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Catalogue of Tamil manuscripts in the Library of the Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine 威康医学史研究所图书馆的泰米尔手稿目录
S. Gunasingam
Since the time South Asia, together with other Asian and African countries, became an integral part of the British Empire, the significance of manuscripts, published works and other artefacts, relating to those regions has stimulated continued appreciation in the United Kingdom, albeit with varying degrees of interest. It is interesting to note that the factors which have contributed in one way or another to the collecting of South Asian I material for British institutions vary in their nature, and thus illuminate the attitudes of different periods. During the entire nineteenth century, the collectors were primarily administrators; for most of the first half of the twentieth century, it was the interest and the needs of British universities that led to the accumulation of substantial holdings in many academic or specialist libraries.
自从南亚与其他亚洲和非洲国家一起成为大英帝国不可分割的一部分以来,与这些地区有关的手稿、出版作品和其他人工制品的重要性在联合王国激发了持续的欣赏,尽管兴趣程度不同。有趣的是,那些以这样或那样的方式为英国机构收集南亚材料做出贡献的因素在其性质上各不相同,从而阐明了不同时期的态度。在整个19世纪,收藏家主要是行政人员;在20世纪上半叶的大部分时间里,正是英国大学的兴趣和需求导致许多学术或专业图书馆积累了大量藏书。
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引用次数: 0
Literary and miscellaneous texts in the Ashmolean Museum. By O. R. Gurney. (Oxford Editions of Cuneiform Texts, Vol. XI.) pp. 84 + errata slip. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1989. 阿什莫尔博物馆的文学和混合文字。在o.r.轮床上。(牛津版的楔形文字,第11卷)牛津,克莱伦登出版社,1989年。
D. Wiseman
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引用次数: 0
Scenic splendours: India through the printed image. by Pheroza Godrej and Pauline Rohatgi. pp. 167, 32 col., 82 bl. and wh. illus. London, The British Library; Bangalore etc., Arnold Publishers, 1989. £25.00. 风景壮丽:印度通过印刷图像。作者:费洛扎·戈德瑞和波琳·罗哈吉。第167页,第32页,第82页。插图。伦敦,大英图书馆;班加罗尔等,阿诺德出版社,1989年。£25.00。
T. Falk
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引用次数: 0
Rebellion and repression in the Philippines. By Richard J. Kessler. pp. xii, 227. New Haven and London, Yale University Press, 1989. US $30.00, £22.50. 菲律宾的叛乱和镇压。作者:Richard J.Kessler。第xii、227页。《纽黑文与伦敦》,耶鲁大学出版社,1989年。30.00美元,22.50英镑。
Robert H. Taylor
Moreover, either in principle or in practice, houses or clans in eastern Indonesia may sometimes be involved in symmetrical marital exchanges. In consequence, I find figures 1 and 5b a gross over-simplification, in places technically incorrect, and probably very misleading. Finally, there is the assertion of methodological integrity. This "is an essay about 'Us ' meeting 'Them'" (p. 26), in which the author is mercifully happy to seek accuracy, while abhorring objectivity. Given such lofty claims, the vagueness of some of the statements and the mis-use of the comparative method is surprising. The book opens, for example, with a description of birth ritual which, while incorporating the device of direct selective quotation from fieldnotes which one supposes is deemed to confer privileged authority then proceeds to generalise and interpolate commentary. What are we to make of this? Are the generalisations derived from the extracts presented? Are there other notes on the same subject of which this is a distillation, or have secondary sources been employed? Is there garbling going-on? I am not sure. I mention these things only because the author herself has made a virtue of a particular kind of integrity: the claim to inside knowledge. Surprising also, in view of this, is the selfconscious stylishness of the text. We must "not import alien ideas" (p. 238) says Professor Errington, while all the while "snorkeling" texts (p. 12) and making much of elaborate ethnocentric culinary metaphors involving souffle pans and cookie trays. If even this author errs, perhaps there is no alternative. Behind all the pretension we have here in literary terms an undeniably well-written book by an author with a lively imagination, who is clearly nobody's fool and much taken to meditating with effect on the seminal ideas of others. There are important insights, and no doubt her confident models of "centrist" and "Eastern Indonesian" societies will get some mileage. But as ethnography it is fatally partial and inconsistent in terms set by the author herself. At the general level, at which it purports to have some relevance, it repeats a number of anthropological commonplaces while actually telling us little that is new.
此外,无论是在原则上还是在实践中,印度尼西亚东部的家庭或氏族有时可能涉及对称的婚姻交换。因此,我发现图1和图5b过于简单化了,有些地方在技术上是不正确的,而且可能非常具有误导性。最后,还有方法论完整性的主张。这“是一篇关于‘我们’与‘他们’相遇的文章”(第26页),在这篇文章中,作者仁慈地乐于追求准确,同时厌恶客观。考虑到这些崇高的主张,一些陈述的模糊性和比较方法的误用令人惊讶。例如,这本书的开头是对出生仪式的描述,同时结合了直接选择性地引用田野笔记的方法,人们认为这被认为是赋予特权的权威,然后继续概括和插入评论。我们该怎么理解这件事?概括是否来自所提供的摘要?在同一主题上是否有其他笔记是本文的精华,或者是否使用了第二手资料?有乱码吗?我不确定。我提到这些事情,只是因为作者自己把一种特殊的正直当作美德:对内部知识的要求。鉴于此,令人惊讶的是,文本的自觉风格。埃林顿教授说,我们必须“不要引进外来的思想”(第238页),而与此同时,他一直在“浮潜”文本(第12页),并制造了许多复杂的种族中心主义烹饪隐喻,包括蛋奶酥锅和饼干托盘。如果连这位作者都犯了错误,或许也没有别的选择。在所有这些装模作样的文学作品背后,我们看到的是一本无可否认写得很好的书,作者有着丰富的想象力,显然没有人会被他愚弄,他对别人的重要思想进行了深思熟虑,并产生了影响。书中有重要的见解,毫无疑问,她对“中间派”和“东印尼”社会的自信模式将有所收获。但作为民族志,它在作者自己设定的术语上是致命的片面和不一致的。在一般层面上,它声称有一些相关性,它重复了一些人类学的老生常谈,而实际上告诉我们的很少是新的。
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引用次数: 0
The Oxford-Duden pictorial Chinese & English dictionary. Simplified character edition, pp. 853, 384 illus. Hong Kong etc., Oxford University Press, 1989. £25.00. 牛津-杜登中英文写真词典。简体字版,第853、384页。香港等,牛津大学出版社,1989年。£25.00。
H. Baker
too, such as the Half-acre garden (Ban mu yuan) once occupied by Linqing of the Imperial Household Bond-servant division of the Bordered Yellow Banner, and Prince Gong's mansion. Shenyang is not on the normal tourist routes in China and deserves to be better known as the palace and its contents are invaluable resources; though this text (which was [presumably] translated from an authorised Chinese source) is characteristically bare of notes and bristling with assumptions, the volume as a whole is a good introduction.
也有半亩园(半亩园),曾经由皇黄旗的宫内侍师林清所占有,还有恭亲王的府邸。沈阳不在中国的正常旅游路线上,应该以宫殿而闻名,其中的内容是宝贵的资源;尽管这篇文章(据推测是翻译自经授权的中文来源)没有注释,而且充满了假设,但从整体上看,这本书是一本很好的入门书。
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引用次数: 0
Das Sendschreiben al-Qušayrīs Über das Sufitum. Introduction, translation and commentary by Richard Gramlich. (Freiburger Islamstudien, Band XII.) pp. xix, 659. Stuttgart, Franz Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden GmbH, 1989. DM 240. 《天花板上的库沙伊尔书信集》。Richard Gramlich的介绍、翻译和评论。(《弗赖堡伊斯兰研究》,第十二卷,第xix页,第659页。斯图加特,Franz Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden GmbH,1989年。DM 240。
Alexander Knysh
indicate that the text, or its constituent parts, had attained some sort of sacred status early in its (or their) history, but that in itself tells us nothing about the time or circumstances of composition and compilation. Nevertheless, Brockett's stress on the fact that the Qur'an is not only "scripture" but also (orally delivered) liturgical text is important. In sum, therefore, this is a valuable collection which deepens our understanding of tafsir and reflects the extent to which academic study of that discipline flourishes. The volume has been admirably edited and is well produced.
表明文本或其组成部分在其(或其)历史的早期已经达到了某种神圣的地位,但这本身并没有告诉我们创作和编辑的时间或环境。然而,布罗克特强调的事实是,古兰经不仅是“经文”,也是(口头传递的)礼仪文本,这一点很重要。总之,这是一个有价值的集合,它加深了我们对行政管理的理解,反映了该学科学术研究的繁荣程度。这本书编辑得很好,制作得也很好。
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引用次数: 0
Iran: the crisis of democracy, 1941–1953 . By Fakhreddin Azimi. pp. xi, 433. London: I. B. Tauris & Co., 1989. £29.50. 伊朗:民主危机,1941-1953。作者:Fakhreddin Azimi。第11页,第433页。伦敦:i.b. Tauris & Co., 1989。£29.50。
M. Yapp
was held within the 'ulama' as a whole, and by individual 'ulama' at different times and in varying circumstances. She is by no means inclined to overestimate the role played by the religious classes: indeed, her general message is that for the most part the mujtahids she discusses were leading from behind: they were obliged to support the constitution because that was where the sympathies of their followers generally lay. This was clearly an essential consideration in a religious system in which the influence and prestige of a mujtahid depended on his possession of disciples, not on a formally defined position in a hierarchy. Shaykh Fazlallah Nurl receives more sympathetic treatment from Dr Martin than he did from the constitutionalists, who had him hanged in 1909. She credits him with seeing the inevitably secularising and westernising consequences of the acceptance of constitutional government, and the erosion of the position of the 'ulama' that this would bring about, much more clear-sightedly than any of his peers. She contends that his opponents among the 'ulama' never really succeeded in answering (in Islamic terms and according to Shn theological-legal presuppositions) the arguments that he put forward and that the developments of the Pahlavi era eventually proved that he was right. Those who are expert in the period will be able to evaluate Dr Martin's case more adequately than I can: for myself I find her arguments and the evidence she produces generally convincing. If I were looking for holes to pick, I might query the absence from the bibliography of some items which readers would be likely to find worth consulting, such as Moojan Momen's Introduction to Shti Islam, A. K. S. Lambton's articles on the tobacco regie and her brief study of the revolution in the volume on Middle Eastern revolutions edited by P. J. Vatikiotis, and Shuster's celebrated book The Strangling of Persia. Nor am I happy about the appropriateness of the use in a Persian context of such terms as "fief" and "feudalism". But these are comparatively minor points. The story Vanessa Martin tells can hardly fail to set off all kinds of resonances in the reader's mind especially comparisons and contrasts with the events of 1979 and after in Iran. The author rightly resists any temptation to stray into such pastures. The real value of her book is that, in the words of Yann Richard of CNRS quoted on the jacket, it will "become the standard work on the Iranian constitutional revolution", and not just for want of anything better. It marks a rather impressive scholarly debut,
在“乌拉玛”内部作为一个整体,在不同的时间和不同的情况下由个别的“乌拉玛”持有。她绝不倾向于高估宗教阶层所扮演的角色:事实上,她的总体信息是,她所讨论的圣战者在很大程度上是幕后领导:他们有义务支持宪法,因为这是他们的追随者普遍同情的地方。在一个宗教体系中,这显然是一个必要的考虑因素,在这个体系中,圣战者的影响和威望取决于他对信徒的拥有,而不是他在等级制度中正式确定的地位。比起1909年被绞死的立宪主义者,谢赫·法兹拉·努尔得到了马丁医生更多的同情。她认为他比他的同行更清楚地看到了接受宪法政府不可避免的世俗化和西方化的后果,以及由此带来的“乌拉玛”地位的侵蚀。她认为,他在“乌拉玛”中的对手从来没有真正成功地回答过他提出的论点(用伊斯兰的术语和根据伊斯兰教的神学-法律预设),巴列维时代的发展最终证明了他是正确的。那些在这一时期的专家将能够比我更充分地评价马丁博士的案例:就我自己而言,我发现她的论点和她提出的证据总体上令人信服。如果我在寻找漏洞,我可能会质疑书目中缺少一些读者可能会觉得值得参考的项目,比如Moojan Momen的《什叶派伊斯兰教导论》,A. K. S. Lambton关于烟草制度的文章,以及她在P. J. Vatikiotis编辑的中东革命卷中对革命的简要研究,以及舒斯特的名著《掐死波斯》。我也不满意在波斯语语境中使用“封地”和“封建主义”这样的术语是否恰当。但这些都是相对次要的问题。凡妮莎·马丁讲述的故事几乎会在读者心中引发各种共鸣,尤其是与1979年及之后发生在伊朗的事件进行比较和对比。作者正确地抵制了任何误入此类领域的诱惑。她的书的真正价值在于,用CNRS的Yann Richard在封面上引用的话来说,它将“成为关于伊朗宪政革命的标准著作”,而不仅仅是因为缺乏更好的东西。这是一本令人印象深刻的学术处女作,
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引用次数: 1
Her eyes. By Bozorg Alavi, translated by John O'Kane. (Bibliotheca Persica, Modern Persian Literature Series, No. 9.) pp. vi, 215. Lanham, Maryland etc., University Press of America, 1989. US $28.50. 她的眼睛。博佐格·阿拉维著,约翰·奥凯恩译。(波斯图书馆,《现代波斯文学丛书》,第9期),第vi、215页。Lanham,Maryland等,美国大学出版社,1989年。28.50美元。
Narguess Farzad
Chashmhdyash, Her Eyes, is B. Alavi's first and only novel in Persian and, incidentally, the last of his works published in Iran before he left for exile. Although Her Eyes received much praise from the critics, it attracted strong condemnation too. The strongest attack came from some of the author's comrades in the Tudeh Party, and also from critics in the Soviet Union who found Alavi's sympathetic treatment of Farangis, the wealthy and spoiled heroine of the novel contrary to his professed progressive ideals and social convictions. All the same Her Eyes remains an important work of Persian fiction, and is one of Alavi's better known works. Thus, although Her Eyes has been translated into German and Polish, its translation into English was long overdue. Alavi's style is straightforward, simple and economical compared with the works of some of his famous contemporaries such as Hedayat, and Jamalzadeh; it should therefore pose fewer difficulties for the non-native translator. John O'Kane's rendering is correct and credit is due to him for achieving a consistently high level of basic accuracy. However, this exactitude is generally not accompanied by the imagination and inventiveness which might have produced a narrative that combines faithfulness to the original with a natural flow of English idiom. Retention of Persian word order for instance, can produce a stilted and artificial effect. In spite of this, the translation is successful in capturing the generally romantic, often psychoanalytical, and always melodramatic tone of the book. It is to be hoped that this translation of Her Eyes will encourage more English translations of Alavi's more impressive works, namely his collections of artistically worked-out short stories where his portrayal of character is far more convincing and powerful.
《她的眼睛》(Chashmhdyash)是阿拉维第一部也是唯一一部波斯语小说,顺便说一句,这也是他流亡伊朗前在伊朗出版的最后一部作品。尽管《她的眼睛》受到了评论家的好评,但也遭到了强烈的谴责。最强烈的攻击来自于作者在土耳其党内的一些同志,也来自于苏联的批评者,他们认为阿拉维对小说中富有而被宠坏的女主人公法兰吉斯的同情与他所宣称的进步理想和社会信念背道而驰。尽管如此,她的眼睛仍然是波斯小说的重要作品,也是阿拉维较知名的作品之一。因此,尽管《她的眼睛》已被翻译成德语和波兰语,但它的英文译本却姗姗来迟。与同时代的一些著名画家如Hedayat和Jamalzadeh相比,Alavi的风格直接、简单、经济;因此,对于非母语翻译人员来说,这应该会减少困难。约翰·奥凯恩的渲染是正确的,这要归功于他始终如一的高水平的基本准确性。然而,这种精确性通常没有想象力和创造力,而想象力和创造力本可以产生一种既忠实于原作又自然流畅的英语习语的叙事。例如,保留波斯语的词序会产生做作和人为的效果。尽管如此,翻译成功地抓住了全书的浪漫、精神分析和情节戏剧化的基调。我们希望这本《她的眼睛》的译本能够鼓励更多阿拉维更令人印象深刻的作品被翻译成英文,也就是他的短篇小说集,在这些短篇小说集里,他对人物的刻画更加令人信服和有力。
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引用次数: 0
The formation of Ch'an ideology in China and Korea: the Vajrasamādhi-Sūtra, a Buddhist Apocryphon . By Robert E. Buswell Jr, (Princeton Library of Asian Translations.) pp. xviii, 315, 8 pl. Princeton, N.J., Princeton University Press, 1989. US $39.50. 中国和朝鲜禅宗思想的形成:Vajrasamādhi-Sūtra,一个佛教伪经。小罗伯特·e·布斯韦尔著,(普林斯顿亚洲翻译图书馆)第18页,315页,8页。普林斯顿,新泽西州,普林斯顿大学出版社,1989年。39.50美元。
T. Barret
This volume sets out to substantiate the surprising claim that a Buddhist scripture in Chinese showing close affinities with Ch'an thought was actually composed in Korea in the seventh century A.D. Part One, Chapter One, assesses the status of the Chin-kang san-mei ching as an East Asian composition; Chapter Two examines the dating of its earliest commentary by the great Korean exegete Wonhyo (617-686) and assigns it (on the basis of the very inadequate materials available) to the end of his life. Chapter Three remarks on the general philosophical allegiances of the text with that current in Buddhist philosophy tending to stress the immanent, innate origins of enlightenment. Chapter Four moves on to comment on elements in it, apparently not detected by Wonhyo, which demonstrate that the author was deeply familiar with different tendencies in mid-seventh century Chinese Ch'an Buddhism. The conclusion is reached that the text surfaced in Korea as the product of a Korean monk who had studied Ch'an in China but, finding no interest in its doctrines on returning to his homeland, resorted to forgery to promote his ideas. Part Two provides a full translation of the work in question. Questions, of course, can be raised about some of Buswell's arguments. Can we be sure that Wonhyo, late on in his career especially, knew nothing of Ch'an ? Could it not be that he was disposed, at times at any rate, to apply exegetical schemata somewhat arbitrarily, even when he was aware that they did violence to the meaning of the texts he was supposed to be explicating? This would at least seem to be within the bounds of possibility (cf. my remarks in JRAS, 1982, p. 39), though a possibility which would obviously require considerable study of Wonhyo's works to confirm or deny. Alternatively, if early Ch'an was completely unknown in Korea, why would a Korean author make such a point of reconciling different strands in Ch'an thought for a totally ignorant and unappreciative audience unless, of course, the text was composed in China, prior to his return home? One wishes, too, that Buswell could have pursued somewhat further what may well be the earliest reference to his text, in Taisho Canon text no. 1668, termed by him Sok Mahayon-ron, on the assumption (supported by early Japanese testimony) that this work (Chinese Shih Mo-ho-yen lun) was "forged" in Korea also, in the mid-eighth century. Allegations, however, that a manuscript of no. 1668 preserved in Japan dates to the reign of the Chinese Empress Wu (r. 690-705)-cf. Mizuno Kogen, ed., Shin Butten kaidai jiten (Tokyo, 1966), p. 158 cast some doubt on this, though it is hard to tell how much these allegations are worth without checking the document in question. Given, however, the evidence currently available, Buswell's reconstruction of events represents the most plausible scenario imaginable, and he is commendably scrupulous in distinguishing the different levels of likelihood characterizing different segments of his s
本卷旨在证实一个令人惊讶的说法,即一部与禅宗思想密切相关的中文佛经实际上是在公元七世纪在韩国创作的。第一部分,第一章,评估了金刚三美经作为东亚作品的地位;第二章考察了伟大的韩国注释家元孝(617-686)最早的注释的年代,并(基于非常不足的材料)将其指定为他生命的终结。第三章评论了佛教哲学倾向于强调内在的、内在的启蒙起源的文本的一般哲学忠诚。第四章继续评论其中的元素,显然元孝没有发现,这表明作者对七世纪中叶中国禅宗的不同倾向非常熟悉。有分析认为,该经卷是在中国学习过禅宗的韩国僧人的作品,但由于对回国的教义不感兴趣,因此为了宣传自己的思想而伪造了经卷。第二部分提供了有关作品的完整翻译。当然,对Buswell的一些论点也可以提出质疑。我们能确定元孝,尤其是在他事业的后期,对钱氏一无所知吗?他会不会,不管怎么说,有时,有些武断地使用训诂图式,即使他知道这些图式对他应该解释的文本的意义有暴力作用?这至少看起来是在可能的范围内(参见我在JRAS, 1982年,第39页的评论),尽管这种可能性显然需要对元孝的作品进行大量研究才能证实或否认。或者,如果早期的中国在韩国完全不为人所知,为什么一个韩国作家会为了一个完全无知和不欣赏的读者而如此强调调和中国思想的不同方面,当然,除非文本是在他回国之前在中国创作的?人们也希望,Buswell可以进一步探究可能是他的文本最早的参考文献,在大正典文本no。1668年,他将其命名为《石摩和言论》(Sok Mahayon-ron),假设(得到早期日本证词的支持)这部作品(中国的《石摩和言论》)也是在8世纪中期在朝鲜“伪造”的。然而,有指控称,一份手稿没有。1668年保存在日本的中国武皇后统治时期(约690-705年)-参见。Mizuno Kogen主编,《Shin Butten kaidai jiten》(东京,1966),第158页对此提出了一些质疑,尽管在不检查相关文件的情况下很难判断这些指控有多少价值。然而,鉴于目前可用的证据,Buswell对事件的重建代表了可以想象的最合理的情景,他在区分不同程度的可能性来描述他的故事的不同部分方面非常谨慎:他承认,在我们贫乏的历史资料中,唯一一个符合他的“伪造者”资格的朝鲜人——波姆南——实际上不太可能是罪魁祸首,而更可能是“像波姆南这样的人”(第175页)犯下了这一罪行。布斯韦尔的学识偶尔会低于他的论点所要求的非常高的水平:在第146页,使用与他的文本作者非常相似的语言的“匿名法师”,“他可能是一个近同时代的人”,实际上是六世纪中期的诗人和尚王明:参见《大正》,卷50,第482a页(徐高僧传,8),这代表了许多后来来源重新出版的作品的最早版本。但在很大程度上,《中韩儒学的形成》完全配得上布斯韦尔同行们在夹克上给它的“权威”、“辉煌”等称号。以后写《禅》的人,都不能忽视这本书;罗伯特·布斯韦尔(Robert Buswell)的早期著作《奇努》(Chinul)在向英国读者介绍韩国佛教方面已经开辟了新的领域,现在他为自己设定了最高的标准,我们怀着更大的兴趣期待着他对韩国佛教来源的进一步探索。
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引用次数: 0
Manuscripts and editions of Bal‘amī's Tarjamah-i Tārīkh-i Ṭabarī 巴尔安姆的《塔迦玛-i》手稿和版本Tārīkh-i Ṭabarī
Elton L. Daniel
In the year 352/963, according to independent evidence and the author's own testimony, the Samanid ruler Manṣūr b. Nūḥ sent an order via his major-domo and closest confidant, al-Fā'iq al-Khāṣṣa, to his minister Abū 'Alī Bal'amī, commissioning the latter to prepare a translation into court Persian of the famous historical annals written in Arabic by Muḥammad b. Jarīr al-Ṭabarī. Bal'amī completed this task, producing a book whose popularity in many ways eclipsed that of the original text throughout the Persian-speaking world and beyond (being translated into various Turkish dialects and even, ironically enough, back into Arabic). Unfortunately, exploitation of this source by modern scholars has been hindered both by its identification as a “translation” of Ṭabarī's work and by the lack of a suitable edition of the Persian text. This article attempts to explore these problems and the extent to which they have been rectified by recent studies and editions of this important work.
在352/963年,根据独立的证据和作者自己的证词,萨曼统治者Manṣūr b. Nūḥ通过他的主要domo和最亲密的知己al- fha 'iq al-Khāṣṣa向他的大臣abu ' al' Bal' amir发出命令,委托后者准备将Muḥammad b. jarjarr al . -Ṭabarī用阿拉伯语写成的著名历史编年史翻译成宫廷波斯语。巴尔安姆完成了这项任务,出版了一本在波斯语世界和其他地区(被翻译成各种土耳其方言,甚至具有讽刺意味的是,被翻译回阿拉伯语)在许多方面都超过了原著的书。不幸的是,现代学者对这一来源的利用受到了阻碍,因为它被认定为Ṭabarī工作的“翻译”,并且缺乏波斯语文本的合适版本。本文试图探讨这些问题,以及这些问题在多大程度上已被这项重要工作的最新研究和版本所纠正。
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引用次数: 22
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Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland. Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland
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