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Lady Ranelagh: the incomparable life of Robert Boyle’s sister 拉奈拉夫人:罗伯特·博伊尔妹妹无与伦比的生活
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-08 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2023.2196981
Carol Pal
lative level of Netz’s book be read as a stimulating invitation. I shall, however, make two minor corrections. Firstly, in order to avoid restarting an ancient academic war: Jacques Sesiano did not discover the Arabic Diophantos, and never claimed to have done so (pp. 396f ). Sesiano explains instead that ‘in 1973, my thesis adviser, Gerald Toomer, learned of the existence of this manuscript in A. Gulchin-i Maānī’s just-published catalogue of the mathematical manuscripts in the Mashhad Shrine Library, and secured a photographic copy of it’. Secondly, in order to avoid a false reconstruction of my own itinerary: My interpretation of Old Babylonian mathematical texts ‘strictly as a historian of mathematics’ did not precede their being put into the context of school and state administration (p. 25). That contextualization was actually my Mesopotamian starting point around 1975 (when I still believed in the Neugebauer–Thureau-Dangin interpretation), with the outcome first partially published in 1980. It was only in 1981/82 that a question after a lecture about this sociological topic provoked me to undertake philological work.
内兹的书的相对水平可以作为一种刺激的邀请来阅读。不过,我要作两处小小的修正。首先,为了避免重新开始一场古老的学术战争:雅克·塞西亚诺没有发现阿拉伯语的丢番图,也从未声称自己发现了(第396f页)。塞西亚诺解释说:“1973年,我的论文导师杰拉尔德·图默(Gerald Toomer)在马什哈德神社图书馆(Mashhad Shrine Library)刚刚出版的a . Gulchin-i Maānī数学手稿目录中得知了这份手稿的存在,并获得了一份它的照片副本。”其次,为了避免错误地重建我自己的旅程:我对古巴比伦数学文本的解释“严格地作为数学历史学家”,并没有把它们放在学校和国家管理的背景下(第25页)。这种情境化实际上是我在1975年左右的美索不达米亚起点(当时我仍然相信纽格鲍尔-图罗丹金的解释),其结果在1980年首次部分发表。直到1981/82年,在一次关于这个社会学话题的讲座后,一个问题才促使我开始从事语言学研究。
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引用次数: 0
A German physicist's travels in Great Britain Julius Plücker's visits from 1853 to 1866. 一位德国物理学家在英国的旅行朱利叶斯·普莱尔克从1853年到1866年的访问。
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2022.2147216
Michael Wiescher

Today, we take international collaborations as a necessity, but 150 years ago, when travel was not so convenient, it involved an enduring and time-consuming challenge. This paper presents letters and reports written by German physicist Julius Plücker to his wife, Antonie née Altstädten describing his travels to Great Britain and France between 1853 and 1866. These letters provide a view into how international collaboration and communication were developed and maintained as well as how friendships were built within the scientific community during the early industrial age, prior to telegraph, telephone, email, and internet.

今天,我们认为国际合作是必要的,但150年前,当旅行还不那么方便的时候,这是一个持久而耗时的挑战。这篇论文介绍了德国物理学家朱利叶斯·普勒·克写给他妻子安东尼·恩萨梅Altstädten的信件和报告,描述了他在1853年至1866年间到英国和法国的旅行。在电报、电话、电子邮件和互联网出现之前的早期工业时代,这些信件提供了国际合作和交流是如何发展和维持的,以及科学界是如何建立友谊的观点。
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引用次数: 1
Colonial rodent control in Tanganyika and the application of ecological frameworks. 坦噶尼喀省种群鼠害控制及生态框架的应用。
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2023.2181399
Jia Hui Lee

ABSTRACTAt the end of the 1920s, Tanganyika Territory experienced several serious rodent outbreaks that threatened cotton and other grain production. At the same time, regular reports of pneumonic and bubonic plague occurred in the northern areas of Tanganyika. These events led the British colonial administration to dispatch several studies into rodent taxonomy and ecology in 1931 to determine the causes of rodent outbreaks and plague disease, and to control future outbreaks. The application of ecological frameworks to the control of rodent outbreaks and plague disease transmission in colonial Tanganyika Territory gradually moved from a view that prioritised 'ecological interrelations' among rodents, fleas and people to one where those interrelations required studies into population dynamics, endemicity and social organisation in order to mitigate pests and pestilence. This shift in Tanganyika anticipated later population ecology approaches on the African continent. Drawing on sources from the Tanzania National Archives, this article offers an important case study of the application of ecological frameworks in a colonial setting that anticipated later global scientific interest in studies of rodent populations and rodent-borne disease ecologies.

【摘要】20世纪20年代末,坦噶尼喀地区经历了几次严重的啮齿动物爆发,威胁到棉花和其他谷物的生产。与此同时,在坦噶尼喀北部地区定期报告发生肺鼠疫和腺鼠疫。这些事件促使英国殖民政府在1931年派遣了几项啮齿动物分类学和生态学的研究,以确定啮齿动物爆发和鼠疫疾病的原因,并控制未来的爆发。在坦噶尼喀殖民地,将生态框架应用于控制啮齿动物的爆发和鼠疫的传播,逐渐从优先考虑啮齿动物、跳蚤和人之间的“生态相互关系”的观点转变为需要研究这些相互关系的种群动态、地方流行和社会组织,以减轻害虫和瘟疫。坦噶尼喀的这种转变预示了后来非洲大陆的人口生态学方法。根据坦桑尼亚国家档案馆的资料,这篇文章提供了一个重要的案例研究,探讨了生态框架在殖民地环境中的应用,从而预测了后来全球对啮齿动物种群和啮齿动物传播疾病生态学研究的科学兴趣。
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引用次数: 1
Establishing an experimental agenda at the Accademia del Cimento: Carlo Rinaldini's book lists. 在西门托学院建立实验议程:卡洛·里纳尔迪尼的书单。
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2023.2168060
Giulia Giannini

Information on the origins of the Accademia del Cimento is extremely limited. Almost all of the surviving correspondence relating to the year before the Academy began its activities variously concerns print culture. Lists of books (read, studied, purchased, and researched), handwritten notes on old or new publications, vernacular translations of edited passages, and inquiries about new works punctuate the archive. The study of these lists and of the relationship between reading practices and ones related to annotation and knowledge production leads to a reinterpretation of certain aspects of the Accademia del Cimento, suggesting the pursuit of a more flexible agenda.Through the analysis of some book lists, this contribution aims to shed light on the presence in Florence of interconnected groups of scholars, common epistemic practices, and a kind of methodological unity centred on the sharing of materials and agreement concerning the need to subject theories to experimental verification.

关于西门托学院起源的信息非常有限。几乎所有现存的与学院开始活动前一年有关的信件都与印刷文化有关。书单(读过的、研究过的、购买过的和研究过的)、对新旧出版物的手写注释、编辑过的段落的白话翻译,以及对新作品的询问,都点缀在档案中。对这些清单以及阅读实践与注释和知识生产相关的阅读实践之间关系的研究导致对Cimento学院某些方面的重新解释,表明追求更灵活的议程。通过对一些书单的分析,本贡献旨在揭示佛罗伦萨相互联系的学者群体,共同的认识实践,以及一种以材料共享为中心的方法论统一,以及关于需要将理论纳入实验验证的共识。
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引用次数: 0
The photographers' gaze: the Mobile Radioisotope Exhibition in Latin America (1960-1965). 摄影师的目光:拉丁美洲流动放射性同位素展览(1960-1965)。
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2023.2168061
Gisela Mateos, Edna Suárez-Díaz

During the IAEA's Mobile Radioisotope Exhibition (1960-1965) through the eventful roads of five Latin American countries (Mexico, Uruguay, Argentina, Brazil, and Bolivia), a variety of photographs were taken by an unknown Mexican official photographer, and by Josef Obermayer, a staff driver from Vienna. The exhibition carried not only bits of nuclear sciences and technologies, but also the political symbolism of the 'friendly atom' as a token of modernization. The photographs embarked on different trajectories, though all of them ended up at the training and exchange official's desk in charge of the exhibition, Argentinian physicist Arturo Cairo. The ones taken in Mexico also had a local circulation as propaganda intended to promote radioisotope applications. The two sets of images were intended to show the contrast between modernity and traditional society, but they did it from different gazes. Our paper argues that, in the case of Mexico, the photographer reinforced representations of the country which were already popularized by Hollywood for foreign and local audiences. On the other hand, the Viennese photographer's gaze delivers an autoethnography of his dutiful journey. We also argue that Obermayer's projection is one of what Roger Bartra has conceptualized as the 'salvage on the mirror'.

国际原子能机构的流动放射性同位素展览(1960-1965年)在五个拉丁美洲国家(墨西哥、乌拉圭、阿根廷、巴西和玻利维亚)的崎岖道路上,一位不知名的墨西哥官方摄影师和来自维也纳的工作人员司机Josef Obermayer拍摄了各种照片。这次展览不仅展示了一些核科学技术,还展示了作为现代化象征的“友好原子”的政治象征。这些照片开始了不同的轨迹,尽管它们最终都落在了负责展览的培训和交流官员、阿根廷物理学家阿图罗·开罗的办公桌上。在墨西哥拍摄的照片也在当地流传,作为宣传,旨在促进放射性同位素的应用。这两组图像的目的是表现现代社会与传统社会的对比,但他们从不同的视角来表现。我们的论文认为,在墨西哥的情况下,摄影师加强了已经被好莱坞推广给外国和当地观众的国家的代表。另一方面,维也纳摄影师的目光传递了他尽职尽责旅程的自我民族志。我们还认为,Obermayer的投影是Roger Bartra概念化的“对镜子的抢救”之一。
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引用次数: 0
Celebrating the Czechoslovak atom: from 'Atoms for Peace' to Expo 58. 庆祝捷克斯洛伐克的原子:从“和平的原子”到58年世博会。
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2022.2164616
Michaela Šmidrkalová

The Czechoslovak-Soviet exhibition 'Atoms for Peace' was held in Prague and Bratislava in 1956. This exhibition became a symbol of Czechoslovak-Soviet 'friendship' and Soviet influence on the Czechoslovak nuclear programme. At the Brussels World's Fair in 1958 (Expo 58), one of the most popular Czechoslovak exhibits was the betatron, which would become a symbol of Czechoslovak nuclear pride. The article analyzes the planning, creation and reception of these two exhibitions, as well as the popular image of the Czechoslovak betatron in the Czechoslovak press and literature of that time. It shows how, in Czechoslovakia, the paradigm of Czechoslovak-Soviet friendship and Soviet dominance converged and became entangled with the effort to present Czechoslovakia as an industrially developed country capable of building the nation's nuclear industry (partly) on its own. One of the results of this entanglement was the betatron - a highly successful and celebrated Czechoslovak nuclear exhibit that captivated both domestic and international audiences.

1956年在布拉格和布拉迪斯拉发举行了捷克斯洛伐克-苏联展览“和平的原子”。这次展览成为捷克斯洛伐克-苏联“友谊”和苏联对捷克斯洛伐克核计划影响的象征。在1958年的布鲁塞尔世界博览会(第58届世博会)上,捷克斯洛伐克最受欢迎的展品之一是电子加速器,它将成为捷克斯洛伐克核能骄傲的象征。文章分析了这两次展览的策划、创作和接待,以及捷克斯洛伐克贝塔龙在当时捷克斯洛伐克新闻和文学中的流行形象。它展示了在捷克斯洛伐克,捷克斯洛伐克与苏联的友谊和苏联的统治是如何融合在一起的,并与捷克斯洛伐克作为一个工业发达国家的努力交织在一起,捷克斯洛伐克有能力(部分地)依靠自己的力量建设国家的核工业。这种纠缠的结果之一就是电子加速器——一个非常成功和著名的捷克斯洛伐克核展览,吸引了国内外的观众。
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引用次数: 0
Science diplomacy on display: mobile atomic exhibitions in the cold war: Introduction to Special Issue. 展示中的科学外交:冷战中的移动原子展览:特刊导论。
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2023.2166114
Maria Rentetzi, Donatella Germanese

Despite the increasing interest in science exhibitions, there has been hardly any work on mobile science exhibitions and their role within science diplomacy - a gap this thematic issue is meant to fill. Atomic mobile exhibitions are seen here not only as cultural sites but as multifaceted strategic processes of transnational nuclear history. We move beyond the bipolar Cold War history that portrays propagandist science exhibitions as instances of a one-way communication employed to promote the virtues of the two major and conflicting political powers. Instead, Science Diplomacy on Display follows mobile atomic exhibitions as they move across national borders and around the world, functioning as spaces for diplomatic encounters. Exhibitions play a vital role not only in the production of knowledge and the formation of political worldviews but also as assets in diplomatic negotiations and as promoters of a new worldview in which nuclear stands at the centre. They are powerful iconic diplomatic devices, that is systems of representations that capture the diplomatic processes in action and make the nitty-gritty details of international relations visible. This issue seeks to trace the multiple and often contradictory meanings that mobile exhibitions took on for various actors.

尽管人们对科学展览的兴趣越来越大,但是几乎没有任何关于移动科学展览及其在科学外交中的作用的工作——这一期专题杂志旨在填补这一空白。在这里,原子流动展览不仅被视为文化场所,而且被视为跨国核历史的多方面战略进程。我们超越了两极化的冷战历史,它把宣传科学展览描绘成单向交流的例子,用来促进两个主要的、相互冲突的政治力量的优点。相反,《科学外交展览》跟踪移动原子展览,它们跨越国界,在世界各地移动,充当外交接触的空间。展览不仅在知识的生产和政治世界观的形成方面发挥着至关重要的作用,而且在外交谈判中也是一种资产,也是以核为中心的新世界观的推动者。它们是强有力的标志性外交手段,是一种表征系统,它捕捉了外交过程中的行动,使国际关系的本质细节变得清晰可见。这个问题试图追溯移动展览对不同参与者所具有的多重且往往相互矛盾的意义。
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引用次数: 0
The ingredients of a successful atomic exhibition in Cold War Italy. 在冷战时期的意大利举办一场成功的原子展的要素。
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2022.2164794
Donatella Germanese

The organization of the mobile atomic exhibition, Mostra Atomica, designed by the United States Information Service to travel through Italy in 1954-55, had to meet technical, scientific, artistic, and political challenges. The head of the group in charge of the exhibition was architect Peter G. Harnden whose pedigree in the intelligence and training in architecture were an ideal match for leading the unit dedicated to exhibitions. The political sensitivity of the Mostra Atomica also required the intervention of the Italian Ministry of the Interior to guarantee safe mobility and secure shows. In every major town, American and British diplomats attended the local opening ceremony, while the very symbol of science diplomacy was Enrico Fermi, whose recorded message praised international cooperation. All in all, the USIS campaign promoting peaceful applications of nuclear physics was successful in reaching and involving Italian society. Visual and spatial aesthetics were particularly relevant: the geometrical design of the exposition rooms conveyed a strong sense of modernity that contrasted with the artistic heritage of Italian cities. The present article is based on archival files, newspaper reports, and photographs that document who was responsible for planning, setting up, and reporting this Cold War propaganda event.

由美国新闻处(United States Information Service)设计,于1954年至1955年在意大利各地举办的流动原子展Mostra Atomica,必须面对技术、科学、艺术和政治方面的挑战。负责展览的小组负责人是建筑师彼得·g·哈恩登(Peter G. Harnden),他在建筑方面的智慧和训练是领导这个致力于展览的单位的理想人选。Mostra Atomica的政治敏感性也需要意大利内政部的干预,以确保安全的流动性和安全的表演。在每个主要城镇,美国和英国的外交官都出席了当地的开幕式,而科学外交的真正象征是恩里科·费米,他的录音讲话赞扬了国际合作。总而言之,美国促进和平应用核物理的运动成功地影响和参与了意大利社会。视觉和空间美学特别相关:展览室的几何设计传达了强烈的现代感,与意大利城市的艺术遗产形成鲜明对比。本文基于档案文件、报纸报道和照片,这些文件记录了谁负责策划、设置和报道这一冷战宣传活动。
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引用次数: 0
Helmholtz and the conservation of energy: contexts of creation and reception 亥姆霍兹与能量守恒:创造与接受的语境
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-25 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2022.2150307
K. Olesko
Equally telling is the omission of any reference to the Boyle Lectures that Boyle founded, which should surely have been taken up to illustrate the effective synthesis of science and religion represented by the tradition of physico-theology that flourished throughout the eighteenth century. Along with this goes a slight narrowness in the book’s conception. Thomas Hobbes nowhere appears in it, yet at least some reference to Hobbes would have been useful in drawing attention to the source of the widespread anxiety that existed about the supposedly atheistic corollaries of the new science, which in Waddell’s exposition is slightly hard to understand. We could also have heard more about the fashionable penumbra of the new science as it spread to the salons and coffee houses (referred to in the book’s blurb but not mentioned at all in its text), and the extent to which ‘wits’ rather than scientists made the running in the abandonment of magic which is here seen as characteristic of the Enlightenment. Lastly, the book is slightly unfortunate in its timing, in that its author did not have the opportunity to read William R. Newman’s magisterial study, Newton the Alchemist (2019), which once and for all scotches the view that Newton’s alchemy formed the source of his ideas about gravitation. Here, this claim is reprised at length on the basis of the writings of B.J.T. Dobbs and R.S. Westfall, forming the climax to the chapter on alchemy which is thus unfortunately already dated. Hence Waddell’s volume displays various shortcomings. In spite of these, however, it should have some value in providing students with a serviceable introduction to the complex interrelationship between magic, science and religion in this pivotal period.
同样能说明问题的是,没有提及波义耳创立的波义耳讲座,该讲座本应被用来说明科学和宗教的有效综合,其代表是在整个18世纪蓬勃发展的物理神学传统。与此同时,这本书的构思也有点狭隘。托马斯·霍布斯在书中没有出现,但至少对霍布斯的一些提及会有助于引起人们对新科学的无神论推论的广泛焦虑的根源的关注,在瓦德尔的论述中,这一点有点难以理解。当新科学传播到沙龙和咖啡馆时,我们本可以听到更多关于它的时尚半影(在书的简介中提到,但在书中根本没有提到),以及“智慧”而不是科学家在多大程度上放弃了魔法,这在这里被视为启蒙运动的特征。最后,这本书的时间安排有点不幸,因为作者没有机会阅读威廉·R·纽曼的权威研究《炼金术士牛顿》(2019),该研究一劳永逸地否定了牛顿的炼金术是他引力思想来源的观点。在这里,这一主张在B.J.T.多布斯和R.S.韦斯特福尔的著作的基础上得到了详细的重述,形成了关于炼金术的章节的高潮,不幸的是,这一章节已经过时了。因此,瓦德尔的卷显示出各种各样的缺点。然而,尽管如此,在这个关键时期,它应该有一定的价值,为学生们提供一个有用的介绍,让他们了解魔法、科学和宗教之间的复杂相互关系。
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引用次数: 0
Renaissance medicine: a short history of European medicine in the sixteenth century 文艺复兴时期的医学:16世纪欧洲医学的简史
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-07 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2022.2130979
I. Maclean
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引用次数: 0
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