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Minerva’s French Sisters: Women of Science in Enlightenment France 密涅瓦的法国姐妹:启蒙时期法国的科学女性
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-20 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2022.2066178
M. Carlyle
cal analysis he proposes is ‘as complex and intellectually challenging as a philosophical one’ (p. 139). Third, to view the sciences as conceptual and theoretical structures does not commit one to conceptual or theoretical purity. The epistemic reliability of the sciences, but also their capacity to evolve in time while presenting a certain stability, derives from the way in which the sciences weave together diverse procedures into a coherent whole: mathematical models and computer simulations, observations and experiments, images, narratives andmetaphors, arguments and thought experiments, etc. From this point of view too, it is tempting to compare Mechanism with Thinking with Objects, even though the former concerns the life sciences, while the later deals with mechanics. Both books succeed in showing that at their best the sciences activate all the resources of our cognitive faculties, albeit in different ways according to the scientific fields. Mechanism thus shows that early modern mechanisms involved textual comparisons (for example to textiles, p. 21, or to musical instruments, pp. 57, 60, 68–69, 136, 141), visual illustrations (pp. 25–78), observations and experiments, whether it be the use of microscopes (pp. 21, 67–71, 77–78, 85–93, 119–120), the practice of ligatures (pp. 48–52, 140– 141), dissections and vivisections (pp. 12–15, 39–40, 59, 67) or injections (pp. 54, 60). It is this richness, complexity and flexibility that made the enterprise of searching for mechanisms a fruitful one. It helps correcting any misperception of mechanical philosophy as a grandiose, but somewhat vain, programme of reducing all natural phenomena to the motions of corpuscles endowed with merely quantitative properties. We can be grateful to Bertoloni Meli for having not only clarified the notion of mechanism, but also for having opened new perspectives on the mechanical philosophy. To conclude, I will make two general remarks. First, it is interesting that the same historian worked alternatively on early modern mechanics and on early modern life sciences, whereas today these disciplines are totally separated: Bertoloni Meli makes manifest the strong conceptual links that existed between mechanics and the life sciences in the early modern period, beyond their differences in style. Second,Mechanism is an important book not only for those working on the early modern period: the three methodological commitments I have just outlined form a discourse on method that will be useful to all those, philosophers and historians alike, who wish to make sense of the sciences as conceptual and theoretical structures.
他提出的卡尔分析“和哲学分析一样复杂和具有智力挑战性”(第139页)。第三,将科学视为概念和理论结构并不能保证概念或理论的纯粹性。科学的认识可靠性,以及它们在呈现一定稳定性的同时随时间进化的能力,源于科学将不同的程序编织成一个连贯的整体的方式:数学模型和计算机模拟、观察和实验、图像、叙事和隐喻、论点和思想实验等,人们很容易将“机制”与“用物体思考”进行比较,尽管前者涉及生命科学,而后者涉及力学。这两本书都成功地表明,科学在最佳状态下激活了我们认知能力的所有资源,尽管根据科学领域的不同,其方式不同。因此,机制表明,早期现代机制涉及文本比较(例如与纺织品,第21页,或与乐器,第57、60、68–69、136、141页)、视觉插图(第25–78页)、观察和实验,无论是显微镜的使用(第21、67–71、77–78、85–93、119–120页)、结扎术(第48–52、140–141页),解剖和活体解剖(第12-15、39-40、59、67页)或注射(第54、60页)。正是这种丰富性、复杂性和灵活性使寻找机制的事业富有成果。它有助于纠正人们对机械哲学的误解,认为它是一个宏大但有点徒劳的计划,将所有自然现象简化为仅具有定量性质的微粒的运动。我们应该感谢梅利不仅阐明了机械的概念,而且为机械哲学开辟了新的视角。最后,我将作两个一般性发言。首先,有趣的是,同一位历史学家交替研究早期现代力学和早期现代生命科学,而今天这些学科完全分离:Bertoloni Meli表明了力学和生命科学在早期现代时期存在的强大的概念联系,超越了它们的风格差异。其次,《机制》是一本重要的书,不仅适用于那些研究现代早期的人:我刚刚概述的三项方法论承诺形成了一篇关于方法的论述,对所有希望将科学理解为概念和理论结构的哲学家和历史学家都很有用。
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引用次数: 1
The poison trials: wonder drugs, experiment, and the battle for authority in renaissance science 毒药试验:神奇药物、实验和文艺复兴时期科学的权威之争
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-17 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2022.2063388
Georgiana D. Hedesan
readership as an introduction to the history of the chemical elements and, more broadly, the history of chemistry. The brief length of sections would make for appropriate supplementary reading in history of science survey courses or science classes at secondary and university levels. Or just put it on a coffee table in home, office, or department, where visitors can peruse it for a new favourite element.
读者作为介绍化学元素的历史,更广泛地说,化学的历史。各节篇幅较短,可作为中学和大学的科学史概览课程或科学课的适当补充读物。或者只是把它放在家里、办公室或部门的咖啡桌上,游客可以在那里仔细阅读,寻找新的喜爱元素。
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引用次数: 0
Conceptualizing paradigms: on reading Kuhn’s history of the quantum 概念化范式——读库恩的量子史
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-12 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2022.2063945
Jan Potters
ABSTRACT In this article, I discuss the criticisms raised against Thomas Kuhn’s Black-Body Theory. These criticisms concern two issues: how to understand Planck’s position with regards to the quantization of energy in 1901, and how to understand the book’s relation to The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. Both criticisms, I argue, concern the notion of a paradigm: the first concerns how Boltzmann acted as an exemplar for Planck, and the second whether the book provides a paradigm change. I will then argue that both criticisms presume a conceptualization of paradigms that does not align well with Kuhn’s conceptualization of it in both Structure and later work: they assume, more specifically, that sharing a paradigm presupposes sharing an interpretation of it, and that paradigm changes are essentially identical to gestalt switches. On the basis of this, I will then argue that the criticisms are misguided, that Kuhn’s position regarding Planck’s work is in fact quite close to the indetermination-view developed by some of his critics, and that the book fits Structure quite well. In conclusion, I will then reflect on how the narrative provided in Black-Body Theory connects with Kuhn’s views on the relation between history and philosophy of science.
摘要本文论述了对库恩的黑体理论提出的批评。这些批评涉及两个问题:如何理解普朗克关于1901年能量量子化的立场,以及如何理解这本书与《科学革命的结构》的关系。我认为,这两种批评都与范式的概念有关:第一种是关于玻尔兹曼如何作为普朗克的榜样,第二种是关于这本书是否提供了范式的改变。然后,我会争辩说,这两种批评都假设范式的概念化与库恩在《结构》和后来的作品中对其的概念化不太一致:更具体地说,他们假设共享范式的前提是共享对其的解释,范式的变化本质上与格式塔转换相同。基于此,我将认为这些批评是误导性的,库恩对普朗克工作的立场实际上与他的一些批评者提出的不确定性观点非常接近,这本书非常符合《结构》。最后,我将反思《黑体理论》中的叙述与库恩关于历史与科学哲学关系的观点是如何联系在一起的。
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引用次数: 0
Monteiro da Rocha and the international debate in the 1760s on astronomical methods to find the longitude at sea: his proposals and criticisms to Lacaille’s lunar-distance method 蒙泰罗·达·罗查和18世纪60年代国际上关于在海上寻找经度的天文学方法的辩论:他对拉卡耶的月距法的建议和批评
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2022.2059567
F. Figueiredo, G. Boistel
ABSTRACT In the 1760s, the international debate on the solution to determining longitude at sea is at its acme. Two solutions emerge, the mechanical and the astronomical ones. The Portuguese mathematician and astronomer José Monteiro da Rocha (1734–1819) is well aware of that debate. For him, Harrison’s No. 4 marine timekeeper cannot be seen as a solution. The desirable solution could only be astronomical. In a manuscript from c. 1765, which unfortunately he fails to publish, Monteiro da Rocha is very critical of Lacaille's lunar-distance method (1759) and proposes another one. In this paper, we intend to analyse Monteiro da Rocha’s criticisms and proposals, trying to understand how this manuscript fits into the international longitude debate and the Portuguese scientific scenario at the time. Concurrently, we will re-examine the classical historiography around the English vs. French priority proposal of the lunar-distance method, purging it from its mythologies to shift it towards a more open, less linear history.
18世纪60年代,国际上关于如何确定海上经度的争论达到了顶峰。有两种解决办法,机械的和天文的。葡萄牙数学家和天文学家约瑟·蒙泰罗·达·罗查(1734-1819)很清楚这种争论。对他来说,哈里森的4号航海计时器不能被视为解决方案。理想的解决方案只能是天文数字。在大约1765年的一份手稿中(不幸的是他没有出版),蒙泰罗·达·罗查对拉卡耶的月球距离方法(1759年)非常批评,并提出了另一种方法。在本文中,我们打算分析蒙泰罗·达·罗查的批评和建议,试图理解这个手稿如何适应国际经度辩论和当时的葡萄牙科学情景。与此同时,我们将重新审视围绕英国和法国优先提出的月球距离方法的古典史学,将其从神话中清除出来,将其转向更开放,更少线性的历史。
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引用次数: 0
The M de Jussieu's 'mirror of the Incas': an ecuadorian archaeological artefact in the mineralogical collection of René-Just Haüy (1743-1822). de Jussieu的“印加人的镜子”:ren<s:1> - just ha<e:1>(1743-1822)矿物学收藏中的厄瓜多尔考古文物。
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-01 Epub Date: 2022-01-21 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2022.2028900
François Gendron

This article reports on a historical investigation carried out on the conical object MIN000-3519 preserved in the mineralogy collections of the Muséum National d'Histoire Naturelle at Paris (France). The mineralogist René-Just Haüy (1743-1822) included this object, cut in a single pyrite (FeS2) crystal, in his working collection with the references 'Sulphured iron, mirror of the Incas, of Peru, M. de Jussieu'. All of the research lines followed lead the author to Joseph de Jussieu (1704-1779) and his shipments of botanical specimens and various other samples from South America. As a member of the Godin-La Condamine-Bouguer geodesic expedition on the equator (1735-1743), he returned to France only after 36 years (1771), ill, exhausted and dispossessed of the scientific product of his Andean collections. This pyrite mirror is important because, in addition to appearing to be the only archaeological object that can be linked to Joseph's peregrinations in America, it resembles other specimens found at sites of the Cañaris culture (500-1500 AD) in Ecuador. Preserved within the de Jussieu family, this object would presumably have been given to Haüy by Joseph's heirs, his nephews Antoine-Laurent (1748-1836) or Laurent-Pierre (1792-1866), with whom he had close ties.

本文报道了对法国巴黎国立自然历史博物馆矿物学藏品中保存的圆锥形物体MIN000-3519进行的历史调查。矿物学家ren -贾斯特·哈(1743-1822)在他的工作收藏中收录了这个用单一的黄铁矿(FeS2)晶体切割的物体,并附有参考资料“硫化铁,印加人的镜子,秘鲁,M. de Jussieu”。所有的研究路线都将作者引向约瑟夫·德·尤西厄(1704-1779)和他从南美运来的植物标本和各种其他样品。作为Godin-La condamine - bouger赤道测地线探险队(1735-1743)的一员,他在36年后(1771年)才回到法国,病得很重,筋疲力尽,并且没有了他在安第斯山脉收集的科学成果。这面黄铁矿镜子很重要,因为它不仅是唯一与约瑟夫在美洲游历有关的考古物品,而且与在厄瓜多尔Cañaris文化(公元500-1500年)遗址发现的其他标本相似。这件物品保存在德·杰西乌家族中,可能是约瑟夫的继承人——他的侄子安托万·洛朗(Antoine-Laurent, 1748-1836)或洛朗-皮埃尔(Laurent-Pierre, 1792-1866)——送给ha的,他们与约瑟夫关系密切。
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引用次数: 0
Astrology in the crossfire: the stormy debate after the comet of 1577. 交火中的占星术:1577年彗星之后的激烈辩论。
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-01 Epub Date: 2022-02-11 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2022.2030409
Gábor Almási

The new star of 1572 and the comet of 1577 had a major impact on the ways in which astronomical research developed in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Behind this gradual but significant change there was an extended epistemological reform which placed increasing emphasis on reason and experience and strove to exclude arguments from Scripture and authority from scientific debate. This paper argues that the humanist debate on astrology after 1577, which was initiated by highly prestigious members of a supraconfessional Republic of Letters, can be seen as an element of this process. Unlike earlier detractors of astrology, these new critics chiefly employed philosophical and scientific arguments concerning the legitimation of the entire art. By analysing a variety of accounts, this paper will reveal how great and complex the stakes in the debate over astrology were. They concerned not only the crucial problem of predestination and God's interventionalism (hence also the possibility of miracles), but also the idea of science, the concept of the human mind, and ultimately the humanist ideal of the virtuous, rational, and responsible citizen.

1572年的新星和1577年的彗星对16世纪末和17世纪初天文学研究的发展产生了重大影响。在这一渐进但意义重大的变化背后,是一场扩展的认识论改革,它越来越强调理性和经验,并努力将圣经中的论点和科学辩论中的权威排除在外。本文认为,1577年之后,由超专业文学共和国的高声望成员发起的关于占星术的人文主义辩论可以被视为这一过程的一个因素。不像早期的占星术的批评者,这些新的评论家主要采用哲学和科学的论点关于整个艺术的合法性。通过分析各种说法,本文将揭示占星术辩论中的利害关系是多么重大和复杂。他们不仅关注预定和上帝的干预主义(因此也有可能出现奇迹)的关键问题,而且还关注科学的理念,人类思想的概念,以及最终的道德,理性和负责任的公民的人文主义理想。
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引用次数: 0
The Harvest of Optics: Descartes, Mydorge, and their paths to a theory of refraction 《光学的收获》:笛卡尔、迈多尔奇及其折射理论之路
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-12 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2022.2026479
Robert Goulding
ABSTRACT In 1626, René Descartes and Claude Mydorge worked closely together on the problem of refraction, apparently discovering what is now known as the sine law of refraction. They constructed a plano-hyperbolic lens in order to test out the truth of this mathematical relationship. In 1637, Descartes finally published the sine method of determining refractions in his Dioptrique, which also demonstrated, on the basis of this relationship, that the hyperbola and ellipse were anaclastic lines (that is, that a lens with their profile would refract rays perfectly to a single point) without mentioning Mydorge. Mydorge himself wrote a short manuscript on the subject of refraction and lenses, which is found in a copy among Mersenne’s papers. Scholars have usually assumed that this treatise was written as Mydorge and Descartes worked together in 1626. However, other evidence shows that only the first part of the treatise records the two men’s early collaboration. Subsequently, Mydorge and Descartes completed their arguments separately, Descartes with the help of Isaac Beeckman.
摘要1626年,勒内·笛卡尔和克劳德·迈多尔奇在折射问题上密切合作,显然发现了现在所说的折射正弦定律。他们构造了一个平双曲透镜,以检验这种数学关系的真实性。1637年,笛卡尔终于在他的Dioptrique中发表了确定折射率的正弦方法,该方法也基于这种关系证明了双曲线和椭圆是非弹性线(也就是说,具有其轮廓的透镜可以将光线完美地折射到一个点),而没有提及Mydorge。Mydorge自己写了一份关于折射和透镜主题的简短手稿,在Mersenne的论文中有一份副本。学者们通常认为这篇论文是在米多尔吉和笛卡尔于1626年合作时写成的。然而,其他证据表明,只有论文的第一部分记录了两人早期的合作。随后,Mydorge和笛卡尔分别完成了他们的论证,笛卡尔在Isaac Beeckman的帮助下完成了论证。
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引用次数: 1
Mapping the evolution of early modern natural philosophy: corpus collection and authority acknowledgement. 描绘早期现代自然哲学的演变:语料收集与权威承认。
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 Epub Date: 2021-11-15 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2021.1992502
Andrea Sangiacomo, Raluca Tanasescu, Silvia Donker, Hugo Hogenbirk

Although natural philosophy underwent dramatic transformations during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, studying its evolution as a whole remains problematic. In this paper, we present a method that integrates traditional reading and computational tools in order to distil from different resources (the four existing Dictionaries of early modern philosophers and WorldCat) a representative corpus (consisting of 2,535 titles published in Latin, French, English, and German) for mapping the evolution of natural philosophy. In particular, we focus on gathering authors and works that were (directly or indirectly) engaged with the teaching of natural philosophy in the early modern academic milieu. We offer a preliminary assessment of the relevance of our corpus by investigating one aspect of this evolution, namely the trends in the acknowledgments of authorities linked with different and competing approaches to natural philosophy (scholastic, Cartesian, and Newtonian). The results not only corroborate existing knowledge, but they also show distinctive features and differences within these trends that were not observed previously, thus illustrating the heuristic potential of our computational method for corpus collection.

尽管自然哲学在17世纪和18世纪经历了戏剧性的转变,但研究其整体演变仍然存在问题。在本文中,我们提出了一种整合传统阅读和计算工具的方法,以便从不同的资源(现有的四本早期现代哲学家词典和WorldCat)中提炼出一个具有代表性的语料库(包括以拉丁语、法语、英语和德语出版的2,535个标题),用于绘制自然哲学的演变。特别是,我们专注于收集在早期现代学术环境中(直接或间接)从事自然哲学教学的作者和作品。我们通过调查这一演变的一个方面,即承认与不同和竞争的自然哲学方法(经院哲学、笛卡尔哲学和牛顿哲学)相关的权威的趋势,对语料库的相关性进行初步评估。结果不仅证实了现有的知识,而且还显示了这些趋势中不同的特征和差异,这些特征和差异是以前没有观察到的,从而说明了我们的计算方法在语料收集方面的启发式潜力。
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引用次数: 0
Purkyně's Opistophone: the hearing 'Deaf', auditory attention and organic subjectivity in Prague psychophysical experiments, ca 1850s. purkynje 's Opistophone:听觉“聋人”,听觉注意和有机主体性在布拉格心理物理实验,大约1850年。
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 Epub Date: 2021-12-28 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2021.2010806
Anna Kvicalova

ABSTRACTThe paper examines the little-known experiments in audition performed by the prominent experimental physiologist Jan Purkyně in Prague in the 1850s. Purkyně's original research on spatial hearing and auditory attention is studied against the backdrop of the nineteenth century research on binaural audition and the nascent field of psychophysics. The article revolves around an acoustic research instrument of Purkyně's own making, the opistophone, in which hearing became both an object of investigation and an instrument of scientific inquiry. It argues that Purkyně's understanding of auditory attention, which combined acoustic stimulation, physiological conditions, and sensory training, preceded a similar approach to hearing in psychophysical debates in the second half of the nineteenth century. Purkyně was the first scholar to experimentally investigate intracranial sounds, which he studied in his experiments with the inmates of the Prague Institute of Deaf-Mutes. This research on intracranial hearing was part of Purkyně's study of so-called organic subjectivity, in which subjective hearing experience was interpreted as the result of the interaction between individual perception and objective acoustic phenomena.

摘要本文考察了19世纪50年代著名实验生理学家Jan purkynju在布拉格进行的鲜为人知的听觉实验。在19世纪对双耳听的研究和新兴的心理物理学领域的背景下,研究了purkynov关于空间听觉和听觉注意的原始研究。本文围绕着普金纳自己制作的一种声学研究仪器——唱机展开,在唱机中,听觉既是一种研究对象,也是一种科学探究的工具。它认为,purkynju对听觉注意的理解,结合了听觉刺激、生理条件和感觉训练,在19世纪下半叶的心理物理学辩论中,领先于类似的听觉方法。purkynyi是第一个通过实验研究颅内声音的学者,他在与布拉格聋哑人研究所的囚犯进行的实验中研究了颅内声音。这项关于颅内听觉的研究是purkynov所谓的有机主体性研究的一部分,在有机主体性研究中,主观听觉体验被解释为个体感知与客观声学现象相互作用的结果。
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引用次数: 2
The ruling engines and diffraction gratings of Henry Augustus Rowland. 亨利·奥古斯都·罗兰的统治机和衍射光栅。
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 Epub Date: 2021-10-28 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2021.1991000
C N Brown

During a visit to Europe in the autumn of 1882, Henry Augustus Rowland, Professor of Physics at Johns Hopkins University, displayed diffraction gratings produced on a ruling engine he had designed and built, which were bigger and much higher quality than any previously made. Some were of a novel type, ruled on concave surfaces, which he used in a simple but equally novel spectroscope that he had devised, to reveal spectral lines in great detail, and by means of photography to record spectral data much more rapidly than previously possible. Over about twenty years Rowland built three ruling engines, published photographic maps of the solar spectrum, compiled a catalogue of the wavelengths of lines in the solar spectrum correlated with laboratory-produced spectra of almost all the chemical elements, and produced and sold the diffraction gratings used by spectroscopists everywhere. For decades after his death Rowland's ruling engines remained practically the only source of good-quality diffraction gratings. This paper describes and analyses this work of Rowland and of the other men, Theodore Schneider, John Brashear, and Lewis Jewell, who played major roles in it.

1882年秋,约翰·霍普金斯大学的物理学教授亨利·奥古斯都·罗兰在访问欧洲期间,展示了他设计和制造的一台统治发动机上产生的衍射光栅,比以前制造的任何机器都要大,质量也要高得多。其中一些是新型的,被刻在凹面上,用在他设计的简单但同样新颖的分光镜上,可以非常详细地显示光谱线,并通过摄影技术以比以前更快的速度记录光谱数据。在大约二十年的时间里,罗兰建造了三台最常用的发动机,出版了太阳光谱的照相图,编制了太阳光谱中与实验室生产的几乎所有化学元素的光谱相关联的线的波长目录,并生产和销售了光谱学家到处使用的衍射光栅。在他死后的几十年里,罗兰的主导发动机实际上仍然是高质量衍射光栅的唯一来源。本文描述并分析了罗兰以及在这部作品中扮演重要角色的西奥多·施耐德、约翰·布拉希尔和刘易斯·朱厄尔等人的作品。
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引用次数: 0
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