Anthropology & Medicine最新文献

Since the introduction of the Improving Access to Psychological Therapies (IAPT) programme in NHS England, psychological therapy has gained traction as 'evidence-based' and 'effective' in both clinical and economic terms. In the process, psychotherapeutic care has been reconstituted as highly manualised, standardised, and quantifiable. Drawing on anthropological fieldwork with mental health practitioners, this paper examines some common tensions that practitioners experience in their daily work where psychotherapy is sought within the framework of evidence-based medicine (EBM). For therapists working within IAPT, extensive monitoring and practices of accountability have come to undermine psychotherapeutic efforts to care for patients as 'people'. As a result, many practitioners now feel that they are working in a 'factory of therapy' whereby psychological treatment is recast in the service of outcome measures, and by which critique of the IAPT service, as well as caring relations within it, have been precluded.

Since the 2000s, hundreds of government-funded health insurance (GFHI) schemes were introduced in India. These schemes are meant to prevent poorer households from incurring catastrophic health expenditures. Through GFHIs, policy-makers want to mobilize the decision-making powers of private consumers in a liberalized healthcare market. Patients are called upon to act as 'co-creators' of healthcare value by optimizing supply through demand. Based on long-term ethnographic fieldwork with insurance users in South India, we argue that GFHIs fail because people experience the value of insurance in drastically different ways that only partly overlap with how the policy assumes they value insurance. In addition, the hollow promises of health coverage can be experienced as so frustrating that signing up for health insurance actually makes people feel devalued.

In early 2020, when the first COVID-19 cases were confirmed in Switzerland, the federal government started implementing measures such as national stay-at-home recommendations and a strict limitation of health care services use. General practitioners (GPs) and their at-risk patients faced similar uncertainties and grappled with subsequent sensemaking of the unprecedented situation. Qualitative interviews with 24 GPs and 37 at-risk patients were conducted which were analyzed using thematic analysis. Weick's (1993) four sources of -resilience - improvisation, virtual role systems, attitudes of wisdom and respectful interaction - heuristically guide the exploration of on-the-ground experiences and informal ways GPs and their at-risk patients sought to ensure continuity of primary care. GPs used their metaphorical Swiss army knives of learned tools as well as existing knowledge and relationships to adapt to the extenuating circumstances. Through improvisation, GPs and patients found pragmatic solutions, such as using local farmer apple brandy as disinfectant or at-home treatments of clavicle fractures. Through virtual role systems, GPs and patients came to terms with new and shifting roles, such as "good soldier" and "at-risk patient" categorizations. Both parties adopted attitudes of wisdom by accepting that they could not know everything. They also diversified their sources of information through personal relationships, formal networks, and the internet. The GP-patient relationship grew in importance through respectful interaction, and intersubjective reflection helped make sense of shifting roles and ambiguous guidelines. The empirical analysis of this paper contributes to theoretical considerations of sensemaking, resilience, crisis settings and health systems.

Research in the field of Global Mental Health has stoked hopes that 'task-shifting' to community workers can help fill treatment gaps in low-resource settings. The fact that community workers inhabit the same local moral worlds as their clients is widely framed as a boon, with little consideration of the social and ethical dilemmas this might create in the care of chronic, stigmatized conditions. Drawing on 14 months of ethnographic research focused on psychosocial interventions in Nepal, this paper traces how the multiple roles community workers occupied with respect to their clients - clinician, neighbour, and at times kin - came to bear on the care they provided. In-depth case studies are used to explore two divergent logics of care informing Nepali community workers' practice. While formal psychosocial care guidelines emphasized clients' autonomy, calling for non-judgmental and non-directive forms of emotional support, everyday efforts to 'convince' neighbours and relatives in distress often involved directive guidance oriented toward the restoration of moral personhood and social relations. These approaches could be mutually supportive, but tensions arose when community workers invoked moral standards linked with mental health stigma. This analysis highlights the challenge of mobilizing communities' strengths and resources without inadvertently reproducing their exclusions. It suggests the deployment of community workers to address psychosocial care gaps may entail not only leveraging existing relationships within communities, but also reconfiguring the very terms of relatedness.

This article shows how, within a caregivers' self-help group in Emilia-Romagna, Italy, the narrative of caring fatigue was mobilised to question and negotiate local normative discourses and social norms on affective states and family care responsibilities. The neoliberal discourse on family caregiving in Italy assumes that it comes from authentic affective states and mutual understanding. By showing how intergenerational obligations and shifting parent-child hierarchies constrained the building up of caregiving relations, the narrative of caring fatigue allowed participants to explain the ambivalence they perceived about their filial responsibilities. Therefore, this narrative legitimised the choice of preserving caregivers' wellbeing and delegating aspects of care. This paper argues that stories of caring fatigue contradict the ideal model of family care that shapes academic and institutional discourses. Nevertheless, they play an important role in sustaining caregiver endurance.

Private primary care providers are usually the first site where afflictions come under institutional view. In the context of poverty, the relationship between illness and care is more complex than a simple division of responsibilities between various actors-with care given by kin, and diagnosis and treatment being the purview of providers. Since patients would often visit the provider with family members, providers are attuned to the patients' web of kinship. Providers would take patients' kinship arrangements into account when prescribing diagnostic tests and treatments. This paper terms this aspect of the clinical encounter as 'kin testing' to refer to situations/clinical encounters when providers take into consideration that care provided by kin was conditional. 'Kin testing' allowed providers to manage the episode of illness that had brought the patient to the clinic by relying on clinical judgment rather than confirmed laboratory tests. Furthermore, since complaints of poor health also were an idiom to communicate kin neglect, providers had to also discern how to negotiate diagnoses and treatments. Kinship determined whether the afflicted bodies brought to the clinics were diagnosed, whether medicines reached the body, and adherence maintained. The providers' actions make visible the difference that kinship made in how health is imagined in the clinic and in standardized protocols. Focusing on primary care clinics in Patna, India, we contribute to research that shows that kinship determines care and management of illnesses at home by showing that relatedness of patients gets folded in the clinic by providers as well.

This paper examines the affective inequalities underpinning the extensive responsibilities of care that are shouldered by chronically ill -middle-aged British Pakistani women. In the context of ethnic health inequalities, chronic illness and premature ageing are ubiquitous. Further, mid-life generates gendered pinchpoints in the dynamics of care. The paper draws on extended conversations with women over seven/eight years and tracks their unsettled perspectives on sabar (patient endurance). Middle-aged women described how, over the long haul of living alongside chronic illness, they intuited that they must place some limits on caring for others, and that care required self-care - not in a biomedical sense, but in the sense of attention to their own bodily and relational needs. The paper extends anthropological critiques of Levinas's philosophy of infinite responsibilities to care, tracking how changes at several temporal scales - the life course, intergenerational re-negotiations - affect care. While social transformations of gender, and the proliferation of neoliberal discourses on self-care do affect the traction of normative notions of selfless care for others, the paper locates women's changing perspectives on sabar primarily in the provocations of everyday life.