Anthropology & Medicine最新文献

Research in the field of Global Mental Health has stoked hopes that 'task-shifting' to community workers can help fill treatment gaps in low-resource settings. The fact that community workers inhabit the same local moral worlds as their clients is widely framed as a boon, with little consideration of the social and ethical dilemmas this might create in the care of chronic, stigmatized conditions. Drawing on 14 months of ethnographic research focused on psychosocial interventions in Nepal, this paper traces how the multiple roles community workers occupied with respect to their clients - clinician, neighbour, and at times kin - came to bear on the care they provided. In-depth case studies are used to explore two divergent logics of care informing Nepali community workers' practice. While formal psychosocial care guidelines emphasized clients' autonomy, calling for non-judgmental and non-directive forms of emotional support, everyday efforts to 'convince' neighbours and relatives in distress often involved directive guidance oriented toward the restoration of moral personhood and social relations. These approaches could be mutually supportive, but tensions arose when community workers invoked moral standards linked with mental health stigma. This analysis highlights the challenge of mobilizing communities' strengths and resources without inadvertently reproducing their exclusions. It suggests the deployment of community workers to address psychosocial care gaps may entail not only leveraging existing relationships within communities, but also reconfiguring the very terms of relatedness.

This article shows how, within a caregivers' self-help group in Emilia-Romagna, Italy, the narrative of caring fatigue was mobilised to question and negotiate local normative discourses and social norms on affective states and family care responsibilities. The neoliberal discourse on family caregiving in Italy assumes that it comes from authentic affective states and mutual understanding. By showing how intergenerational obligations and shifting parent-child hierarchies constrained the building up of caregiving relations, the narrative of caring fatigue allowed participants to explain the ambivalence they perceived about their filial responsibilities. Therefore, this narrative legitimised the choice of preserving caregivers' wellbeing and delegating aspects of care. This paper argues that stories of caring fatigue contradict the ideal model of family care that shapes academic and institutional discourses. Nevertheless, they play an important role in sustaining caregiver endurance.

Private primary care providers are usually the first site where afflictions come under institutional view. In the context of poverty, the relationship between illness and care is more complex than a simple division of responsibilities between various actors-with care given by kin, and diagnosis and treatment being the purview of providers. Since patients would often visit the provider with family members, providers are attuned to the patients' web of kinship. Providers would take patients' kinship arrangements into account when prescribing diagnostic tests and treatments. This paper terms this aspect of the clinical encounter as 'kin testing' to refer to situations/clinical encounters when providers take into consideration that care provided by kin was conditional. 'Kin testing' allowed providers to manage the episode of illness that had brought the patient to the clinic by relying on clinical judgment rather than confirmed laboratory tests. Furthermore, since complaints of poor health also were an idiom to communicate kin neglect, providers had to also discern how to negotiate diagnoses and treatments. Kinship determined whether the afflicted bodies brought to the clinics were diagnosed, whether medicines reached the body, and adherence maintained. The providers' actions make visible the difference that kinship made in how health is imagined in the clinic and in standardized protocols. Focusing on primary care clinics in Patna, India, we contribute to research that shows that kinship determines care and management of illnesses at home by showing that relatedness of patients gets folded in the clinic by providers as well.

This paper examines the affective inequalities underpinning the extensive responsibilities of care that are shouldered by chronically ill -middle-aged British Pakistani women. In the context of ethnic health inequalities, chronic illness and premature ageing are ubiquitous. Further, mid-life generates gendered pinchpoints in the dynamics of care. The paper draws on extended conversations with women over seven/eight years and tracks their unsettled perspectives on sabar (patient endurance). Middle-aged women described how, over the long haul of living alongside chronic illness, they intuited that they must place some limits on caring for others, and that care required self-care - not in a biomedical sense, but in the sense of attention to their own bodily and relational needs. The paper extends anthropological critiques of Levinas's philosophy of infinite responsibilities to care, tracking how changes at several temporal scales - the life course, intergenerational re-negotiations - affect care. While social transformations of gender, and the proliferation of neoliberal discourses on self-care do affect the traction of normative notions of selfless care for others, the paper locates women's changing perspectives on sabar primarily in the provocations of everyday life.

Drawing on fieldwork in a public residential facility for eating disorders in central Italy, the paper examines the relational temporalities of therapeutics by looking at how time affects treatment at the intersection of professional and family care practices. In arguing that 'chronic cases' put into question the specific kind of kinship care that is at the basis of treatment, the paper contributes to the anthropological literature on eating disorders by bringing time under the analytical lens, and to the literature on 'chronicity' by complicating simplified assumptions about structural care problems. In addition, the paper draws on and goes beyond anthropological works that have highlighted the potentially harmful side of kinship - including those that have explored how kinship can be framed as a source of mental distress and at the same time as a therapeutic tool. Kinship as a therapeutic tool here becomes risky because professionals need to borrow from kinship practices in their own work with patients, balancing those with the necessary clinical detachment. The paper shows that the time chronic patients need in residential treatment generates a particularly complex mix between what is seen as 'functional' and what is seen as 'dysfunctional' in kinship care, because the 'efficacy' of the kinship work that is at the basis of treatment rests on that being partial and temporary. Long term care in the facility complicates what otherwise allows clinical detachment: the treatment team ends up literally substituting the patient's family, with professional and family care mixing 'too much' with one another.

Drawing on ethnography of one family's life with diabetes in a poor settlement in Delhi's suburbs, this paper examines the relationship between emotional structures of care and kinship in the face of chronic illness. While anthropologists have argued for a relational understanding of care and discussed how, in India, modernity and social transformations have resulted in crises of familial care, less attention has been paid to the emotional terrains of care and its difficulties as they unfold in concrete relationships over time. This paper demonstrates how emotional intensities define the possibilities, limits, and ambivalence of kin care for the chronically ill. Described as care without heart, this mode of attention implies a continuation of care labour that maintains kinship ties and holds the possibility of kin futures, but is disinvested emotionally and feels unsatisfactory. The analytic of care without heart expresses a particular mode of care by which persons navigate dominant moral regimes around gendered family responsibilities and imperatives of love in relationships, but without fully subscribing to them. Care without heart at once signifies an inadequate form of care, invokes North Indian normative moral regimes around family care responsibilities and emotions, and acknowledges the shortcomings of these regimes and norms of relatedness.

This paper centers on Isabella, a Candomblé follower who struggled with severe rheumatoid arthritis from an early age, arguing that care and self-care practices in Candomblé are intertwined to such extent that they challenge the dichotomy of caring and being cared for. In contrast to a linear model of care that positions care-giver and care--receiver at opposite ends of care relationships, the concept of 'circular care' describes forms of care that are directed at others and simultaneously at oneself. Exploring the religious kinship in a Candomblé house - with Candomblé deities (orixás) and between humans - this paper shows how circular care blurs the distinction between self and other. The emic concept of 'the double mirror' illustrates the -'constitutive alterity' of humans and orixás who relate to each other through kinship building and collective care practices. Since circular care frames one's care for the orixás and the religious family as healing self-care, failing to provide the correct care may in turn be experienced as detrimental self-neglect. The concept of circular care thus enables a deeper understanding of complex dynamics of care and self-care in the contexts of chronic illness, religion, kinship, and beyond.

Under the aegis of the World Health Organization, the Movement for Global Mental Health and an Indian Supreme Court ruling, biomedical psychiatric interventions have expanded in India augmenting biomedical hegemony in a place that is known for its variety of healing modalities. This occurs despite the fact that studies by the WHO show better outcomes in India for people suffering from schizophrenia and related diagnoses when compared to people in developed countries with greater access to biomedical psychiatry. Practitioners of ayurvedic medicine in Kerala have been mounting a claim for a significant role in public mental health in the face of this growing hegemony.This study examines efforts by ayurvedic practitioners to expand access to ayurvedic mental health services in Kerala, and profiles a rehabilitation center which combines biomedical and ayurvedic therapies and has been a key player in efforts to expand the use of Ayurveda for mental health. The paper argues for maintaining a pluralistic healing environment for treating mental illness rather than displacing other healing modalities in favor of a biomedical psychiatric approach.

In seeking to explore the meaning of chronic and chronicity, the association with infertility is neither immediate nor evident. However, this paper explores this relationship by analyzing the idea of infertility in relation to chronicity. In the linkages that come forth the idea of chronic lifestyle emerging from certain ways of being and living, as well the imaginings associated with the chronic body become important nodes of exploring the relationship between infertility and chronicity. Most importantly, the role that time plays in marking the chronic state is seen to be especially potent in the practice of infertility treatment, and the narratives that emerge around its temporal inevitability. The rhetoric that marks the diagnosis and prescription of treatment is often based on the identification of the body as susceptible to reproductive decline and failure, due to the contingencies of modern living. This often translates into a more sustained involvement with ARTs, which may or may not fulfil the required desire for a child. In this paper I seek to analyse the ways in which practitioners of infertility medicine create an image of an affliction that borders on chronicity. In the process, I question the idea of both chronic diseases and chronicity by looking at how illness is imagined in narratives that IVF specialists create in public, and through the idea of a cure for infertility. By analysing data collected through ethnographic fieldwork, this paper aims to build on the idea of the chronic as inevitable within clinical discourse and practice.