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Cambridge geneticists and the chromosome theory of inheritance: William Bateson, Leonard Doncaster and Reginald Punnett 1879-1940. 剑桥遗传学家和遗传的染色体理论:威廉·贝特森,伦纳德·唐卡斯特和雷金纳德·庞尼特1879-1940。
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-01 Epub Date: 2022-08-17 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2022.2113141
Alan R Rushton

Early in the 20th century Bateson, Doncaster and Punnett formed a cooperative collective to share research findings on the chromosome theory of heredity (CTH). They cross-bred plants and animals to correlate behaviour of chromosomes and heredity of individual traits. Doncaster was the most enthusiastic proponent of the new theory and worked for years to convince Bateson and Punnett on its relevance to their own research. The two younger biologists collaborated with Bateson, the preeminent geneticist in England. As their own reputations developed, their research findings allied with the consensus on the importance of the CTH by the broader scientific community. After Doncaster's tragic death in 1920, major objections to the theory had been resolved; Bateson and Punnett then utilized the CTH to construct chromosome maps detailing locations of specific genes on particular chromosomes in several different species. The marriage of heredity and cytology enhanced confidence that the theory was an accurate mechanism to explain inheritance in both plants and animals.

早在20世纪初,贝特森、唐卡斯特和庞尼特就组成了一个合作集体,分享关于染色体遗传理论(CTH)的研究成果。他们把植物和动物杂交,把染色体的行为和个体特征的遗传联系起来。唐卡斯特是这一新理论最热心的支持者,他花了数年时间说服贝特森和庞尼特相信这与他们自己的研究有关。这两位年轻的生物学家与英国杰出的遗传学家贝特森合作。随着他们声誉的提高,他们的研究结果与更广泛的科学界对CTH重要性的共识一致。1920年唐卡斯特不幸去世后,对这一理论的主要反对意见得到了解决;Bateson和Punnett随后利用CTH构建染色体图,详细描述了几个不同物种中特定染色体上特定基因的位置。遗传学和细胞学的结合增强了人们的信心,即该理论是解释植物和动物遗传的准确机制。
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引用次数: 1
Scientific computing in the Cavendish Laboratory and the pioneering women computors. 卡文迪什实验室的科学计算和女性计算机先驱。
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-01 Epub Date: 2022-08-07 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2022.2106382
C S Leedham, V L Allan

The use of computers and the role of women in radio astronomy and X-ray crystallography research at the Cavendish Laboratory between 1949 and 1975 have been investigated. We recorded examples of when computers were used, what they were used for and who used them from hundreds of papers published during these years. The use of the EDSAC, EDSAC 2 and TITAN computers was found to increase considerably over this time-scale and they were used for a diverse range of applications. The majority of references to computer operators and programmers referred to women, 57% for astronomy and 62% for crystallography, in contrast to a very small proportion, 4% and 13% respectively, of female authors of papers.

研究人员调查了1949年至1975年间卡文迪什实验室在射电天文学和x射线晶体学研究中计算机的使用和妇女的作用。我们从这些年来发表的数百篇论文中记录了计算机使用的时间、用途和使用者的例子。EDSAC、EDSAC 2和TITAN计算机的使用在这段时间内显著增加,它们被用于各种各样的应用。大多数计算机操作员和程序员提到的是女性,天文学和晶体学分别占57%和62%,而女性论文作者的比例非常小,分别为4%和13%。
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引用次数: 1
Gradus Dimetiri: intensity and classification of complexions in 14th-century Italian medicine. Gradus Dimetiri: 14世纪意大利医学中肤色的强度和分类。
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-01 Epub Date: 2022-08-07 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2022.2107702
Fabrizio Bigotti

This paper focuses on the scholastic approach to the intensity of complexions and presents some evidence as to how the meaning of complexio evolved in fourteenth-century Italian medicine: namely, how it was conceptualized, visualized, and finally quantified. In the first part, I summarize the philosophical development of complexio, pointing out how the concept differs from simple mixtures, thereby allowing for the mathematisation of compounds and their intensity. I then move on to consider the links between medicine and mathematics and present the schemes provided by Gentile Gentili da Foligno (1280/90 - 1348) as a case study, analysing their philosophical premises and implications for medical treatment more generally. In the final part, I argue that, quite aside from representing early forms of the mathematisation of qualities, schemata and diagrams also captured the medieval ideal of the cosmos, a hierarchical progression of forms ordered in ascending degrees of perfection and nobility.

本文着重于对肤色强度的学术方法,并提出了一些证据,说明14世纪意大利医学中肤色的含义是如何演变的:即,它是如何概念化、可视化和最终量化的。在第一部分中,我总结了复杂的哲学发展,指出这个概念与简单混合物的不同之处,从而允许化合物及其强度的数学化。然后,我继续考虑医学和数学之间的联系,并将Gentile Gentili da Foligno(1280/90 - 1348)提供的方案作为案例研究,分析其哲学前提和对医学治疗的更普遍含义。在最后一部分,我认为,除了表现早期的数学形式外,图式和图表也捕捉到了中世纪的宇宙理想,这是一种按完美和高贵程度上升的形式的等级级数。
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引用次数: 1
Physico-mathematics and the life sciences: experiencing the mechanism of venous return, 1650s-1680s. 物理数学和生命科学:体验静脉回流的机制,1650 -1680。
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-01 Epub Date: 2022-06-18 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2022.2086301
Nuno Castel-Branco
ABSTRACT This article deals with physico-mathematical approaches to anatomy in post-Harveyan physiology. But rather than looking at questions of iatromechanics and animal locomotion, which often attracted this approach, I look at the problem of how blood returned to the heart – a part of the circulation today known as venous return but poorly researched in the early modern period. I follow the venous return mechanisms proposed by lesser-known authors in the mechanization of anatomy, such as Jean Pecquet (1622–1674) and Nicolaus Steno (1638–1686), alongside the more famous Giovanni Alfonso Borelli (1608–1679). Their mechanisms differed only in small details. Yet, these minor differences highlight significant aspects of the mechanization of the life sciences in the seventeenth century. First, they relied more on observations than hitherto acknowledged, even if only indirectly. Second, their mechanisms drew more from the physico-mathematical disciplines than from the trending corpuscularian philosophies of their time. Finally, these mechanisms led to a more accurate understanding of the circulation that remains valid today, thus revealing their cognitive benefits. In short, through the single problem of how blood returned to the heart, this article portrays the increasing complexity of anatomy in the early modern period.
本文讨论后哈维生理学中解剖学的物理数学方法。但是,我并没有关注经常吸引这种方法的医疗力学和动物运动问题,而是关注血液如何回流到心脏的问题——这是今天被称为静脉回流的循环的一部分,但在现代早期研究得很少。我遵循不太知名的解剖学机械化作者提出的静脉回流机制,如Jean Pecquet(1622-1674)和Nicolaus Steno(1638-1686),以及更著名的Giovanni Alfonso Borelli(1608-1679)。他们的机制只是在小细节上有所不同。然而,这些微小的差异突出了17世纪生命科学机械化的重要方面。首先,他们比迄今为止所承认的更多地依赖于观察,即使只是间接的。其次,他们的机制更多地来自物理数学学科,而不是他们那个时代流行的微粒主义哲学。最后,这些机制导致了对循环的更准确的理解,这在今天仍然有效,从而揭示了它们的认知益处。简而言之,通过血液如何回流到心脏这一单一问题,这篇文章描绘了现代早期解剖学日益复杂的情况。
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引用次数: 1
Magic, Science and Religion in Early Modern Europe 近代欧洲早期的魔法、科学与宗教
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-28 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2022.2127898
Michael Hunter
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引用次数: 0
On pestilence: a Renaissance treatise on plague 论瘟疫:文艺复兴时期关于瘟疫的专著
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-24 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2022.2114547
P. Findlen
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引用次数: 0
Minerva Meets Vulcan: Scientific and Technological Literature – 1450–1750 Minerva遇见Vulcan:科学技术文献–1450–1750
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-21 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2022.2113430
P. Smith
disease’, he told his students in January 1577. (p. 36) Unfortunately for the Venetians, Mercuriale believed that anything short of a full-blown catastrophe with high mortality was not plague. The fact that one of the most well-respected physicians of the Renaissance could fail his society so dramatically is a reminder of the fragility and fallibility of human knowledge. Mercuriale was a dedicated, erudite, and intelligent physician; he had much good advice to offer but that did not mean that he was always right. Craig Martin’s excellent and accessible translation (which includes a valuable glossary defining key medical terms) has certainly enriched our ability to teach plague. I can think of no better decision during COVID than to put one’s scholarly abilities to use and expand our understanding of how medicine struggled to understand disease and pandemic in the past.
1577年1月,他告诉他的学生。(第36页)不幸的是,对于威尼斯人来说,Mercuriale认为,任何没有高死亡率的全面灾难的事情都不是瘟疫。文艺复兴时期最受尊敬的医生之一可能会如此戏剧性地辜负他的社会,这一事实提醒我们人类知识的脆弱性和易犯错误性。Mercuriale是一位敬业、博学、聪明的医生;他有很多好的建议,但这并不意味着他总是对的。克雷格·马丁出色且通俗易懂的翻译(其中包括一个定义关键医学术语的宝贵词汇表)无疑丰富了我们教授瘟疫的能力。在新冠肺炎期间,我想不出比利用自己的学术能力来扩大我们对医学过去如何努力理解疾病和大流行的理解更好的决定了。
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引用次数: 1
Anatomizing the pulse: Edmund King's analogy, observation and conception of the tubular body. 解剖脉搏:埃德蒙·金对管状体的类比、观察和概念。
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-01 Epub Date: 2022-07-08 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2022.2093971
Yijie Huang

In an unpublished anatomical treatise written around 1670, the English anatomist and fellow of the Royal Society of London Edmund King proposed that the human body was ultimately an assemblage of tubes and contained liquids. Without literally seeing every of its constituents to be tubular, how did King come to posit a tubular body? This article tackles the question by examining King's inquiry about the pulse against his framing of the circulatory system into a universally tubular model. Asking how King registered this model despite the limited visibility of vascularity in practice, I discuss the place of analogy in his anatomical observation. I argue that analogy constituted an essential strategy for extending what King had perceived to account for the hardly perceptible nuances of the human body. I concentrate on two of his analogies, in which the artery was compared to the cord and the ureter. These two analogies revealed remarkable epistemic potency in representing and reasoning the pulse as the inherent motion of the living artery. They suggest that in seventeenth-century observation accounts, analogy was not simply a rhetoric suspicious of violating the principle of scientific empiricism; rather, they opened up ways of seeing and imagining nature.

在1670年左右撰写的一篇未发表的解剖学论文中,英国解剖学家、伦敦皇家学会会员埃德蒙·金(Edmund King)提出,人体最终是一堆装有液体的管子的集合。金没有真正看到它的每一个组成部分都是管状的,他是如何假设管状体的呢?本文通过考察金对脉搏的探究来解决这个问题,他将循环系统的框架变成了一个普遍的管状模型。在询问King如何在实践中对血管的可见性有限的情况下注册这个模型时,我讨论了类比在他的解剖学观察中的地位。我认为,这种类比构成了一种必要的策略,可以扩展金的感知,以解释人体难以察觉的细微差别。我主要讲他的两个比喻,把动脉比作脐带和输尿管。这两个类比揭示了在表现和推理脉动作为活动脉的固有运动方面显著的认知能力。他们认为,在17世纪的观察记录中,类比不仅仅是一种怀疑违反科学经验主义原则的修辞;相反,它们开辟了观察和想象自然的方式。
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引用次数: 0
Offering themselves by chance: Newcomen's starting materials. 偶然提供自己:纽科门的起始材料。
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-01 Epub Date: 2022-07-09 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2022.2091157
James Greener

At some point between 1684 and 1698 a Dartmouth tradesman started to perform experiments with the power of steam in his workshop. In the course of this investigation Thomas Newcomen discovered how to cause a partial vacuum by rapid condensation under a piston and incorporated this prime mover within an engine that was consistently reliable and proved commercially viable for draining mines.Consensus is that his initial apparatus was partly derived from an air pump, however historians have debated how this isolated ironmonger could have garnered sufficient theoretical understanding to pursue such a line of enquiry, let alone the know-how to make suitable devices and mechanisms. Just how remote was Newcomen from London 'science'?This paper examines his relational connections, identifying potential links with Denis Papin, Robert Hooke and an authority on mine pumps, Christopher Kirkby. The case of Newcomen illustrates the proliferation of modern ideas and values through relational networks, and, most importantly, the know-how to innovate.

在1684年到1698年之间的某个时候,达特茅斯的一个商人开始在他的车间里用蒸汽的力量进行实验。在这个研究过程中,托马斯·纽科门发现了如何通过活塞下的快速冷凝来产生部分真空,并将这个原动机集成到一个始终可靠的发动机中,并且证明了用于矿井排水的商业可行性。人们一致认为,他最初的设备部分来自一个气泵,然而,历史学家们一直在争论,这位孤立的铁器商如何能够获得足够的理论知识来进行这样的研究,更不用说制造合适的设备和机制的技术了。纽科门离伦敦的“科学”到底有多远?本文考察了他的关系关系,确定了与丹尼斯·帕潘、罗伯特·胡克和矿用泵权威克里斯托弗·柯克比的潜在联系。纽科门的案例说明了现代思想和价值观通过关系网络的扩散,最重要的是,创新的诀窍。
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引用次数: 0
The elements: a visual history of their discovery 元素:它们发现的视觉历史
IF 0.3 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-06-18 DOI: 10.1080/00033790.2022.2087903
Evan Hepler-Smith
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引用次数: 1
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