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Analytical essay on the faculties of the soul 关于灵魂官能的分析论文
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-20 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2023.2200716
Catherine Wilson
second volume that will presumably treat this theme in more detail. Ragland’s brief conclusion to the book reiterates the main themes of continued adherence to Galen, the role of the senses and of material evidence, and the generation of new knowledge. Making Physicians is densely written and deeply researched. It will reward the attentive reader with new insights into early modern medicine and medical teaching. The book is well-produced, with footnotes and a full and valuable bibliography, although more illustrations would be welcome. Overall it is a fine achievement.
第二卷,大概会更详细地处理这个主题。拉格兰德对这本书的简短结论重申了继续坚持盖伦、感官和物证的作用以及新知识的产生的主要主题。《制造医师》是一部著作密集、研究深入的著作。它将奖励细心的读者对早期现代医学和医学教学有新的见解。这本书制作精良,有脚注和完整而有价值的参考书目,尽管欢迎更多的插图。总的来说,这是一个很好的成就。
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引用次数: 0
A new history of greek mathematics 希腊数学新史
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-18 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2023.2195864
J. Høyrup
In French, haute vulgarisation is a recognized genre. Not so in English, but even without the term A New History of Greek Mathematics is still an excellent representative. Regularly—and especially when complicated mathematical arguments unfold—the reader gets the impression of being in the presence of a spirited teacher in a lecture hall. Reviel Netz is a fine pedagogue. A ‘new’ anything will easily be understood to pretend to replace the corresponding ‘old.’ Not so here. True, Netz states that ‘I write this History of Greek Mathematics to replace that of Heath, written a century ago’ (p. 457). But that is merely an argument for not exploring the history of Islamic mathematics in-depth (to which, none the less, 21 pages are dedicated). Instead, the reader is told that
在法语中,高级庸俗化是一种公认的流派。在英语中并非如此,但即使没有“希腊数学新史”一词,它仍然是一个优秀的代表。经常——尤其是当复杂的数学争论展开时——读者会给人的印象是,在演讲厅里,他是一位精神饱满的老师。Reviel Netz是一位优秀的教育家。“新的”任何东西都很容易被理解为假装取代了相应的“旧的”这里不是这样。的确,内兹说“我写这本《希腊数学史》是为了取代一个世纪前写的《希思数学史》”(第457页)。但这只是一个没有深入探索伊斯兰数学史的论点(尽管如此,21页的篇幅都是专门针对伊斯兰数学史)。相反,读者被告知
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引用次数: 1
The Optical Papers of Isaac Newton Volume II: The Opticks and Related Papers ca. 1688–1717 艾萨克·牛顿的光学论文第二卷:光学和相关论文约1688-1717年
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-12 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2023.2178673
Robert Goulding
items (note 36, p. 222). These letters document exchanges with men of learning on matters of law, religion, prophecy, chemistry, and medicine, as Ranelagh’s opinion was routinely solicited on these matters. The irony, however, is that it is her very prominence that is responsible for her near invisibility. She was so well-known that she was often referred to without using her name. The Hartlib Papers abound with references to ‘that excellent lady our friend’, or ‘that noble lady’ or even just ‘my lady’ – or, in the case of Boyle, ‘a Sister of mine’ (p. 50). This evidentiary problem was exacerbated when Boyle moved inwithRanelagh in1668—because at this point, of course, theyhadnoneed to continue writing to each other, and the documentation of Ranelagh’s scientific activity becomes evenmore sparse (p. 166). The result was that for centuries this person everyone knew, to the extent that there was no need to even identify her, became the person that no one knew. DiMeo’s solution has been to employ the technique of close reading, going through all the correspondence line by line to identify the persons, ideas, and places being referenced. One particularly fruitful example is the way in which the author has unpacked the work being done by Ranelagh’s letter to Hartlib on the alchemical adept Dr. Butler and his version of the philosopher’s stone – the letter adding Ranelagh’s testimony to the description by Jan Baptist vanHelmont, and then beingmarked upbyHartlib for further circulation in his network of scribal publication (p. 118, f. 6). In producing this full-length study, and finding an innovative way to approach this multifaceted but difficult subject, DiMeo has given us a deeply researched, comprehensive, and important book, one which finally solidifies a scholarly focus on the woman who still deserves to be known as the ‘incomparable’ Lady Ranelagh.
项目(注36,第222页)。这些信件记录了与学者在法律、宗教、预言、化学和医学问题上的交流,因为拉涅拉经常就这些问题征求意见。然而,具有讽刺意味的是,正是她的突出地位导致了她近乎隐形。她是如此的出名,以至于人们经常提到她而不使用她的名字。哈特利卜文件中大量提及“那位优秀的女士,我们的朋友”,或“那位高贵的女士”,甚至只是“我的女士”——或者,就博伊尔而言,“我的一个姐姐”(第50页)。当波义耳于1668年与拉涅拉同居时,这一证据问题更加严重,因为在这一点上,他们当然不需要继续相互写信,而拉涅拉科学活动的文件变得更加稀少(第166页)。结果是,几个世纪以来,这个每个人都认识的人,甚至没有必要认出她,变成了一个没有人认识的人。DiMeo的解决方案是采用细读技术,逐行阅读所有信件,以识别被引用的人、想法和地点。一个特别富有成效的例子是,作者打开了拉涅拉给哈特利卜的关于炼金专家巴特勒博士和他版本的哲学家之石的信中所做的工作——这封信将拉涅拉的证词添加到了扬·巴斯特·范赫尔蒙特的描述中,然后被哈特利卜标记出来,在他的书面出版物网络中进一步流通(第118页,第6页)。在撰写这篇长篇研究的过程中,DiMeo为我们提供了一本深入研究、全面而重要的书,并找到了一种创新的方式来处理这个多方面但困难的主题,这本书最终巩固了学术界对这位仍然值得被称为“无与伦比”的拉奈拉夫人的关注。
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引用次数: 0
Lady Ranelagh: the incomparable life of Robert Boyle’s sister 拉奈拉夫人:罗伯特·博伊尔妹妹无与伦比的生活
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-08 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2023.2196981
Carol Pal
lative level of Netz’s book be read as a stimulating invitation. I shall, however, make two minor corrections. Firstly, in order to avoid restarting an ancient academic war: Jacques Sesiano did not discover the Arabic Diophantos, and never claimed to have done so (pp. 396f ). Sesiano explains instead that ‘in 1973, my thesis adviser, Gerald Toomer, learned of the existence of this manuscript in A. Gulchin-i Maānī’s just-published catalogue of the mathematical manuscripts in the Mashhad Shrine Library, and secured a photographic copy of it’. Secondly, in order to avoid a false reconstruction of my own itinerary: My interpretation of Old Babylonian mathematical texts ‘strictly as a historian of mathematics’ did not precede their being put into the context of school and state administration (p. 25). That contextualization was actually my Mesopotamian starting point around 1975 (when I still believed in the Neugebauer–Thureau-Dangin interpretation), with the outcome first partially published in 1980. It was only in 1981/82 that a question after a lecture about this sociological topic provoked me to undertake philological work.
内兹的书的相对水平可以作为一种刺激的邀请来阅读。不过,我要作两处小小的修正。首先,为了避免重新开始一场古老的学术战争:雅克·塞西亚诺没有发现阿拉伯语的丢番图,也从未声称自己发现了(第396f页)。塞西亚诺解释说:“1973年,我的论文导师杰拉尔德·图默(Gerald Toomer)在马什哈德神社图书馆(Mashhad Shrine Library)刚刚出版的a . Gulchin-i Maānī数学手稿目录中得知了这份手稿的存在,并获得了一份它的照片副本。”其次,为了避免错误地重建我自己的旅程:我对古巴比伦数学文本的解释“严格地作为数学历史学家”,并没有把它们放在学校和国家管理的背景下(第25页)。这种情境化实际上是我在1975年左右的美索不达米亚起点(当时我仍然相信纽格鲍尔-图罗丹金的解释),其结果在1980年首次部分发表。直到1981/82年,在一次关于这个社会学话题的讲座后,一个问题才促使我开始从事语言学研究。
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引用次数: 0
A German physicist's travels in Great Britain Julius Plücker's visits from 1853 to 1866. 一位德国物理学家在英国的旅行朱利叶斯·普莱尔克从1853年到1866年的访问。
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2022.2147216
Michael Wiescher

Today, we take international collaborations as a necessity, but 150 years ago, when travel was not so convenient, it involved an enduring and time-consuming challenge. This paper presents letters and reports written by German physicist Julius Plücker to his wife, Antonie née Altstädten describing his travels to Great Britain and France between 1853 and 1866. These letters provide a view into how international collaboration and communication were developed and maintained as well as how friendships were built within the scientific community during the early industrial age, prior to telegraph, telephone, email, and internet.

今天,我们认为国际合作是必要的,但150年前,当旅行还不那么方便的时候,这是一个持久而耗时的挑战。这篇论文介绍了德国物理学家朱利叶斯·普勒·克写给他妻子安东尼·恩萨梅Altstädten的信件和报告,描述了他在1853年至1866年间到英国和法国的旅行。在电报、电话、电子邮件和互联网出现之前的早期工业时代,这些信件提供了国际合作和交流是如何发展和维持的,以及科学界是如何建立友谊的观点。
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引用次数: 1
Colonial rodent control in Tanganyika and the application of ecological frameworks. 坦噶尼喀省种群鼠害控制及生态框架的应用。
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2023.2181399
Jia Hui Lee

ABSTRACTAt the end of the 1920s, Tanganyika Territory experienced several serious rodent outbreaks that threatened cotton and other grain production. At the same time, regular reports of pneumonic and bubonic plague occurred in the northern areas of Tanganyika. These events led the British colonial administration to dispatch several studies into rodent taxonomy and ecology in 1931 to determine the causes of rodent outbreaks and plague disease, and to control future outbreaks. The application of ecological frameworks to the control of rodent outbreaks and plague disease transmission in colonial Tanganyika Territory gradually moved from a view that prioritised 'ecological interrelations' among rodents, fleas and people to one where those interrelations required studies into population dynamics, endemicity and social organisation in order to mitigate pests and pestilence. This shift in Tanganyika anticipated later population ecology approaches on the African continent. Drawing on sources from the Tanzania National Archives, this article offers an important case study of the application of ecological frameworks in a colonial setting that anticipated later global scientific interest in studies of rodent populations and rodent-borne disease ecologies.

【摘要】20世纪20年代末,坦噶尼喀地区经历了几次严重的啮齿动物爆发,威胁到棉花和其他谷物的生产。与此同时,在坦噶尼喀北部地区定期报告发生肺鼠疫和腺鼠疫。这些事件促使英国殖民政府在1931年派遣了几项啮齿动物分类学和生态学的研究,以确定啮齿动物爆发和鼠疫疾病的原因,并控制未来的爆发。在坦噶尼喀殖民地,将生态框架应用于控制啮齿动物的爆发和鼠疫的传播,逐渐从优先考虑啮齿动物、跳蚤和人之间的“生态相互关系”的观点转变为需要研究这些相互关系的种群动态、地方流行和社会组织,以减轻害虫和瘟疫。坦噶尼喀的这种转变预示了后来非洲大陆的人口生态学方法。根据坦桑尼亚国家档案馆的资料,这篇文章提供了一个重要的案例研究,探讨了生态框架在殖民地环境中的应用,从而预测了后来全球对啮齿动物种群和啮齿动物传播疾病生态学研究的科学兴趣。
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引用次数: 1
Establishing an experimental agenda at the Accademia del Cimento: Carlo Rinaldini's book lists. 在西门托学院建立实验议程:卡洛·里纳尔迪尼的书单。
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2023.2168060
Giulia Giannini

Information on the origins of the Accademia del Cimento is extremely limited. Almost all of the surviving correspondence relating to the year before the Academy began its activities variously concerns print culture. Lists of books (read, studied, purchased, and researched), handwritten notes on old or new publications, vernacular translations of edited passages, and inquiries about new works punctuate the archive. The study of these lists and of the relationship between reading practices and ones related to annotation and knowledge production leads to a reinterpretation of certain aspects of the Accademia del Cimento, suggesting the pursuit of a more flexible agenda.Through the analysis of some book lists, this contribution aims to shed light on the presence in Florence of interconnected groups of scholars, common epistemic practices, and a kind of methodological unity centred on the sharing of materials and agreement concerning the need to subject theories to experimental verification.

关于西门托学院起源的信息非常有限。几乎所有现存的与学院开始活动前一年有关的信件都与印刷文化有关。书单(读过的、研究过的、购买过的和研究过的)、对新旧出版物的手写注释、编辑过的段落的白话翻译,以及对新作品的询问,都点缀在档案中。对这些清单以及阅读实践与注释和知识生产相关的阅读实践之间关系的研究导致对Cimento学院某些方面的重新解释,表明追求更灵活的议程。通过对一些书单的分析,本贡献旨在揭示佛罗伦萨相互联系的学者群体,共同的认识实践,以及一种以材料共享为中心的方法论统一,以及关于需要将理论纳入实验验证的共识。
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引用次数: 0
The photographers' gaze: the Mobile Radioisotope Exhibition in Latin America (1960-1965). 摄影师的目光:拉丁美洲流动放射性同位素展览(1960-1965)。
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2023.2168061
Gisela Mateos, Edna Suárez-Díaz

During the IAEA's Mobile Radioisotope Exhibition (1960-1965) through the eventful roads of five Latin American countries (Mexico, Uruguay, Argentina, Brazil, and Bolivia), a variety of photographs were taken by an unknown Mexican official photographer, and by Josef Obermayer, a staff driver from Vienna. The exhibition carried not only bits of nuclear sciences and technologies, but also the political symbolism of the 'friendly atom' as a token of modernization. The photographs embarked on different trajectories, though all of them ended up at the training and exchange official's desk in charge of the exhibition, Argentinian physicist Arturo Cairo. The ones taken in Mexico also had a local circulation as propaganda intended to promote radioisotope applications. The two sets of images were intended to show the contrast between modernity and traditional society, but they did it from different gazes. Our paper argues that, in the case of Mexico, the photographer reinforced representations of the country which were already popularized by Hollywood for foreign and local audiences. On the other hand, the Viennese photographer's gaze delivers an autoethnography of his dutiful journey. We also argue that Obermayer's projection is one of what Roger Bartra has conceptualized as the 'salvage on the mirror'.

国际原子能机构的流动放射性同位素展览(1960-1965年)在五个拉丁美洲国家(墨西哥、乌拉圭、阿根廷、巴西和玻利维亚)的崎岖道路上,一位不知名的墨西哥官方摄影师和来自维也纳的工作人员司机Josef Obermayer拍摄了各种照片。这次展览不仅展示了一些核科学技术,还展示了作为现代化象征的“友好原子”的政治象征。这些照片开始了不同的轨迹,尽管它们最终都落在了负责展览的培训和交流官员、阿根廷物理学家阿图罗·开罗的办公桌上。在墨西哥拍摄的照片也在当地流传,作为宣传,旨在促进放射性同位素的应用。这两组图像的目的是表现现代社会与传统社会的对比,但他们从不同的视角来表现。我们的论文认为,在墨西哥的情况下,摄影师加强了已经被好莱坞推广给外国和当地观众的国家的代表。另一方面,维也纳摄影师的目光传递了他尽职尽责旅程的自我民族志。我们还认为,Obermayer的投影是Roger Bartra概念化的“对镜子的抢救”之一。
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引用次数: 0
Celebrating the Czechoslovak atom: from 'Atoms for Peace' to Expo 58. 庆祝捷克斯洛伐克的原子:从“和平的原子”到58年世博会。
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2022.2164616
Michaela Šmidrkalová

The Czechoslovak-Soviet exhibition 'Atoms for Peace' was held in Prague and Bratislava in 1956. This exhibition became a symbol of Czechoslovak-Soviet 'friendship' and Soviet influence on the Czechoslovak nuclear programme. At the Brussels World's Fair in 1958 (Expo 58), one of the most popular Czechoslovak exhibits was the betatron, which would become a symbol of Czechoslovak nuclear pride. The article analyzes the planning, creation and reception of these two exhibitions, as well as the popular image of the Czechoslovak betatron in the Czechoslovak press and literature of that time. It shows how, in Czechoslovakia, the paradigm of Czechoslovak-Soviet friendship and Soviet dominance converged and became entangled with the effort to present Czechoslovakia as an industrially developed country capable of building the nation's nuclear industry (partly) on its own. One of the results of this entanglement was the betatron - a highly successful and celebrated Czechoslovak nuclear exhibit that captivated both domestic and international audiences.

1956年在布拉格和布拉迪斯拉发举行了捷克斯洛伐克-苏联展览“和平的原子”。这次展览成为捷克斯洛伐克-苏联“友谊”和苏联对捷克斯洛伐克核计划影响的象征。在1958年的布鲁塞尔世界博览会(第58届世博会)上,捷克斯洛伐克最受欢迎的展品之一是电子加速器,它将成为捷克斯洛伐克核能骄傲的象征。文章分析了这两次展览的策划、创作和接待,以及捷克斯洛伐克贝塔龙在当时捷克斯洛伐克新闻和文学中的流行形象。它展示了在捷克斯洛伐克,捷克斯洛伐克与苏联的友谊和苏联的统治是如何融合在一起的,并与捷克斯洛伐克作为一个工业发达国家的努力交织在一起,捷克斯洛伐克有能力(部分地)依靠自己的力量建设国家的核工业。这种纠缠的结果之一就是电子加速器——一个非常成功和著名的捷克斯洛伐克核展览,吸引了国内外的观众。
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引用次数: 0
Science diplomacy on display: mobile atomic exhibitions in the cold war: Introduction to Special Issue. 展示中的科学外交:冷战中的移动原子展览:特刊导论。
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q2 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2023.2166114
Maria Rentetzi, Donatella Germanese

Despite the increasing interest in science exhibitions, there has been hardly any work on mobile science exhibitions and their role within science diplomacy - a gap this thematic issue is meant to fill. Atomic mobile exhibitions are seen here not only as cultural sites but as multifaceted strategic processes of transnational nuclear history. We move beyond the bipolar Cold War history that portrays propagandist science exhibitions as instances of a one-way communication employed to promote the virtues of the two major and conflicting political powers. Instead, Science Diplomacy on Display follows mobile atomic exhibitions as they move across national borders and around the world, functioning as spaces for diplomatic encounters. Exhibitions play a vital role not only in the production of knowledge and the formation of political worldviews but also as assets in diplomatic negotiations and as promoters of a new worldview in which nuclear stands at the centre. They are powerful iconic diplomatic devices, that is systems of representations that capture the diplomatic processes in action and make the nitty-gritty details of international relations visible. This issue seeks to trace the multiple and often contradictory meanings that mobile exhibitions took on for various actors.

尽管人们对科学展览的兴趣越来越大,但是几乎没有任何关于移动科学展览及其在科学外交中的作用的工作——这一期专题杂志旨在填补这一空白。在这里,原子流动展览不仅被视为文化场所,而且被视为跨国核历史的多方面战略进程。我们超越了两极化的冷战历史,它把宣传科学展览描绘成单向交流的例子,用来促进两个主要的、相互冲突的政治力量的优点。相反,《科学外交展览》跟踪移动原子展览,它们跨越国界,在世界各地移动,充当外交接触的空间。展览不仅在知识的生产和政治世界观的形成方面发挥着至关重要的作用,而且在外交谈判中也是一种资产,也是以核为中心的新世界观的推动者。它们是强有力的标志性外交手段,是一种表征系统,它捕捉了外交过程中的行动,使国际关系的本质细节变得清晰可见。这个问题试图追溯移动展览对不同参与者所具有的多重且往往相互矛盾的意义。
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引用次数: 0
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