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Meetings and Lectures at the Society 学会的会议和讲座
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引用次数: 0
Anniversary Meeting 周年会议
- -
At the Anniversary meeting the Annual Report was delivered covering topics such as Membership, Meetings, the activities of the Society and publications. The Treasurer also presented the report on the Society’s finances and the Editor’s Report on the Society’s publication. The Council for the following session was elected, as were new applicants for Fellowship. A list of Fellows who died during 2002-2003 is included. The President's Address was then delivered.
周年纪念会上发表了年度报告,内容包括会员、会议、协会活动和出版物等。财务主管还提交了关于协会财务状况的报告和关于协会出版的编辑报告。选出了下届会议的理事会,也选出了新的奖学金申请者。包括2002-2003年期间去世的研究员名单。随后发表了总统的讲话。
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引用次数: 0
Qum: the evolution of a medieval city 库姆:中世纪城市的演变
A. Lambton
The history of Qum exhibits a number of features common to urban and rural life in central Persia over the centuries. It also contains features which differentiate it from other towns. Today it is known as a shrine town, but this has not always been its exclusive character. It has had a complex and varied history. In medieval times it was not distinguished from the countryside around it by the existence of a civic identity, any more than were other cities. It bore the same name as the surrounding region. Qum designated both the city and the province of which it was the centre and from which it was not administratively distinct.
库姆的历史展示了几个世纪以来波斯中部城市和农村生活的一些共同特征。它也包含与其他城镇不同的特征。今天,它被称为一个神社镇,但这并不总是它唯一的特征。它有着复杂多变的历史。在中世纪,它与周围的乡村并没有区别,就像其他城市一样。它与周围地区同名。库姆同时指定了城市和省,它是中心,在行政上没有区别。
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引用次数: 2
The Great Islamic encyclopaedia (Dā'irat al-ma‘ārit-i buzurg-i Islāmī) . Vol. I: Āb – Āli dāvūd. Edited by Kazem Musavi Bojnurdi. pp. xxiv, 714, illus., maps. Tehran, Markaz-i dā'irat al-ma'ārif-i buzurg-i Islāmī, 1367/1989 (Persian version). 伟大的伊斯兰百科全书。第一卷:Āb-Ā。由Kazem Musavi Bojnurdi编辑。第xxiv、714页,插图。,地图德黑兰,Markaz-i dā'irat al-maārif-i buzurg-i Islamic,1367/1989(波斯语版本)。
Charles Melville
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引用次数: 0
Latins and Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean after 1204 . Edited by Benjamin Arbel, Bernard Hamilton and David Jacoby. pp. viii, 245. London and Totowa, N.J., Frank Cass, 1989. £18.00. 1204年后东地中海的拉丁美洲人和希腊人。由Benjamin Arbel、Bernard Hamilton和David Jacoby编辑。第viii、245页。伦敦和新泽西州托托瓦,弗兰克·卡斯,1989年。18.00英镑。
P. Edbury
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引用次数: 0
The Vedic origins of karma: cosmos as man in ancient Indian myth and ritual . By Herman W. Tull. (SUNY Series in Hindu Studies.) pp. x, 181, Albany, N.Y., State University of New York Press, 1989. 吠陀起源的业力:宇宙作为人在古印度神话和仪式。赫尔曼·w·塔尔著。(纽约州立大学印度教研究系列)第x页,第181页,奥尔巴尼,纽约州,纽约州立大学出版社,1989年。
K. Werner
He ruled, but did not reign; his decrees were issued in the name of his shadow-khans, first Soyurghatmish and then Sultan Mahmud. It is stated in a note (p. 184, n. 63) that Temiir's later biographer Sharaf al-DIn Yazdl, in contrast with the slightly earlier Nizam-i ShamI, systematically expunged all references to these titular Chinggisid rulers. Manz appears unconsciously to have followed him, since her book contains only a few unspecific allusions to the two khans and neither is at any point named. But how insignificant were they? Chinggisid princes doubtless still had their own warbands even in the 1360s: it is worth noticing that ShamI (Zafar-nama, ed. Tauer, I, 38), speaking of Soyurghatmish (the son of a former khan, Danishmandcha: Mu'izz al-ansab, Paris MS., fo. 43) a few years prior to his enthronement, describes him as "one of the great emirs". And the khan's status at the turn of the century may well have been underestimated. Barthold (Four studies on the history of Central Asia, II, 25) saw "no evidence that Timur had at any time rendered honours to the khans in the presence of the troops and in solemn surroundings". According to a French observer writing in 1403, however, Temiir made a point of visiting the "emperor" once a year and showing him honour; though he does add that after performing this duty Temiir paid his sovereign little heed (H. Moranville, "Memoire sur Tamerlan et sa cour", Bibliotheque de VEcole des Charles, LV, 1894, 445). Yet far from languidly residing in Samarqand in the effete style of some latter-day Merovingian, Sultan Mahmud accompanied Temiir on campaigns against the Golden Horde, the Delhi Sultanate and Mamluk Syria (Hookham, pp. 137, 191, 225); and in the battle of Ankara he played an active role, pursuing and capturing the Ottoman Sultan Bayezid (M. M. Alexandrescu-Dersca, La campagne de Timur en Anatolie (1402), Bucharest, 1942, 79-80). One shadow Chinggisid sovereign, at least, seems to have repaid Temiir's hollow deference if such it was with interest.
他统治,但没有统治;他的政令是以他的影子可汗的名义发布的,先是sourghatmish,然后是Sultan Mahmud。在一份注释(第184页,第63页)中指出,Temiir后来的传记作者Sharaf al-DIn Yazdl与稍早的Nizam-i ShamI相反,系统地删除了所有关于这些名义上的中国统治者的提及。曼兹似乎是无意识地追随了他,因为她的书中只包含了几处不具体的典故,提到了这两位可汗,也没有提到他们的名字。但它们有多微不足道呢?毫无疑问,即使在1360年代,成吉思汗的王子们仍然有他们自己的军队:值得注意的是,ShamI (Zafar-nama, ed. Tauer, I, 38)在谈到sourghatmish(前可汗Danishmandcha的儿子:Mu'izz al-ansab, MS. Paris)时,提到了sourghatmish。在他即位前几年,将他描述为“伟大的埃米尔之一”。在世纪之交,可汗的地位很可能被低估了。Barthold(关于中亚历史的四项研究,II, 25)认为“没有证据表明帖木儿曾在任何时候在军队和庄严的环境中向可汗致敬”。然而,据一位法国观察家在1403年写道,特米尼尔每年都要拜访“皇帝”一次,向他表示敬意;尽管他确实补充说,在履行这一职责之后,Temiir对他的君主几乎没有什么关注(H. Moranville,“Memoire sur Tamerlan et sa cour”,查理图书馆,1894年,445年)。然而,苏丹马哈茂德并没有像后来的墨罗温王朝那样懒洋洋地居住在撒马尔罕,而是陪同特米尔参加了对抗金帐汗国、德里苏丹国和马穆鲁克叙利亚的战役(Hookham,第137、191、225页);在安卡拉战役中,他发挥了积极作用,追击并俘虏了奥斯曼苏丹巴耶济德(M. M. alexandrescue - dersca, La campagne de Timur en Anatolie(1402),布加勒斯特,1942,79-80)。至少有一个中国的影子君主,似乎已经回报了特密尔空洞的顺从——如果是利息的话。
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引用次数: 0
The iconography and ritual of Śiva at Elephanta. By Charles Dillard Collins, pp. xvi, 331, 90 figs., map. Albany, N.Y., State University of New York Press, 1988. US $49.50 (cloth), US $19.95 (paperback). 伊娃在大象塔的肖像和仪式。Charles Dillard Collins著,第xvi页,331页,图90,地图。纽约州奥尔巴尼,纽约州立大学出版社,1988年。49.50美元(布本),19.95美元(平装本)。
A. Gaur
(Purusa-Prajapati), a mythical feat which was first articulated in the Rg Veda 10,90. Every great sacrificial ritual replicates this cosmogonic event and in the Brahmana texts this idea was propounded as the foundation of the entire Vedic ritual corpus. Theoretically every sacrificial ritual should therefore involve the self-sacrifice of the sacrificer himself, but in practice a substitute victim is offered and the performance of the sacrifice is entrusted to ritual specialists (priests) who, of course, obtain a sacrificial gift (daksina) for the service. The sacrificer thus avoids actual death, but undergoes it symbolically; yet he reaps the benefit of this (ritual) karmic process in his life. His actual death marked by funeral rites is then the final sacrifice, this time without substitution, and leads to rebirth in heaven. One cannot help feeling rather uneasy about this interpretation. According to the author the only distinction between the early Upanisads and the Brahmanas lies mainly in the concern of the latter with the attainment of the ritual world (and the benefits it brings), while the former look outward to the larger cosmos and the higher realms which the actual death of the correctly ritually cremated sacrificer opens to his experience; the basic principle of attainment through the correctness of ritual action is the same. The author may be right in stressing that there is no real breach between the Brahmanas with their ritual outlook and the early Upanisads substituting for that outlook a sudden emergence of the ethically orientated karma doctrine. The ritual connotations do linger on in the Upanisads within the newly formulated karma doctrine and were got rid of only in some schools of radical renunciates (and in early Buddhism). But it is quite wrong to deny ethical meaning to the early Upanisadic formulations of the karma doctrine, e.g. to Yajnavalkya's dictum that "one becomes good by good action and bad by bad action" and relate them purely to the Brahmanic world of correct or bungled ritual action. Awareness of the ethical dimension of the karmic process, along with its ritual one, was already present even in Rgvedic understanding where heaven was promised not only to those who brought sacrificial offerings, but also to those who sacrificed their lives in battle as well as to those who developed spiritual fervour (tapas; RV 10,154,2-5) and to those who chose to act in an orderly way (RV 10,14,8) and knew the law {rtajfia; RV 10,15,1), while the wicked and unrighteous ones (pdpasdh, anrtdh, RV 4,5,5) were destined for hell. Not even the Brahmanas are totally devoid of the ethical connotation of the karma doctrine (as hinted at in Satapatha Brahmana 11,5,6,9). The author failed to consider the topic of the karma doctrine (which, connected with the rebirth or reincarnation doctrine, is Indo-European and predates the creation of the Vedic ritual) in the light of the now well-established principle of multi-level meaning of the Ve
(Purusa-Prajapati),这是一个神话般的壮举,最早是在Rg吠陀10,90中阐述的。每一个伟大的祭祀仪式都复制了这个宇宙形成的事件,在婆罗门文本中,这个想法被提出作为整个吠陀仪式语库的基础。因此,从理论上讲,每一种祭祀仪式都应该包括献祭者自己的自我牺牲,但在实践中,一个替代受害者被提供,祭祀的执行被委托给仪式专家(牧师),他们当然会获得祭祀礼物(daksina)。献祭者因此避免了真正的死亡,但象征性地经历了死亡;然而,他在他的生活中收获了这个(仪式)业力过程的好处。他的实际死亡以葬礼仪式为标志,这是最后的牺牲,这一次没有替代,并导致在天堂重生。人们不能不对这种解释感到相当不安。根据作者的说法,早期奥义书和婆罗门之间的唯一区别主要在于后者关注的是仪式世界的实现(以及它带来的好处),而前者则关注更大的宇宙和更高的领域,这是正确的仪式火化献祭者的实际死亡为他的经历打开的;通过仪式行为的正确性而达到的基本原则是相同的。作者强调,婆罗门的仪式观与早期奥义书之间并没有真正的分歧,取而代之的是突然出现的以伦理为导向的因果报应学说,这一点可能是正确的。在《奥义书》中,在新形成的业力学说中,仪式的内涵确实存在,只有在一些激进的出家学派(以及早期佛教)中才被摒弃。但是,否认早期奥义书的因果学说的伦理意义是非常错误的,例如,否认Yajnavalkya的格言“一个人因善而变好,因恶而变坏”,并将它们纯粹与婆罗门世界的正确或拙劣的仪式行为联系起来。甚至在吠陀的理解中,对业力过程的伦理维度及其仪式的认识已经存在,在吠陀的理解中,天堂不仅承诺给那些带来祭品的人,也承诺给那些在战斗中牺牲生命的人,以及那些发展精神热情的人(tapas;RV 10,154,2-5)和那些选择以有序的方式行事(RV 10,14,8)并且知道法律的人{rtajfia;启示录10,15,1),而邪恶和不义的人(启示录4,5,5)是注定要下地狱的。即使是婆罗门也不是完全没有因果报应教义的伦理内涵(如《梵天经》11、5、6、9所暗示的那样)。尽管作者列出了描述和应用这一原则的作者的作品(Eliade, Gonda, Werner),但作者未能考虑因果学说(与重生或转世学说有关,是印欧学说,早于吠陀仪式的创造)的主题。这一原则使我们能够看到仪式、伦理和精神内涵是如何在所有吠陀经文中共存的,尽管其中一个或另一个的重点在不断变化,这取决于其他方面的接受者的立场。作者选择关注一种立场,但他不应该完全忽视其他立场。
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引用次数: 0
Understanding peasant China: case studies in the philosophy of social sciences. By Daniel Little, pp. xi, 322, 6 figs., 6 maps. New Haven and London, Yale University Press, 1989. US $36.00, £25.00. 理解农民中国:社会科学哲学的个案研究。丹尼尔·利特尔著,第11页,322页,图6。, 6张地图。纽黑文和伦敦,耶鲁大学出版社,1989年。36美元,25英镑。
E. Croll
examining their narrative accounts of historical events, rational choice explanations of large-scale political phenomena, causal explanations of social phenomena based on material factors and explanations of large- scale historical patterns based on general equilibrium models, the China such social
考察他们对历史事件的叙述,对大规模政治现象的理性选择解释,对基于物质因素的社会现象的因果解释,以及基于一般均衡模型的大规模历史模式的解释
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引用次数: 0
Lordship and inheritance in early medieval Japan: a study of the Kamakura sōryō system. By Jeffrey P. Mass. pp. xii, 332, map. Stanford, Calif., Stanford University Press, 1989. US $38.50. 中世纪早期日本的爵位与继承:镰仓sōryō制度研究。杰弗里·p·马斯Pp. xii, 332,地图。斯坦福,加州,斯坦福大学出版社,1989年。38.50美元。
A. Smith
examining their narrative accounts of historical events, rational choice explanations of large-scale political phenomena, causal explanations of social phenomena based on material factors and explanations of large- scale historical patterns based on general equilibrium models, the China such social
考察他们对历史事件的叙述,对大规模政治现象的理性选择解释,对基于物质因素的社会现象的因果解释,以及基于一般均衡模型的大规模历史模式的解释
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引用次数: 0
Tea in Japan: essays on the history of Chanoyu. Edited by Paul Varley and Kumakura Isao. pp. xi, 285, 8 col. pl., 16 bl. and wh. pl. Honolulu, University of Hawaii Press, 1989. US $25.00. 茶在日本:茶道的历史随笔。由Paul Varley和Kumakura Isao编辑。第xi页,第285页,第8卷,第16卷和第18卷。檀香山,夏威夷大学出版社,1989年。25.00美元。
D. Macfarlane
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland. Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland
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