Pub Date : 1990-04-01DOI: 10.1017/S0035869X00108792
Peter Jackson
second). Moreover, Van den Wyngaert was unaware of the existence of a quite different report of the mission, drawn up by a Franciscan in Silesia in the summer of 1247, while Carpini's party was still on its way back through Eastern Europe. This, the so-called "Tartar Relation", contains certain passages found in the two standard versions but also incorporates a wealth of other material, apparently dictated by Carpini's companion Benedict. The need for a new, and better annotated, edition of the Ystoria has accordingly been felt for some years. It has now been met through the strenuous efforts of Italian scholars, and two in particular. Maria Cristiana Lungarotti provides an authoritative survey of the two recensions, and has produced the Italian translation; Enrico Menesto is responsible not simply for the edition but also for an exhaustive examination of the manuscript tradition and a well-rounded biography of Carpini. The superiority of the new edition over that of Van den Wyngaert lies primarily in Menesto's punctuation, which is often more helpful in determining the sense, and in his choice of readings, of which notable examples are hyrcum (III, 23), where Van den Wyngaert quite unwarrantably read hercium; Sarruyur (V, 70) instead of Sariemiur for the tribal name Sari-Uighur, and the disappearance of the ludicrous Divult (IX, 298) which Van den Wyngaert adopted from the Cambridge manuscript in place of Om.il (Emil, in Dzhungaria). Other welcome improvements relate to the names of members of the Mongol imperial dynasty listed in chapter V: Tanuht (Tangut) for the Thaube of the 1929 edition; Thuatemyr (To'a-temur) for Chuacenur; Seroctan (Sorqoqtani) for Sorocan; and Buygel (not, as assumed in the notes at p. 445, Tangut again, but Bochek) for Dinget. A few misprints should be noted: forpurificati (III, 172) readpurificari; for videtur (V, 104), videntur; for lorica (VI, 31), loricas; and for crebas (VI, 104), crebras. The other contributions are perhaps a trifle disappointing in comparison. The historical introduction by Luciano Petech is wide-ranging; but it fails to take account of the more recent work on the Mongols (the spectre of the "lost opportunity" of a Mongol-Western alliance in 1248 and 1260, for example, still rattles its chains at pp. 34, 37-8, 41). And while the notes, by Paolo Daffina, are largely excellent, some questions certainly call for further discussion. Three examples will suffice. (1) The traditional identification of the place Ornas (V, 321) with Urgench is tentatively endorsed by Daffina (pp. 449-51), who might have appealed, incidentally, to the description of the Khwarazmshah as soldanus de Hornach found in the report of the Hungarian Dominican Julian. Yet Carpini's Ornas lay not on the Amu but on the SIr-darya, and one manuscript reads Orpar: is it possible, therefore, that a metathetical form of Utrar is intended? (2) Carpini's precursores (VI, 92) are not tamachis (p. 463), since these were permanent garrison tro
秒)。此外，范登·温格尔特不知道还有一份完全不同的传教报告，这份报告是1247年夏天西里西亚的一位方济各会修士起草的，当时卡尔皮尼的队伍还在从东欧返回的路上。这就是所谓的“鞑靼关系”，包含了在两个标准版本中发现的某些段落，但也包含了大量其他材料，显然是由卡尔皮尼的同伴本笃口述的。因此，几年来人们一直觉得需要一个新的、更好的注释版的《历史》。现在，通过意大利学者，尤其是两位学者的艰苦努力，这个问题已经得到了解决。玛丽亚·克里斯蒂安娜·伦加罗蒂(Maria Cristiana Lungarotti)对这两个版本进行了权威的调查，并制作了意大利语译本;恩里科·梅内斯托不仅负责编辑，还对手稿传统进行了详尽的检查，并为卡尔皮尼撰写了一部全面的传记。新版比范登·温格尔特的版本的优势主要在于梅内斯托的标点符号，这往往更有助于确定意义，并在他的阅读选择，其中著名的例子是hyrcum (III, 23)，其中范登·温格尔特相当不合理地阅读hercium;Sarruyur (V, 70)代替Sariemiur的部落名称Sari-Uighur，以及Van den Wyngaert从剑桥手稿中采用的滑稽的Divult (IX, 298)的消失。il(埃米尔，忠加里亚语)。其他值得欢迎的改进与第五章中列出的蒙古帝国王朝成员的姓名有关:1929年版的Thaube中的Tanuht(唐古特);Thuatemyr (To'a-temur)代表Chuacenur;Seroctan (Sorqoqtani)用于Sorocan;和比格尔(不是，在445页的注释中假定，又是唐古特，而是波切克)代表丁杰。应该注意一些印刷错误:forpurificati (III, 172) readpurificari;对于videtur (V, 104)， videntur;对于lorica (VI, 31)， lorica;crebas (VI, 104)， crebras。相比之下，其他贡献可能有点令人失望。Luciano Petech的历史介绍涉及面很广;但它没有考虑到最近关于蒙古人的研究(例如，1248年和1260年“失去机会”的蒙古-西方联盟的幽灵，在第34、37-8、41页仍然在摇动它的链条)。虽然保罗·达芬纳(Paolo Daffina)的笔记在很大程度上非常出色，但有些问题确实需要进一步讨论。三个例子就足够了。(1) Daffina(第449-51页)暂时认可了将Ornas (V, 321)与Urgench地区联系在一起的传统观点，他可能顺便引用了匈牙利多米尼加人朱利安(Julian)的报告中对花剌子木沙(Khwarazmshah)作为soldanus de Hornach的描述。然而Carpini的Ornas不在阿姆河上，而是在SIr-darya上，一份手稿上写着Orpar:因此，是否有可能，一个元形式的Utrar是有意的?(2) Carpini的前身(VI, 92)不是tamachis(第463页)，因为这些是永久性的驻军:更可能的等号是alginchis(“间谍”，“侦察兵”:参见，例如，《蒙古秘史》，第123段)。(3) Daffina(第468页)正确地将科斯米尔(VII, 103)与《秘史》中的凯希米尔联系起来，但他对克什米尔的认定很可能是毫无根据的，因为这两种情况的背景都表明一个更北的地区，而11世纪的作家Mahmud Kashgharl提到了一个独立的地方凯希米尔在“土耳其人的土地上”(见Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, I, p. 242)。无论如何，他说蒙古人尚未征服克什米尔的说法是不正确的，根据拉什德·阿尔·丁的说法，克什米尔在大约1236年被占领了6个月(《独立》，卡尔·扬主编，维也纳，1980年，第56页;J. A. Boyle，成吉思汗的继承者，伦敦和纽约，1971年，第55页)。
{"title":"The rise and rule of Tamerlane. By Beatrice Forbes Manz. (Cambridge Studies in Islamic Civilisation.) pp. xi, 227, 4 maps. Cambridge etc., Cambridge University Press, 1989. £25.00.","authors":"Peter Jackson","doi":"10.1017/S0035869X00108792","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00108792","url":null,"abstract":"second). Moreover, Van den Wyngaert was unaware of the existence of a quite different report of the mission, drawn up by a Franciscan in Silesia in the summer of 1247, while Carpini's party was still on its way back through Eastern Europe. This, the so-called \"Tartar Relation\", contains certain passages found in the two standard versions but also incorporates a wealth of other material, apparently dictated by Carpini's companion Benedict. The need for a new, and better annotated, edition of the Ystoria has accordingly been felt for some years. It has now been met through the strenuous efforts of Italian scholars, and two in particular. Maria Cristiana Lungarotti provides an authoritative survey of the two recensions, and has produced the Italian translation; Enrico Menesto is responsible not simply for the edition but also for an exhaustive examination of the manuscript tradition and a well-rounded biography of Carpini. The superiority of the new edition over that of Van den Wyngaert lies primarily in Menesto's punctuation, which is often more helpful in determining the sense, and in his choice of readings, of which notable examples are hyrcum (III, 23), where Van den Wyngaert quite unwarrantably read hercium; Sarruyur (V, 70) instead of Sariemiur for the tribal name Sari-Uighur, and the disappearance of the ludicrous Divult (IX, 298) which Van den Wyngaert adopted from the Cambridge manuscript in place of Om.il (Emil, in Dzhungaria). Other welcome improvements relate to the names of members of the Mongol imperial dynasty listed in chapter V: Tanuht (Tangut) for the Thaube of the 1929 edition; Thuatemyr (To'a-temur) for Chuacenur; Seroctan (Sorqoqtani) for Sorocan; and Buygel (not, as assumed in the notes at p. 445, Tangut again, but Bochek) for Dinget. A few misprints should be noted: forpurificati (III, 172) readpurificari; for videtur (V, 104), videntur; for lorica (VI, 31), loricas; and for crebas (VI, 104), crebras. The other contributions are perhaps a trifle disappointing in comparison. The historical introduction by Luciano Petech is wide-ranging; but it fails to take account of the more recent work on the Mongols (the spectre of the \"lost opportunity\" of a Mongol-Western alliance in 1248 and 1260, for example, still rattles its chains at pp. 34, 37-8, 41). And while the notes, by Paolo Daffina, are largely excellent, some questions certainly call for further discussion. Three examples will suffice. (1) The traditional identification of the place Ornas (V, 321) with Urgench is tentatively endorsed by Daffina (pp. 449-51), who might have appealed, incidentally, to the description of the Khwarazmshah as soldanus de Hornach found in the report of the Hungarian Dominican Julian. Yet Carpini's Ornas lay not on the Amu but on the SIr-darya, and one manuscript reads Orpar: is it possible, therefore, that a metathetical form of Utrar is intended? (2) Carpini's precursores (VI, 92) are not tamachis (p. 463), since these were permanent garrison tro","PeriodicalId":81727,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland. Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland","volume":"122 1","pages":"399 - 401"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1990-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0035869X00108792","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57103877","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1990-04-01DOI: 10.1017/S0035869X00109013
D. Morgan
period of authoritarian rule. In the case of the Philippines, these have all been taking place simultaneously. The Philippines is not unique in this respect, but what adds to the flow of volumes trying to explain the causes and possible solutions to these multiple crises is the importance of the country to the United States, where most of the recent books have been produced. The Philippines, as America's only Asian colony, perceived as a flag ship for American values and ideals in the third world after independence, has remained intimately tied to the United States throughout the twentieth century. Many of the current crises in fact grow out of attempts to resolve the nature of the American-Philippine relationship. When Filipinos, of whatever political persuasion, attempt to find solutions to domestic issues, they often see the influence of the United States at the heart of the problem. The volume under review is representative of the current outpouring of literature. The author, Richard J. Kessler, works in the midst of the Washington, D.C. policy mill where the question of "what to do about the Philippines" is high on the agenda of "Third World problems". Of its type, it is an interesting and well documented book, though the author seems to be a bit hesitant in judging the relative weight to give to his sources. He also tends to report rumours and allegations as facts, such as the landing of Chinese weapons on the coast for the use of the Communist New People's Army (NPA) in the 1970s when it was subsequently revealed that this was a report started by then President Marcos to justify his declaration of Martial Law at about the same time. Kessler's five chapters provide an introduction to the social context of what he calls Philippine insurgencies. He then turns to document the origins of the Philippine Communist Party and its strategy and tactics. This is all fairly straightforward and informative. The fourth chapter, on the role of the Philippine army in politics is suggestive of the politicisation of the military since the 1960s but does not have the documentary depth of his discussion of the NPA. The final chapter assesses in pessimistic terms, from the point of view of the anti-communist forces, the nature of the military's attempts to defeat the NPA. But, like most analysts, he also believes that while the NPA cannot successfully take state power, they cannot be defeated without significant political and economic reforms. These, he feels, are unlikely to occur. Despite his clear acknowledgement of the inability of the United States to shape the outcome of the conflict in the Philippines, he cannot resist the Washington imperative to propose a range of actions for the United States to take to help change the structure of Philippine society and politics, including the nature of the military and its response to Communist insurgencies. It is doubtful his proposals would, if implemented, be any more successfully heeded by the Philippine governm
专制统治时期。就菲律宾而言，这些都是同时发生的。菲律宾在这方面并不是独一无二的，但试图解释这些多重危机的原因和可能的解决方案的数量增加的原因是该国对美国的重要性，最近的大部分书籍都是在美国出版的。菲律宾作为美国唯一的亚洲殖民地，在独立后被视为美国价值观和理想在第三世界的旗帜，在整个20世纪都与美国保持着密切的联系。事实上，当前的许多危机都源于试图解决美菲关系的本质。当菲律宾人，无论其政治信仰如何，试图找到解决国内问题的办法时，他们往往把美国的影响视为问题的核心。正在审查的这卷书是当前大量涌现的文学作品的代表。作者理查德·j·凯斯勒(Richard J. Kessler)在华盛顿特区的政策中心工作，在那里，“如何处理菲律宾问题”是“第三世界问题”议程上的重要议题。就其类型而言，这是一本有趣且文献翔实的书，尽管作者似乎在判断其来源的相对权重时有点犹豫。他还倾向于把谣言和指控当作事实来报道，比如在20世纪70年代，中国的武器在海岸登陆，供共产党新人民军(NPA)使用，后来人们发现，这是当时的总统马科斯(Marcos)为了证明他在大约同一时间宣布戒严令的合理性而发起的一份报告。凯斯勒的五个章节介绍了他所谓的菲律宾叛乱的社会背景。然后，他转而记录菲律宾共产党的起源及其战略和战术。这都是相当直接和翔实的。第四章，关于菲律宾军队在政治中的作用，暗示了自20世纪60年代以来军队的政治化，但没有他对新人民军的讨论的纪录片深度。最后一章从反共力量的角度悲观地评估了军队试图击败新人民军的本质。但是，像大多数分析人士一样，他也认为，尽管新人民军无法成功夺取国家政权，但如果不进行重大的政治和经济改革，就无法击败他们。他认为，这些不太可能发生。尽管他明确承认美国无法影响菲律宾冲突的结果，但他无法抗拒华盛顿提出的一系列行动建议，以帮助美国改变菲律宾的社会和政治结构，包括军队的性质及其对共产党叛乱的反应。值得怀疑的是，如果他的建议得以实施，菲律宾政府和军队是否会比他的许多前任的建议更成功地听从他的建议。
{"title":"The perilous frontier: nomadic empires and China. By Thomas J. Barfield. (Studies in Social Discontinuity.) pp. xvi, 325, map. Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1989. £29.50.","authors":"D. Morgan","doi":"10.1017/S0035869X00109013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00109013","url":null,"abstract":"period of authoritarian rule. In the case of the Philippines, these have all been taking place simultaneously. The Philippines is not unique in this respect, but what adds to the flow of volumes trying to explain the causes and possible solutions to these multiple crises is the importance of the country to the United States, where most of the recent books have been produced. The Philippines, as America's only Asian colony, perceived as a flag ship for American values and ideals in the third world after independence, has remained intimately tied to the United States throughout the twentieth century. Many of the current crises in fact grow out of attempts to resolve the nature of the American-Philippine relationship. When Filipinos, of whatever political persuasion, attempt to find solutions to domestic issues, they often see the influence of the United States at the heart of the problem. The volume under review is representative of the current outpouring of literature. The author, Richard J. Kessler, works in the midst of the Washington, D.C. policy mill where the question of \"what to do about the Philippines\" is high on the agenda of \"Third World problems\". Of its type, it is an interesting and well documented book, though the author seems to be a bit hesitant in judging the relative weight to give to his sources. He also tends to report rumours and allegations as facts, such as the landing of Chinese weapons on the coast for the use of the Communist New People's Army (NPA) in the 1970s when it was subsequently revealed that this was a report started by then President Marcos to justify his declaration of Martial Law at about the same time. Kessler's five chapters provide an introduction to the social context of what he calls Philippine insurgencies. He then turns to document the origins of the Philippine Communist Party and its strategy and tactics. This is all fairly straightforward and informative. The fourth chapter, on the role of the Philippine army in politics is suggestive of the politicisation of the military since the 1960s but does not have the documentary depth of his discussion of the NPA. The final chapter assesses in pessimistic terms, from the point of view of the anti-communist forces, the nature of the military's attempts to defeat the NPA. But, like most analysts, he also believes that while the NPA cannot successfully take state power, they cannot be defeated without significant political and economic reforms. These, he feels, are unlikely to occur. Despite his clear acknowledgement of the inability of the United States to shape the outcome of the conflict in the Philippines, he cannot resist the Washington imperative to propose a range of actions for the United States to take to help change the structure of Philippine society and politics, including the nature of the military and its response to Communist insurgencies. It is doubtful his proposals would, if implemented, be any more successfully heeded by the Philippine governm","PeriodicalId":81727,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland. Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland","volume":"122 1","pages":"426 - 427"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1990-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0035869X00109013","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57104534","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1990-01-01DOI: 10.1017/S0035869X00107890
L. Conrad
Ignaz Goldziher (1850–1921) is generally acknowledged as the scholar whose work to a great extent laid the modern foundations for the study in the West of the history, culture, and religion of Islam. Issues of considerable significance are thus posed by questions concerning the individual responsible for this seminal scholarship, including, for example, such matters as his personal background, the influences that directed the course of his intellectual development, and the perspective from which he viewed the discipline he did so much to create and to which he dedicated his life. Fortunately, much material relevant to the investigation of these topics survives. In addition to Goldziher's vast scholarly corpus, important collections of his correspondence with colleagues and friends are extant, primarily in Budapest. The material published to date includes Goldziher's letters to Immanuel Löw (1854–1944), a discussion – with important extracts – of those to S. A. Poznanski (1864–1921), the letters of Solomon Schechter (1849–1915), Max Nordau (1849–1923) and Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje (1857–1936) to Goldziher, and a selection from the correspondence between Theodor Nöldeke (1836–1930) and Goldziher. His 1890 memoirs and subsequent diary have also been published, and Raphael Patai has now brought to light another important document, Goldziher's Keleti Naplóm (“My Oriental Diary”), in English translation with a detailed introduction offering a psychological portrait of the author.
Ignaz Goldziher(1850-1921)是公认的学者，他的工作在很大程度上为西方研究伊斯兰教的历史、文化和宗教奠定了现代基础。因此，关于对这一开创性学术负责的个人的问题提出了相当重要的问题，包括，例如，他的个人背景，指导他智力发展过程的影响，以及他如何看待他为之付出了如此多的努力并为之奉献了一生的学科。幸运的是，许多与这些主题的调查相关的材料幸存下来。除了Goldziher大量的学术文集外，他与同事和朋友的通信的重要收藏主要保存在布达佩斯。迄今为止出版的材料包括Goldziher给Immanuel Löw(1854-1944)的信件，对S. a . Poznanski(1864-1921)的信件的讨论(含重要摘录)，Solomon Schechter (1849-1915)， Max Nordau(1849-1923)和Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje(1857-1936)给Goldziher的信件，以及Theodor Nöldeke(1836-1930)与Goldziher之间的信件选集。他1890年的回忆录和后来的日记也已经出版，拉斐尔·帕泰现在带来了另一份重要的文件，戈尔茨海尔的Keleti Naplóm(“我的东方日记”)，英文翻译，详细介绍了作者的心理肖像。
{"title":"The Near East study tour diary of Ignaz Goldziher","authors":"L. Conrad","doi":"10.1017/S0035869X00107890","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00107890","url":null,"abstract":"Ignaz Goldziher (1850–1921) is generally acknowledged as the scholar whose work to a great extent laid the modern foundations for the study in the West of the history, culture, and religion of Islam. Issues of considerable significance are thus posed by questions concerning the individual responsible for this seminal scholarship, including, for example, such matters as his personal background, the influences that directed the course of his intellectual development, and the perspective from which he viewed the discipline he did so much to create and to which he dedicated his life. Fortunately, much material relevant to the investigation of these topics survives. In addition to Goldziher's vast scholarly corpus, important collections of his correspondence with colleagues and friends are extant, primarily in Budapest. The material published to date includes Goldziher's letters to Immanuel Löw (1854–1944), a discussion – with important extracts – of those to S. A. Poznanski (1864–1921), the letters of Solomon Schechter (1849–1915), Max Nordau (1849–1923) and Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje (1857–1936) to Goldziher, and a selection from the correspondence between Theodor Nöldeke (1836–1930) and Goldziher. His 1890 memoirs and subsequent diary have also been published, and Raphael Patai has now brought to light another important document, Goldziher's Keleti Naplóm (“My Oriental Diary”), in English translation with a detailed introduction offering a psychological portrait of the author.","PeriodicalId":81727,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland. Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland","volume":"145 1","pages":"105 - 126"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1990-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0035869X00107890","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57099477","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1990-01-01DOI: 10.1017/S0035869X00108378
N. Phillips
All this said, the "decapitation" thesis still seems exaggerated. The author presents his evidence selectively. One of his major case studies deals with the Burma Spinning and Weaving Company. He alleges that "heavy financial burdens" were attached to a government loan to the company and insists that further loans ought to have been granted. The reality seems to have been rather different, according to the government report on the affair. The promoters of the company set out to raise Rs 30 Lakhs (or £225,000), but actually realised less than 11 Lakhs (not 15 Lakhs as stated, p. 73). They raised the remainder in loans on the open market" at exorbitant rates of interest". A government loan at 6 per cent per annum was granted instead. The Directors asked the government to take over their property: the object was to relieve the Burmese Directors of their liability for the loan. The government left the decision to the elected members of the legislature, who gave their approval. The transaction involved a public loss of more than Rs 5 Lakhs (£38,000). A very different story to that related by Aung Tun Thet (see Memorandum Submitted to the Statutory Commission, 1930, p. 132).
{"title":"A full hearing: orality and literacy in the Malay world . By Amin Sweeney, pp. ix, 338. Berkeley etc., University of California Press, 1987. US $37.50.","authors":"N. Phillips","doi":"10.1017/S0035869X00108378","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00108378","url":null,"abstract":"All this said, the \"decapitation\" thesis still seems exaggerated. The author presents his evidence selectively. One of his major case studies deals with the Burma Spinning and Weaving Company. He alleges that \"heavy financial burdens\" were attached to a government loan to the company and insists that further loans ought to have been granted. The reality seems to have been rather different, according to the government report on the affair. The promoters of the company set out to raise Rs 30 Lakhs (or £225,000), but actually realised less than 11 Lakhs (not 15 Lakhs as stated, p. 73). They raised the remainder in loans on the open market\" at exorbitant rates of interest\". A government loan at 6 per cent per annum was granted instead. The Directors asked the government to take over their property: the object was to relieve the Burmese Directors of their liability for the loan. The government left the decision to the elected members of the legislature, who gave their approval. The transaction involved a public loss of more than Rs 5 Lakhs (£38,000). A very different story to that related by Aung Tun Thet (see Memorandum Submitted to the Statutory Commission, 1930, p. 132).","PeriodicalId":81727,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland. Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland","volume":"122 1","pages":"201 - 202"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1990-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0035869X00108378","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57100533","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1990-01-01DOI: 10.1017/S0035869X00107841
G. Khan
The document which is published here comes from the Michaelides Collection, formerly belonging to G. A. Michaelides and now in the possession of Cambridge University Library. In addition to a substantial number of Arabic papyri this collection also contains Arabic paper documents. The paper documents are very varying in date, ranging from the Fāṭimid to the Ottoman periods. The present document is a petition from the Fāṭimid period. Some Fāṭimid documents of this type have already been published. Several unpublishedFāṭimid petitions have come to my attention. Most of these are from the Cairo Genizah and will be published as part of a corpus of Arabic Genizah documents. I am publishing the present document from the Michaelides collection separately.
{"title":"A petition to the Fāṭimid caliph al-'Āmir","authors":"G. Khan","doi":"10.1017/S0035869X00107841","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00107841","url":null,"abstract":"The document which is published here comes from the Michaelides Collection, formerly belonging to G. A. Michaelides and now in the possession of Cambridge University Library. In addition to a substantial number of Arabic papyri this collection also contains Arabic paper documents. The paper documents are very varying in date, ranging from the Fāṭimid to the Ottoman periods. The present document is a petition from the Fāṭimid period. Some Fāṭimid documents of this type have already been published. Several unpublishedFāṭimid petitions have come to my attention. Most of these are from the Cairo Genizah and will be published as part of a corpus of Arabic Genizah documents. I am publishing the present document from the Michaelides collection separately.","PeriodicalId":81727,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland. Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland","volume":"122 1","pages":"44 - 54"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1990-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0035869X00107841","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57098806","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1990-01-01DOI: 10.1017/S0035869X00108093
Christopher J. Walker
Avar word for "h i t " is not q'abize but Xabize, and tunkize really means "bump into" or "knock" (p. 253). A number of authors deal with more broadly philological topics. Jan Braun makes a brief and unconvincing attempt to prove the identical function of -i as a definite article marker in Georgian and Basque (pp. 38-41); more judicious use is made of Basque data in Donald Rayfield's extensive survey of sheepkeeping terminology in the Caucasus (pp. 239-50). Michel van Esbroeck proposes and elegantly supports an Arabic etymology for Georgian bzoba (pp. 42-50), while Jost Gippert in something of a tour de force (at least regarding the extent of its documentation 297 footnotes!) gives an exhaustive account of the attestation and etymology of each of the Old Georgian names for the months (pp. 87-154). Edward Szymanski provides a very useful survey of the works of Arab geographers relating to the Caucasus (pp. 298-308), while Wolfgang Feuerstein in papers on the toponymy of Lazistan (pp. 51-68) and on legends about the Man of the Woods (pp. 69-86) succeeds in conveying something of his enthusiasm for the culture and mythology of the Laz. The volume is produced to a high technical standard, especially in view of the wide range of languages cited, and typographical errors are few (p. 2161. 15 up "don'nt", p. 254 second table "markes" for "markers", p. 259 example 23 lacks an explanatory translation, p. 303 1. 21 "Muridit" for "Muridist" and 1. 24 " A r b " for "Arab", p. 306 1. 5 " m " instead of a comma and on p. 7 we are informed in an endearing Scandinavianism that the colloquium took place " i Oslo "). Inevitably some of the topics covered are a little esoteric, but taken as a whole the book provides an excellent picture of the current state of Caucasian linguistics. Hans Vogt, long time professor at the University of Oslo and one of the most eminent representatives of the older generation of caucasologists, died shortly after the Oslo colloquium. The second of the volumes reviewed here is a collection of twenty-seven of his articles published in a number of places between 1930 and 1975. The breadth of Vogt's interests and erudition is shown by the number of his papers which touch on themes raised at the 1986 meeting: genetic relationships between the Caucasian languages ("La parente des langues caucasiques", pp. 152-67 and " Indoevropejskie jazyki i sravnitel'nye metody", pp. 500-5), the reconstruction of proto-Kartvelian ("Remarques sur la prehistoire des langues karthveliennes", pp. 462-8), toponymy (" Remarques sur les noms de lieux du Caucase", pp. 168-76) and the study of Ubykh ("In search of an unknown language", pp. 449-57, made available here to a wider audience in an English translation from the Norwegian). In "Le basque et les langues caucasiques" (pp. 317—43) Vogt subjects Rene Lafon's lists of proposed correspondences to detailed analysis, on the basis that such painstaking work on individual items is more valuable than the construction
表示“h it”的一个词不是q'abize，而是Xabize，而tunkize的真正意思是“撞到”或“撞到”(第253页)。一些作者处理更广泛的语言学主题。Jan Braun试图在格鲁吉亚语和巴斯克语中证明-i作为定冠词标记的相同功能(第38-41页);唐纳德·雷菲尔德(Donald Rayfield)对高加索地区养羊术语的广泛调查(第239-50页)更明智地使用了巴斯克语的数据。Michel van Esbroeck提出并优雅地支持格鲁吉亚bzoba的阿拉伯语词源(42-50页)，而Jost Gippert在某种程度上的杰作(至少就其文件297个脚注的范围而言!)给出了每个古格鲁吉亚月份名称的证明和词源的详尽说明(87-154页)。爱德华·希曼斯基(Edward Szymanski)对阿拉伯地理学家有关高加索地区的著作进行了非常有用的调查(第298-308页)，而沃尔夫冈·费尔斯坦(Wolfgang Feuerstein)在关于拉兹斯坦的地名(第51-68页)和关于森林人的传说(第69-86页)的论文中成功地表达了他对拉兹人的文化和神话的热情。这本书是按照很高的技术标准制作的，特别是考虑到所引用的语言范围很广，而且印刷错误很少(第2161页)。15把"don' t"加起来，第254页，第二表"markes"替换为"markers"，第259页，例23缺少解释性翻译，第303页。21“Muridit”代替“Muridist”和1。24“阿拉伯”用“Ar b”代替，第306页。5“m”而不是逗号，在第7页，我们以一种可爱的斯堪的纳维亚风格被告知，讨论会在“奥斯陆”举行)。不可避免地，书中涉及的一些话题有些深奥，但从整体上看，这本书为高加索语言学的现状提供了一幅极好的画面。汉斯·沃格特(Hans Vogt)是奥斯陆大学的长期教授，也是老一代高加索学者中最杰出的代表之一，他在奥斯陆研讨会结束后不久去世。这里回顾的第二卷是他在1930年到1975年间在许多地方发表的27篇文章的合集。沃格特的广泛兴趣和博学可以从他的论文数量上看出来，这些论文涉及1986年会议上提出的主题:高加索语言之间的遗传关系(“La parente des languages caucasiques”，第152-67页和“Indoevropejskie jazyki i sravnitel'nye metody”，第500-5页)，原始kartvelian的重建(“Remarques sur La prehistoire des languages karthveliennes”，第462-8页)，地名(“Remarques sur les noms de lieux du Caucase”，第168-76页)和Ubykh的研究(“In search of a unknown language”，第449-57页)。(从挪威语翻译成英文)。在《巴斯克语和高加索语》(第317-43页)中，沃格特对勒内·拉丰提出的对应列表进行了详细的分析，因为这种对单个项目的艰苦研究比构建关于语系之间关系的广泛理论假设更有价值。
{"title":"The Armenians in History and the Armenian question . By Esat Uras. An English translation of the revised and expanded second edition. pp. xiv, 1048. Ankara, Documentary Publications, 1988.","authors":"Christopher J. Walker","doi":"10.1017/S0035869X00108093","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00108093","url":null,"abstract":"Avar word for \"h i t \" is not q'abize but Xabize, and tunkize really means \"bump into\" or \"knock\" (p. 253). A number of authors deal with more broadly philological topics. Jan Braun makes a brief and unconvincing attempt to prove the identical function of -i as a definite article marker in Georgian and Basque (pp. 38-41); more judicious use is made of Basque data in Donald Rayfield's extensive survey of sheepkeeping terminology in the Caucasus (pp. 239-50). Michel van Esbroeck proposes and elegantly supports an Arabic etymology for Georgian bzoba (pp. 42-50), while Jost Gippert in something of a tour de force (at least regarding the extent of its documentation 297 footnotes!) gives an exhaustive account of the attestation and etymology of each of the Old Georgian names for the months (pp. 87-154). Edward Szymanski provides a very useful survey of the works of Arab geographers relating to the Caucasus (pp. 298-308), while Wolfgang Feuerstein in papers on the toponymy of Lazistan (pp. 51-68) and on legends about the Man of the Woods (pp. 69-86) succeeds in conveying something of his enthusiasm for the culture and mythology of the Laz. The volume is produced to a high technical standard, especially in view of the wide range of languages cited, and typographical errors are few (p. 2161. 15 up \"don'nt\", p. 254 second table \"markes\" for \"markers\", p. 259 example 23 lacks an explanatory translation, p. 303 1. 21 \"Muridit\" for \"Muridist\" and 1. 24 \" A r b \" for \"Arab\", p. 306 1. 5 \" m \" instead of a comma and on p. 7 we are informed in an endearing Scandinavianism that the colloquium took place \" i Oslo \"). Inevitably some of the topics covered are a little esoteric, but taken as a whole the book provides an excellent picture of the current state of Caucasian linguistics. Hans Vogt, long time professor at the University of Oslo and one of the most eminent representatives of the older generation of caucasologists, died shortly after the Oslo colloquium. The second of the volumes reviewed here is a collection of twenty-seven of his articles published in a number of places between 1930 and 1975. The breadth of Vogt's interests and erudition is shown by the number of his papers which touch on themes raised at the 1986 meeting: genetic relationships between the Caucasian languages (\"La parente des langues caucasiques\", pp. 152-67 and \" Indoevropejskie jazyki i sravnitel'nye metody\", pp. 500-5), the reconstruction of proto-Kartvelian (\"Remarques sur la prehistoire des langues karthveliennes\", pp. 462-8), toponymy (\" Remarques sur les noms de lieux du Caucase\", pp. 168-76) and the study of Ubykh (\"In search of an unknown language\", pp. 449-57, made available here to a wider audience in an English translation from the Norwegian). In \"Le basque et les langues caucasiques\" (pp. 317—43) Vogt subjects Rene Lafon's lists of proposed correspondences to detailed analysis, on the basis that such painstaking work on individual items is more valuable than the construction","PeriodicalId":81727,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland. Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland","volume":"122 1","pages":"165 - 170"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1990-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0035869X00108093","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57099368","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1990-01-01DOI: 10.1017/S0035869X00107877
K. Ballhatchet
In J.R.A.S. 1988/2 Robert E. Frykenberg assails what he calls the “myth” that Macaulay's minute on education in British India was the occasion for a radical change in policy which imposed English education on an unwilling people. He puts forward three main arguments. First, there was no radical change in policy, for the government continued to support “Oriental” education and scholarship as well as English education. Secondly, Macaulay's advocacy of English education was a recognition of the views of “forward-looking gentry in India”. Thirdly, his minute was “one more salvo in a long and running set of encounters in which the positions of some protagonists were often much more blurred than has been properly realised by later generations of historians”. What is new in all this?
在J.R.A.S. 1988/2中，Robert E. Frykenberg抨击了他所谓的“神话”，即麦考利关于英属印度教育的一分钟是政策发生根本变化的契机，这种政策将英国教育强加给了不情愿的人。他提出了三个主要论点。首先，政策没有发生根本性的变化，因为政府继续支持“东方”教育和奖学金以及英语教育。其次，麦考利倡导英语教育是对“印度高瞻远瞩的绅士”观点的认可。第三，他的这一分钟是“漫长而连续的一系列遭遇中的又一次齐射，在这些遭遇中，一些主角的立场往往比后世历史学家正确认识到的要模糊得多”。这一切有什么新鲜的呢?
{"title":"The importance of Macaulay","authors":"K. Ballhatchet","doi":"10.1017/S0035869X00107877","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00107877","url":null,"abstract":"In J.R.A.S. 1988/2 Robert E. Frykenberg assails what he calls the “myth” that Macaulay's minute on education in British India was the occasion for a radical change in policy which imposed English education on an unwilling people. He puts forward three main arguments. First, there was no radical change in policy, for the government continued to support “Oriental” education and scholarship as well as English education. Secondly, Macaulay's advocacy of English education was a recognition of the views of “forward-looking gentry in India”. Thirdly, his minute was “one more salvo in a long and running set of encounters in which the positions of some protagonists were often much more blurred than has been properly realised by later generations of historians”. What is new in all this?","PeriodicalId":81727,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland. Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland","volume":"122 1","pages":"91 - 94"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1990-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0035869X00107877","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57099377","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1990-01-01DOI: 10.1017/S0035869X00108135
J. Meisami
from the date of Khusraw Khan's usurpation rather than from that ruler's downfall. It would follow too that Muhammad's accession occurred on 1 Sha'ban 724 (24 July 1324). For what it is worth, this is precisely the date furnished by an external observer writing in the 1340s, the Coptic chronicler al-Mufaddal, whose information was apparently derived from a Delhi shaykh (al-Nahj al-sadid, ed. and trans. Samira Kortantamer, Agypten und Syrien zwischen 1317 und 1341, Freiburg i. Br., 1973, text p. 27, tr. p. 104).
从胡斯鲁汗篡位的日期开始，而不是从统治者的垮台开始。由此也可以推断，穆罕默德的即位发生在724年夏班1日(1324年7月24日)。不管它的价值是什么，这正是一个外部观察者在13世纪40年代写的文章所提供的日期，科普特编年史家al-Mufaddal，他的信息显然来自德里的shaykh (al-Nahj al-sadid，编辑和翻译)。Samira Kortantamer，埃及和叙利亚zwischen 1317和1341,Freiburg i. Br。， 1973，正文第27页，tr. 104页)。
{"title":"Bahā' al-Dīn al-'Āmilī and his Literary Anthologies . By C. E. Bosworth. (Journal of Semitic Studies, Monograph No. 10.) pp. ix, 128. Manchester, University of Manchester, 1989.","authors":"J. Meisami","doi":"10.1017/S0035869X00108135","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00108135","url":null,"abstract":"from the date of Khusraw Khan's usurpation rather than from that ruler's downfall. It would follow too that Muhammad's accession occurred on 1 Sha'ban 724 (24 July 1324). For what it is worth, this is precisely the date furnished by an external observer writing in the 1340s, the Coptic chronicler al-Mufaddal, whose information was apparently derived from a Delhi shaykh (al-Nahj al-sadid, ed. and trans. Samira Kortantamer, Agypten und Syrien zwischen 1317 und 1341, Freiburg i. Br., 1973, text p. 27, tr. p. 104).","PeriodicalId":81727,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland. Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland","volume":"122 1","pages":"172 - 174"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1990-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0035869X00108135","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57099447","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1990-01-01DOI: 10.1017/S0035869X00107944
Clive Holes
{"title":"Die infirmen Verbaltypen des Arabischen und das Biradikalismus-Problem . By Rainer M. Voigt. (Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur, Mainz. Veroffentlichungen der Orientalischen Kommission, Bd. XXXIX.) pp. 232. Stuttgart, Franz Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden GmbH, 1988, DM 98.","authors":"Clive Holes","doi":"10.1017/S0035869X00107944","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00107944","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":81727,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland. Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland","volume":"122 1","pages":"141 - 144"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1990-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0035869X00107944","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57099607","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1990-01-01DOI: 10.1017/S0035869X00108238
D. Keown
that are the best represented in Varanasi. Their performance practice includes, unusually, all the traditional vikrtis (verbal permutations) plus some other rarer ones peculiar to that school. Here Howard shows that there is no significant relation between accent and recitation tone; he suggests (p. 84) that the Madhyandina chanters have cultivated the particularly large number of vikrtis precisely because accent is not followed in the chant, and so another form of mnemonic is required for the exact preservation of the tradition. In the Samavedic chant, most practitioners of which in VaranasT are of the Kauthuma branch, Howard sets out to interpret from first principles the numerical notation of the texts. His achievement here is considerable, especially if we consider the difficulty he experienced in gaining access to the practitioners' own explanations. Howard is sufficiently secure in his reading of the notation to be able to give a transcription, without reference to an actual performance, of the Gayatri, of which he was dissuaded from even requesting a recorded version, so reluctant are the northern Kauthumas to chant this saman for an outsider. All musicologists of India will be indebted to Howard for his meticulous gathering of material and painstaking transcriptions. Some parts of his musicological analysis will be found tantalizing. His brief speculations on the compositional process of saman chant rest on a notional repertoire of melodic elements and phrases or "motives", which he extracts and categorizes from the recordings. The method by which these motives are combined and structured is likened to that of the melodic components in the Hindustani aldp and tan, and as an example Howard cites the svaravistara given by V. N. Bhatkhande for a rdga in his pedagogical work, Hindustanisahglta paddhati. A great deal more needs to be discovered about the melodic form of saman in order to make this comparison intelligible. Are we really dealing here with improvised or formulaic structures, later fixed, or with melodic compositions which predated the texts to which they were fitted? Our thoughts about such questions may be assisted by examining the occasional comments on chant and melody in the ancillary saman and other Vedic texts, but we shall have to be careful to distinguish the quasi-analytical statements of early theory from likely historical reality. Above all, what is the nature of the relationship between saman and the other early musical traditions of India, and are there any detectable melody types analogous to the jdtis described in the early treatises? Howard's comments in this area of musicology are really only peripheral in a work which provides much valuable source material and which should inspire further investigation.
在瓦拉纳西最具代表性。不同寻常的是，他们的表演实践包括了所有传统的vikrtis(口头排列)以及其他一些学校特有的罕见的表演。这里Howard表明口音和背诵语调之间没有显著的关系;他认为(第84页)，Madhyandina吟唱者已经培养了特别多的维克提斯，正是因为在吟唱中不遵循重音，所以需要另一种形式的记忆法来准确地保存传统。在萨玛吠陀圣歌中，大多数在瓦拉纳斯特的实践者都是Kauthuma分支，霍华德开始从第一原则解释文本的数字符号。他在这里的成就是相当可观的，特别是如果我们考虑到他在获得从业者自己的解释方面所经历的困难。霍华德对乐谱的解读是足够可靠的，他可以在不参考实际表演的情况下，给伽亚特里的乐谱，他甚至被劝阻不要录音版本，北方的考苏玛人是如此不情愿为外人吟唱这个萨满。所有印度的音乐学家都要感谢霍华德对材料的精心收集和艰苦的誊写。他的音乐学分析的某些部分会让人觉得很诱人。他对萨满圣歌创作过程的简要推测，是基于他从录音中提取和分类的旋律元素和短语或“动机”的概念曲目。这些动机组合和结构的方法与印度斯坦aldp和tan的旋律成分类似，霍华德引用了V. N. Bhatkhande在他的教学作品Hindustanisahglta paddhati中为rga提供的svaravistara作为例子。为了使这种比较更容易理解，还需要对萨满的旋律形式进行更多的研究。我们在这里讨论的是即兴的或公式化的结构，后来被固定，还是在它们所适合的文本出现之前的旋律作品?我们对这些问题的思考，可以通过考察《萨满经》和其他《吠陀》文本中偶尔出现的关于吟唱和旋律的评论得到帮助，但我们必须小心区分早期理论的准分析性陈述与可能的历史现实。最重要的是，萨满和印度其他早期音乐传统之间的关系本质是什么，是否有任何可检测的旋律类型类似于早期论文中描述的jdtis ?霍华德在音乐学这一领域的评论实际上只是一部作品的外围内容，它提供了许多有价值的原始材料，应该激发进一步的研究。
{"title":"Mahāyāna Buddhism: the doctrinal foundations . By Paul Williams. (The Library of Religious Beliefs and Practices.) pp. xii, 371. London and New York, Routledge, 1989. £30.00 (cloth), £9.95 (paperback).","authors":"D. Keown","doi":"10.1017/S0035869X00108238","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0035869X00108238","url":null,"abstract":"that are the best represented in Varanasi. Their performance practice includes, unusually, all the traditional vikrtis (verbal permutations) plus some other rarer ones peculiar to that school. Here Howard shows that there is no significant relation between accent and recitation tone; he suggests (p. 84) that the Madhyandina chanters have cultivated the particularly large number of vikrtis precisely because accent is not followed in the chant, and so another form of mnemonic is required for the exact preservation of the tradition. In the Samavedic chant, most practitioners of which in VaranasT are of the Kauthuma branch, Howard sets out to interpret from first principles the numerical notation of the texts. His achievement here is considerable, especially if we consider the difficulty he experienced in gaining access to the practitioners' own explanations. Howard is sufficiently secure in his reading of the notation to be able to give a transcription, without reference to an actual performance, of the Gayatri, of which he was dissuaded from even requesting a recorded version, so reluctant are the northern Kauthumas to chant this saman for an outsider. All musicologists of India will be indebted to Howard for his meticulous gathering of material and painstaking transcriptions. Some parts of his musicological analysis will be found tantalizing. His brief speculations on the compositional process of saman chant rest on a notional repertoire of melodic elements and phrases or \"motives\", which he extracts and categorizes from the recordings. The method by which these motives are combined and structured is likened to that of the melodic components in the Hindustani aldp and tan, and as an example Howard cites the svaravistara given by V. N. Bhatkhande for a rdga in his pedagogical work, Hindustanisahglta paddhati. A great deal more needs to be discovered about the melodic form of saman in order to make this comparison intelligible. Are we really dealing here with improvised or formulaic structures, later fixed, or with melodic compositions which predated the texts to which they were fitted? Our thoughts about such questions may be assisted by examining the occasional comments on chant and melody in the ancillary saman and other Vedic texts, but we shall have to be careful to distinguish the quasi-analytical statements of early theory from likely historical reality. Above all, what is the nature of the relationship between saman and the other early musical traditions of India, and are there any detectable melody types analogous to the jdtis described in the early treatises? Howard's comments in this area of musicology are really only peripheral in a work which provides much valuable source material and which should inspire further investigation.","PeriodicalId":81727,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland. Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland","volume":"122 1","pages":"185 - 187"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1990-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0035869X00108238","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57099717","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：