular initiative of the Great Powers in Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1875","authors":"Miloš Ković","doi":"10.2298/balc1950113k","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2298/balc1950113k","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines on the basis of the British archival records the attitude of Great Britain towards the consular initiative of the Great Powers in August and September 1875. It was the first joint undertaking of the European powers in the Great Eastern Crisis (1875-1878). In the British view, it was the ambitions of the League of the Three Emperors in the Balkans and Austria-Hungary in Bosnia-Herzegovina that underpinned the initiative. Although the consuls had limited authority, Britain accepted the initiative with reluctance and mistrust - and only after the Ottoman Empire had given its consent. When the League of the Three Emperors proposed more extensive powers for the consuls in order to prevent the failure of their mission, both the Ottoman Empire and Great Britain declined this proposal. This meant that the Consular Mission could accomplish nothing.","PeriodicalId":80613,"journal":{"name":"Balcanica (Rome, Italy)","volume":"38 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79842269","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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