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Movies about the First World War: Shaping the collective memory. Cases of Serbian/Yugoslav and Greek cinematography 第一次世界大战电影:塑造集体记忆。塞尔维亚/南斯拉夫和希腊电影摄影案例
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/balc2253095t
Jasmina Tomasevic
The First World War brought radical changes to the political map of Europe and took more than 15 million lives on both warring sides. This conflict of unprecedented proportions has left deep traces on the lives of people who found themselves in a whirlwind of war. Therefore, it is no wonder that the theme of war was present in various types of human creativity - through literature (especially autobiographical genres), art, but also popular culture, where movies rightly took centre stage. Even during the period 1914-1918, the film became the main weapon of propaganda. Through this instrument, the message was able to reach quickly a large number of people, regardless of their social status and level of education. After 1918, the film served as a popular medium through which the memory of war events was preserved. The first movies exuded the anti-war spirit at the moment when post-war Europe was facing long-term economic consequences that had surfaced. Pacifist messages could be seen in different film productions, which to a large extent looked up to Hollywood, the most significant film industry in the world. The same was in the case of smaller allied countries such as Greece and Serbia, which both paved a different path of development due to the complexity of historical processes conducted in these Balkan countries. This paper aims to point out these different developments and shed light on lesser-known facts about Yugoslav and Greek WWI cinematography.
第一次世界大战彻底改变了欧洲的政治版图,交战双方都有超过1500万人丧生。这场规模空前的冲突给陷入战争旋风的人们的生活留下了深刻的痕迹。因此,毫不奇怪,战争的主题出现在各种类型的人类创造力中——通过文学(尤其是自传体类型)、艺术,还有流行文化,其中电影恰如其分地占据了中心舞台。甚至在1914年至1918年期间,电影也成为宣传的主要武器。通过这个工具,信息能够迅速到达大量的人,无论他们的社会地位和教育水平如何。1918年以后,电影成为保存战争记忆的大众媒介。第一部电影在战后欧洲面临长期经济后果的时候流露出反战精神。在不同的电影制作中可以看到和平主义的信息,这在很大程度上是向世界上最重要的电影工业好莱坞看头。希腊和塞尔维亚等较小的盟国的情况也是如此,由于这些巴尔干国家历史进程的复杂性,它们都走上了不同的发展道路。本文旨在指出这些不同的发展,并阐明关于南斯拉夫和希腊一战电影摄影鲜为人知的事实。
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引用次数: 0
A hypothesis about the origin of Závis’s cross (or about a lost Serbian reliquary) 关于Závis十字架起源的假设(或关于丢失的塞尔维亚圣物匣)
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/balc2253021k
Ivana Komatina
The documents testifying to the conflict between Serbian king Stefan Uros I (1242/1243-1276) and Hungarian king Bela IV (1235-1270) from the 1260s also bring news about the Serbian king?s reliquary that was seized at the time. Following the destiny and specificities of Zavis?s cross, we indicate the possibility of this being the same precious item.
证明1260年代塞尔维亚国王斯蒂芬·乌鲁斯一世(1242/1243-1276)和匈牙利国王贝拉四世(1235-1270)之间冲突的文件也带来了关于塞尔维亚国王?当时被查获的美国圣物箱。追随扎维斯的命运和特点?S叉,我们表示这是同一件珍贵物品的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
The Yugoslav perspective on Italian Eurocommunism in the second half of the 1970s 20世纪70年代下半叶南斯拉夫对意大利欧洲共产主义的看法
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/balc2253301d
P. Dragišić
The article outlines the key elements of the Yugoslav perceptions of the Italian Communist Party?s (PCI) ideological and political orientation during its Eurocommunist phase. In addition, it investigates the relationship between the League of Communists of Yugoslavia and PCI in the latter half of the 1970s. The article is primarily based on an analysis of Yugoslav archival sources and press materials.
这篇文章概述了南斯拉夫对意大利共产党的看法的关键因素。在欧洲共产主义阶段,意大利共产党(PCI)的意识形态和政治取向。此外,本文还考察了20世纪70年代后半期南斯拉夫共产主义者联盟与意大利共产党之间的关系。本文主要基于对南斯拉夫档案资料和新闻材料的分析。
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引用次数: 0
The march on Rome and its consequences. Views of Yugoslav contemporaries 进军罗马及其后果。南斯拉夫同时代人的观点
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/balc2253115r
Milan Ristovič
This paper looks at the Yugoslav public?s reactions to the rise of fascism and Mussolini?s coming to power in Italy. The main source for the analysis of this change at the top of power structure have been texts published in the contemporary Serbian, Croatian and Slovenian daily press, periodicals and publications. Among their authors were active diplomats of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, influential political figures of diverse political leanings. Observation of the rise of fascism, its violent ?methodology? of disposing of its political rivals, the misplaced response of the traditional centres of power and the ceding of ground to the fascists caused concern on the east side of the Adriatic over further radicalization of Italian nationalism and irredentist claims in spite of the obligations assumed under the treaties concluded by the two governments.
这篇文章着眼于南斯拉夫的公众?美国对法西斯主义和墨索里尼崛起的反应是什么?他正在意大利掌权。分析权力结构高层的这种变化的主要资料来源是当代塞尔维亚、克罗地亚和斯洛文尼亚日报、期刊和出版物上发表的文章。其作者中有塞尔维亚人、克罗地亚人和斯洛文尼亚人王国的积极外交官,以及具有不同政治倾向的有影响力的政治人物。观察法西斯主义的兴起及其暴力的方法论?传统权力中心的错误反应以及对法西斯分子的割让,引起了亚得里亚海东岸对意大利民族主义和统一主义主张进一步激进化的担忧,尽管两国政府在条约中承担了义务。
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引用次数: 0
Relations between the PCI and the league of communists from the second post-war period to the mid-1960s 战后第二次至1960年代中期意大利共产党与共产主义联盟的关系
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/balc2253243c
E. Costantini
The relations between Tito and Togliatti and their respective parties were conditioned by the omnipresent influence that Communist party of Soviet Union had on both partners. During the period of Stalin?s rule, the Italian communist were staunch Stalinists, thus Tito?s split with Stalin and the issue of Trieste were the main obstacles in bilateral relations. Khrushchev?s destalinization process opened new possibilities for inter party relations across the Adriatic, which however continued to be conditioned by the strategy of their Soviet comrades. Khrushchev?s lessening of the control over ?sister? parties give more space for Italians to learn more about Yugoslav path to communism. Nevertheless, the PCI continued to follow the Moscow line, while PCY looked to create its own based on nonaligned movement and self-management, which continued to be closely watched but not applied by PCI during Togliatti?s time in office.
铁托和陶里亚蒂及其各自政党之间的关系受到苏联共产党对双方无处不在的影响的制约。在斯大林时期?在斯大林统治时期,意大利共产党人是坚定的斯大林主义者,因此铁托?他与斯大林的分裂和的里雅斯特问题是双边关系的主要障碍。赫鲁晓夫?苏联的去核化进程为亚得里亚海两岸的党际关系开辟了新的可能性,然而,这种关系仍然受到苏联同志战略的制约。赫鲁晓夫?减轻对妹妹的控制?政党为意大利人提供了更多的空间,让他们更多地了解南斯拉夫走向共产主义的道路。尽管如此,PCI继续遵循莫斯科路线,而PCY则希望在不结盟运动和自我管理的基础上建立自己的路线,这继续受到PCI的密切关注,但在Togliatti?在办公室的时间。
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引用次数: 0
Usurpations of and designated successions to the throne in the Serbian Patriarchate the case of Patriarch Moses Rajovic (1712-24) 篡夺和指定塞尔维亚牧首的王位继承权:牧首摩西·拉约维奇的案例(1712- 1724)
Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/balc2152047s
Nebojsa Suletic
In the medieval and early modern periods, the metropolitans and bishops of the Serbian Orthodox Church were elected according to the procedure described in the Archieratikon, the bishop?s liturgical book. The procedure prescribed that the archbishop should choose from among the three candidates nominated by the council of bishops of an autocephalous church. Then the elected bishop was confirmed by the ruler. The archiepiscopal (patriarchal) election procedure was not specifically described because the central role in the process in the middle ages was played by the ruler. In the Ottoman Empire, the central role in the election and confirmation of bishops was played by the sultan, but the ecclesiastical canons were not among his considerations. Sometimes persons unworthy of the office of patriarch, metropolitan or bishop were appointed, without the knowledge of or contrary to the will of the synod. In order to prevent the appointment of an unworthy person as head of the Serbian Church, some patriarchs sought to have their successor elected in their own lifetime and to ensure a smooth transfer of office in agreement with the synod. Based on known sources and unpublished Ottoman documents, this paper discusses the questions of the election of Serbian patriarchs, the usurpation of the patriarchal throne and the attitude of the Ottoman administration towards the clergy. It offers a number of fresh insights into events during the patriarchate of Moses Rajovic (1712-24).
在中世纪和近代早期,塞尔维亚东正教会的大主教和主教都是按照《主教档案》(Archieratikon)中所描述的程序选出的。S礼仪书。该程序规定大主教应从独立教会的主教会议提名的三名候选人中进行选择。然后选出的主教由统治者确认。总主教(宗法)选举程序没有具体描述,因为在中世纪,统治者在这一过程中起着核心作用。在奥斯曼帝国,苏丹在选举和确认主教方面发挥着核心作用,但教会教规不在他的考虑范围之内。有时,在不知情或违背主教会议意愿的情况下,任命了不配担任宗主教、总主教或主教的人。为了防止任命一个不值得的人担任塞尔维亚教会的领袖,一些宗主教设法在他们自己的有生之年选出他们的继任者,并确保在与主教会议达成协议的情况下顺利移交职务。根据已知资料和未发表的奥斯曼文献,本文讨论了塞尔维亚宗主教的选举、篡夺宗主教宝座以及奥斯曼政府对神职人员的态度等问题。它为摩西·拉约维奇(Moses Rajovic, 1712- 1724)当政期间的事件提供了许多新的见解。
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引用次数: 0
“Hidden religious landscapes”: Religious minorities and religious renewal movements in the borderlands of the Serbian and Romanian Banat “隐藏的宗教景观”:塞尔维亚和罗马尼亚巴纳特边境地区的宗教少数群体和宗教复兴运动
Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/balc2152193d
Aleksandra Djuric-Milovanovic
The paper explores the ways religious grassroots actors in the borderlands contribute to the new understanding of cross border regions and religious groups in the space between the Serbian and Romanian Banat from the perspective of the anthropology of borders. The border region included in this paper was the place of interreligious and interethnic encounter, where religions and languages mixed and there was a continuous interaction between Orthodox Christians, Catholics and Protestants. By studying the region that had strong cultural, historical and religious connections, the aim is to provide new insights on the borders and religious groups that are understudied. This article explores the ?liminal? character of religious identities, development of renewal movements and crossing symbolic boundaries with the examples of the ?home-grown? religious movement of the Lord?s Army (Rom. Oastea Domnului) emerged in the first decades of the 20th century.
本文从边界人类学的角度探讨了边境地区的宗教基层行动者如何促进对塞尔维亚和罗马尼亚巴纳特之间跨边境地区和宗教团体的新理解。本文所包括的边境地区是宗教间和种族间相遇的地方,宗教和语言混合在一起,东正教基督徒、天主教徒和新教徒之间不断互动。通过研究具有强烈文化、历史和宗教联系的地区,其目的是为研究不足的边界和宗教团体提供新的见解。本文探讨了“阈值”。宗教身份的特征,复兴运动的发展以及以本土文化为例的跨越象征性界限主的宗教运动?罗马帝国的军队(罗马·奥斯塔·多姆努卢)出现在20世纪的头几十年。
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引用次数: 1
Le fascisme roumain dans un contexte centre-européen: Historiographie et problématiques 中欧背景下的罗马尼亚法西斯主义:史学与问题
Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/balc2152099s
Traian Sandu
Pour le fascisme roumain comme pour la plupart des autres champs historiographiques, 1989 repr?senta une c?sure importante a plusieurs titres. Dans la production domestique, c?est la fin du national-communisme qui d?douanait le fascisme de la Garde de fer de ses origines autochtones et l?attribuait a l?influence ?trangere, italienne et allemande. Dans la production occidentale, l?amplification d?une r?flexion sur les traits d?un fascisme g?n?rique font du cas roumain un exemple important et finissent par influencer la production locale, qui se remarque par une sorte de rattrapage th?orique rapide et une production abondante.
对于罗马尼亚法西斯主义和大多数其他史学领域来说,1989年代表?坐c?当然,这很重要,原因有很多。对于国内生产,c?国家共产主义的终结是谁的?海关法西斯主义的铁卫队的本土起源和l?分配给他?影响?国外,意大利和德国。在西方生产中,l?放大d ?一个r ?d线的弯曲?一个全面的法西斯主义?这使得罗马尼亚的情况成为一个重要的例子,并最终影响了当地的生产,这表现为一种追赶?快速的修辞和丰富的生产。
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引用次数: 1
European borders in Serbian history 塞尔维亚历史上的欧洲边界
Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/balc2152007k
Jovanka Kalic
This paper looks at the typology of borders which have traversed the Balkan lands for centuries. They have been diverse - geographical, political, economic, ethnic, linguistic, religious and cultural. As a result of their length of duration, consequences and importance, they led to phenomena which can hardly be fully appreciated. Serbs lived along those borders, be they already existing or created over time. This research is focused on two borders. The one created by the division of the Roman Empire (395) and strengthened by the schism of Christianity (1054), and the other, completely different, created by the Ottoman conquest of the Balkan lands in the fifteenth century. Local Balkan borders, on the other hand, have never acquired a broader significance in the culture of this region.
本文着眼于几个世纪以来跨越巴尔干土地的边界类型。它们是多种多样的——地理的、政治的、经济的、种族的、语言的、宗教的和文化的。由于其持续时间、后果和重要性,它们导致了难以完全理解的现象。塞尔维亚人沿着这些边界生活,不管这些边界是已经存在的还是后来建立起来的。这项研究主要集中在两个边界。一个是由罗马帝国的分裂(395年)造成的,并因基督教的分裂(1054年)而加强,另一个则完全不同,是由奥斯曼帝国在15世纪征服巴尔干地区造成的。另一方面,巴尔干地区的地方边界在该地区的文化中从未具有如此广泛的意义。
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引用次数: 0
The refractory community: Yugoslav anti-communists in post-war Italy 顽固不化的群体:战后意大利的南斯拉夫反共分子
Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.2298/balc2152159c
Marco Cuzzi
In the months between the Italian armistice (September 1943) and the end of the war (May 1945), Italy became the destination of a large group of Yugoslav exiles who, in various ways, opposed Tito and the Socialist and Federal Republic in the process of being formed. These exiles, divided by nationality and political affiliation (ranging from exponents of the resistance linked to the government in exile in London to the most radical collaborators with the Nazis), were united by their staunch anti-communism. Carefully observed by both the Italian secret services and the Allied military government, with the approach of the Cold War this Yugoslav ?refractory community? was increasingly used as a centre of propaganda and in part also of information by the West. After the Tito-Stalin split, this function was reduced, and the community waited for new developments that would only appear forty years later with the dissolution of the disdained Federal and Socialist Republic. This essay is an integral part of research based on the archives of the Italian Military Intelligence Service (SIM) kept at the Historical Office of the Italian Army General Staff in Rome, in the fonds of the Confidential Affairs of the General Directorate of Public Security of the Italian Ministry of the Interior and in the ?Affari Politici - Jugoslavia? collections of the Historical-Diplomatic Archive of the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The research is still in progress and aims to create a map of the Yugoslav anti-communist community in Italy from the end of the Second World War until the dissolution of the Federal Republic between 1989 and 1992.
在意大利停战(1943年9月)和战争结束(1945年5月)之间的几个月里,意大利成为一大群南斯拉夫流亡者的目的地,他们以各种方式反对铁托和正在形成的社会主义和联邦共和国。这些流亡者因国籍和政治派别而分裂(从与流亡伦敦的政府有联系的抵抗运动的代表到与纳粹最激进的合作者),他们因坚定的反共而团结在一起。在意大利秘密机构和盟军军政府的密切关注下,随着冷战的临近,这个南斯拉夫的“顽固性社区”越来越多地被西方用作宣传中心,在某种程度上也是信息中心。铁托和斯大林分裂后,这一功能被削弱,社区等待着新的发展,直到四十年后,随着被鄙视的联邦和社会主义共和国的解散,才出现了新的发展。本文是基于意大利军事情报局(SIM)档案的研究的一个组成部分,这些档案保存在罗马意大利陆军总参谋部的历史办公室,意大利内政部公共安全总局的机密事务基金和南斯拉夫政治事务?意大利外交部历史外交档案馆的藏品。这项研究仍在进行中,旨在绘制一幅从第二次世界大战结束到1989年至1992年联邦共和国解体期间意大利境内南斯拉夫反共团体的地图。
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引用次数: 0
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Balcanica (Rome, Italy)
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