{"title":"Who are you?","authors":"Heather L Sellers","doi":"10.1098/rsnr.2021.0024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2021.0024","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":82881,"journal":{"name":"Tanzania notes and records","volume":"9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83497454","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
There are various ways to assess the accomplishment and recognition of researchers in medicine and the life sciences, but the most visible form of scientific honour is an award. Awards and prizes are listed in CVs, grant proposals or job applications as a sign of excellence. Along with other markers, such as keynote lectures, major grants and citations, awards and prizes provide evidence of scientific recognition and prestige, even of academic celebrity. There are also quantitative measures of excellence, for example the Hirsch Index, which is based on citations. These play important roles when the progress and impact of individual scholars is being evaluated—for example, in academic promotion committees. Such citation metrics have been a growing field of interdisciplinary research for decades (even with their own journals, such as Scientometrics). By contrast, our understanding of prize cultures and their dynamics, in different countries or in specific fields, has remained surprisingly poor. This Special Issue is thematically grouped around prizes as presumptive parameters for excellence and impact. As scholars have shown, the number of prizes in the sciences and in medicine has increased considerably since the 1980s. There seems to be such an oversaturation of prizes that few experts maintain an overview of the ‘prize landscape’, even in their own field. This is true on the international arena, too: renowned prizes in one country are often unknown elsewhere. Only few scientific awards are celebrated around the globe among both scientists and laymen. With the following articles, we wish to explore cultures of scientific credit and academic excellence in medicine in North America since the turn of the twentieth century and to discuss the more general question of the functions and motives of prizes, the mechanisms of awarding them and the contexts in which some individuals become potential candidates. This Special Issue thus aims at describing and understanding the social and cultural mechanisms to be found in prize competitions. It
{"title":"Beyond the Nobel Prize: scientific recognition and awards in North America since 1900","authors":"N. Hansson, T. Schlich","doi":"10.1098/rsnr.2022.0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2022.0015","url":null,"abstract":"There are various ways to assess the accomplishment and recognition of researchers in medicine and the life sciences, but the most visible form of scientific honour is an award. Awards and prizes are listed in CVs, grant proposals or job applications as a sign of excellence. Along with other markers, such as keynote lectures, major grants and citations, awards and prizes provide evidence of scientific recognition and prestige, even of academic celebrity. There are also quantitative measures of excellence, for example the Hirsch Index, which is based on citations. These play important roles when the progress and impact of individual scholars is being evaluated—for example, in academic promotion committees. Such citation metrics have been a growing field of interdisciplinary research for decades (even with their own journals, such as Scientometrics). By contrast, our understanding of prize cultures and their dynamics, in different countries or in specific fields, has remained surprisingly poor. This Special Issue is thematically grouped around prizes as presumptive parameters for excellence and impact. As scholars have shown, the number of prizes in the sciences and in medicine has increased considerably since the 1980s. There seems to be such an oversaturation of prizes that few experts maintain an overview of the ‘prize landscape’, even in their own field. This is true on the international arena, too: renowned prizes in one country are often unknown elsewhere. Only few scientific awards are celebrated around the globe among both scientists and laymen. With the following articles, we wish to explore cultures of scientific credit and academic excellence in medicine in North America since the turn of the twentieth century and to discuss the more general question of the functions and motives of prizes, the mechanisms of awarding them and the contexts in which some individuals become potential candidates. This Special Issue thus aims at describing and understanding the social and cultural mechanisms to be found in prize competitions. It","PeriodicalId":82881,"journal":{"name":"Tanzania notes and records","volume":"66 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89262425","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In 1974 the Nobel laureate Sir Robert Robinson OM PRS (1886–1975) was gathering information for the memoirs he was writing. As part of his research, he recorded a conversation with his former student, fellow Nobel laureate Professor Dorothy Hodgkin OM FRS (1910–1994), during which she outlined the key stages of her career. She explained the principles underlying crystallography and described her work on the structure of biological molecules including penicillin and vitamin B12—for which she received the Nobel Prize—and on insulin. This paper includes a verbatim transcript of the conversation, which reveals the key figures in Hodgkin's career and the technical breakthroughs which underlay the elucidation of the structure of very large complex molecules. The paper includes a commentary on the value of oral accounts and concludes on the issues raised and not raised during the conversation. Sir Robert was President of the Royal Society between 1945 and 1950 when women were first elected Fellows. Hodgkin was elected in 1947. However, no mention is made of the challenges facing women developing a scientific career in the first half of the twentieth century.
1974年，诺贝尔奖得主罗伯特•罗宾逊爵士(Sir Robert Robinson OM PRS, 1886-1975)正在为撰写回忆录收集信息。作为研究的一部分，他录下了与他以前的学生、同为诺贝尔奖得主的多萝西·霍奇金教授(1910-1994)的一段对话，在对话中，她概述了自己职业生涯的关键阶段。她解释了晶体学的基本原理，并描述了她在包括青霉素和维生素b12在内的生物分子结构以及胰岛素方面的工作，她因此获得了诺贝尔奖。本文包含了一份逐字记录的谈话，其中揭示了霍奇金职业生涯中的关键人物和技术突破，这些突破奠定了对非常大的复杂分子结构的阐明。这篇论文包括对口头叙述的价值的评论，并总结了在谈话中提出和没有提出的问题。罗伯特爵士在1945年至1950年期间担任皇家学会主席，当时女性首次当选为研究员。霍奇金于1947年当选。然而，没有提到妇女在20世纪上半叶发展科学事业所面临的挑战。
{"title":"Two Nobel laureates in conversation: Robert Robinson listens to Dorothy Hodgkin's account of her life scientific","authors":"S. Butler","doi":"10.1098/rsnr.2022.0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2022.0012","url":null,"abstract":"In 1974 the Nobel laureate Sir Robert Robinson OM PRS (1886–1975) was gathering information for the memoirs he was writing. As part of his research, he recorded a conversation with his former student, fellow Nobel laureate Professor Dorothy Hodgkin OM FRS (1910–1994), during which she outlined the key stages of her career. She explained the principles underlying crystallography and described her work on the structure of biological molecules including penicillin and vitamin B12—for which she received the Nobel Prize—and on insulin. This paper includes a verbatim transcript of the conversation, which reveals the key figures in Hodgkin's career and the technical breakthroughs which underlay the elucidation of the structure of very large complex molecules. The paper includes a commentary on the value of oral accounts and concludes on the issues raised and not raised during the conversation. Sir Robert was President of the Royal Society between 1945 and 1950 when women were first elected Fellows. Hodgkin was elected in 1947. However, no mention is made of the challenges facing women developing a scientific career in the first half of the twentieth century.","PeriodicalId":82881,"journal":{"name":"Tanzania notes and records","volume":"62 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91108251","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The mid sixteenth century wave of encyclopaedic publications about fish and other water creatures introduced massive numbers of newly made naturalia images. This article concentrates on the phase of image making and collecting that came before print. The focus is on the lost album with fish drawings created before 1551 by the Venetian humanist Daniele Barbaro and his personal painter Maestro Plinio. Naturalists such as Belon, Salviani and Aldrovandi borrowed and copied Barbaro's fish drawings. This case study indicates that a revolutionary visual turn took place before the 1550s in the domain of drawing, and was only in part connected with printing projects; that the notion of an encyclopaedic image collection of aquatilia was most likely inspired by innovations in botany; and that expert patron-collectors played a key role in it, setting visual trends and stimulating scientific passions.
{"title":"Visual immersion: Daniele Barbaro's fish album and the wave of interest in aquatic creatures in mid sixteenth-century Europe","authors":"F. Egmond","doi":"10.1098/rsnr.2021.0084","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2021.0084","url":null,"abstract":"The mid sixteenth century wave of encyclopaedic publications about fish and other water creatures introduced massive numbers of newly made naturalia images. This article concentrates on the phase of image making and collecting that came before print. The focus is on the lost album with fish drawings created before 1551 by the Venetian humanist Daniele Barbaro and his personal painter Maestro Plinio. Naturalists such as Belon, Salviani and Aldrovandi borrowed and copied Barbaro's fish drawings. This case study indicates that a revolutionary visual turn took place before the 1550s in the domain of drawing, and was only in part connected with printing projects; that the notion of an encyclopaedic image collection of aquatilia was most likely inspired by innovations in botany; and that expert patron-collectors played a key role in it, setting visual trends and stimulating scientific passions.","PeriodicalId":82881,"journal":{"name":"Tanzania notes and records","volume":"14 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86003012","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In 1902, British naturalist Oldfield Thomas discovered a new species of bat in a collection of specimens sent to him from China. He named the new species Ia io, thereby creating a species name that is four letters in length—the shortest possible name allowed under the rules for naming a new species. In the time since, biologists have wondered why he chose this unusual name and what the name might mean in translation. The most widespread theory on the short name is that he was challenged by an American colleague to deliberately create the shortest species name possible. The question of what the name might mean in translation is more problematic. ‘Ia’ has been thought by most taxonomists to be a meaningless word, but ‘io’ has been suggested to refer to a mythological Greek priestess named Io. Herein, I show that the species name Ia io translates into ‘Shout hurrah!’ and demonstrate that the events in Oldfield Thomas's early professional life gave him an excellent reason for choosing this unusual species name in 1902.
{"title":"‘Shout hurrah!’ New thoughts on the origin and meaning of the bat species name Ia io, created in 1902 by Oldfield Thomas FRS","authors":"T. Griffiths","doi":"10.1098/rsnr.2022.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2022.0006","url":null,"abstract":"In 1902, British naturalist Oldfield Thomas discovered a new species of bat in a collection of specimens sent to him from China. He named the new species Ia io, thereby creating a species name that is four letters in length—the shortest possible name allowed under the rules for naming a new species. In the time since, biologists have wondered why he chose this unusual name and what the name might mean in translation. The most widespread theory on the short name is that he was challenged by an American colleague to deliberately create the shortest species name possible. The question of what the name might mean in translation is more problematic. ‘Ia’ has been thought by most taxonomists to be a meaningless word, but ‘io’ has been suggested to refer to a mythological Greek priestess named Io. Herein, I show that the species name Ia io translates into ‘Shout hurrah!’ and demonstrate that the events in Oldfield Thomas's early professional life gave him an excellent reason for choosing this unusual species name in 1902.","PeriodicalId":82881,"journal":{"name":"Tanzania notes and records","volume":"126 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75825952","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In 1665, Thomas Sprat's efforts to defend the hospitality bestowed on Samuel Sorbière, when the French savant visited London, were published in his Letter containing some observations on Monsieur de Sorbier's voyage into England. This book, for which Sprat stopped work on his now more famous History of the Royal-Society, challenged Sorbière's account of how he had been ‘entertained’, insisting he ‘be grateful for a good potage’ and ‘sound up his meat’. Experiments were, it seems, not to be depicted growing from nothing. This article thus situates Sprat's Letter amid convictions that the table was an apparently indispensable piece of experimental furniture. From the lavish banquets over which experiments were discussed, to feasts that were themselves experiments, it explores a learning seemingly nourished in rich settings of appetite and gratification. The offence caused by Sorbière's failure to acknowledge this commensality is placed in a context where, for better or worse, the character of experiment was on the table.
{"title":"An appetite for experiment: putting early Royal Society tastes back on the table","authors":"P. Holt","doi":"10.1098/rsnr.2021.0080","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2021.0080","url":null,"abstract":"In 1665, Thomas Sprat's efforts to defend the hospitality bestowed on Samuel Sorbière, when the French savant visited London, were published in his Letter containing some observations on Monsieur de Sorbier's voyage into England. This book, for which Sprat stopped work on his now more famous History of the Royal-Society, challenged Sorbière's account of how he had been ‘entertained’, insisting he ‘be grateful for a good potage’ and ‘sound up his meat’. Experiments were, it seems, not to be depicted growing from nothing. This article thus situates Sprat's Letter amid convictions that the table was an apparently indispensable piece of experimental furniture. From the lavish banquets over which experiments were discussed, to feasts that were themselves experiments, it explores a learning seemingly nourished in rich settings of appetite and gratification. The offence caused by Sorbière's failure to acknowledge this commensality is placed in a context where, for better or worse, the character of experiment was on the table.","PeriodicalId":82881,"journal":{"name":"Tanzania notes and records","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82991904","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper is drawn from a chapter of a forthcoming book on Canadian physician Maude Abbott. The excerpt explores how a prominent woman negotiated relationships during the early twentieth century. Abbott spent most of her career at McGill University in Montreal, as curator of its medical museum and as a researcher in congenital heart disease. Nonetheless her network of correspondents was vast. Engaging an approach the author calls ‘friendship archaeology’, the paper excavates Abbott's relationship with two powerful American physicians, Emanuel Libman and Paul Dudley White. Archival evidence turns up links with Nobel Prize nominees and winners, revealing how Abbott manoeuvred in that network.
{"title":"Friendship archaeology: how Maude Abbott occupied overlapping spaces of excellence","authors":"A. Adams","doi":"10.1098/rsnr.2021.0051","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2021.0051","url":null,"abstract":"This paper is drawn from a chapter of a forthcoming book on Canadian physician Maude Abbott. The excerpt explores how a prominent woman negotiated relationships during the early twentieth century. Abbott spent most of her career at McGill University in Montreal, as curator of its medical museum and as a researcher in congenital heart disease. Nonetheless her network of correspondents was vast. Engaging an approach the author calls ‘friendship archaeology’, the paper excavates Abbott's relationship with two powerful American physicians, Emanuel Libman and Paul Dudley White. Archival evidence turns up links with Nobel Prize nominees and winners, revealing how Abbott manoeuvred in that network.","PeriodicalId":82881,"journal":{"name":"Tanzania notes and records","volume":"2 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86389615","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The visualization of animals in order to categorize their position in the great chain of being was one of the primary interests of natural history in early modern times. According to contemporary opinion, the greatest challenge lay in the precise depiction of animals unknown and those not visible to the naked eye. The focus here will be on a graphic from Claude Perrault's Description anatomique of 1669, the plates and writings of Maria Sibylla Merian from around 1700 and the remarks and pictorial plates from the work of René-Antoine Ferchault de Réaumur, published in the first half of the eighteenth century. These case studies are used to illustrate the way in which natural historians of the early modern period, in their modes of representation, employed an ‘aesthetic of epistemological interest’ in order to transmit the knowledge of animals. Picturing life in the early modern age meant making the simultaneity of various stages, actually only perceived in a temporal sequence, available at a glance. In such a way, knowledge of unknown and invisible animals was conveyed along with that of the naturalist procedures that produced this knowledge.
把动物形象化，以便对它们在生命之链中的位置进行分类，是近代早期博物学的主要兴趣之一。根据当时的观点，最大的挑战在于对未知动物和肉眼看不到的动物的精确描绘。这里的重点是克劳德·佩罗1669年的《解剖描述》中的一幅图片，1700年左右玛丽亚·西比拉·梅里安的版画和著作，以及18世纪上半叶出版的ren - antoine Ferchault de r - umur作品中的评论和图片。这些案例研究被用来说明早期现代自然历史学家在他们的表现模式中，采用“认识论趣味美学”来传递动物知识的方式。描绘早期现代的生活意味着使不同阶段的同时性，实际上只是在时间序列中被感知，一目了然。通过这种方式，关于未知和看不见的动物的知识与产生这些知识的自然主义者的程序一起被传递。
{"title":"The visualization of unknown animals. Aesthetics of natural history in Perrault's Description anatomique, Merian's Metamorphosis insectorum Surinamensium and Réaumur's History of insects","authors":"S. Förschler","doi":"10.1098/rsnr.2021.0066","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2021.0066","url":null,"abstract":"The visualization of animals in order to categorize their position in the great chain of being was one of the primary interests of natural history in early modern times. According to contemporary opinion, the greatest challenge lay in the precise depiction of animals unknown and those not visible to the naked eye. The focus here will be on a graphic from Claude Perrault's Description anatomique of 1669, the plates and writings of Maria Sibylla Merian from around 1700 and the remarks and pictorial plates from the work of René-Antoine Ferchault de Réaumur, published in the first half of the eighteenth century. These case studies are used to illustrate the way in which natural historians of the early modern period, in their modes of representation, employed an ‘aesthetic of epistemological interest’ in order to transmit the knowledge of animals. Picturing life in the early modern age meant making the simultaneity of various stages, actually only perceived in a temporal sequence, available at a glance. In such a way, knowledge of unknown and invisible animals was conveyed along with that of the naturalist procedures that produced this knowledge.","PeriodicalId":82881,"journal":{"name":"Tanzania notes and records","volume":"01 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86424353","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
During the mid-nineteenth century, British naval expeditions navigated the world as part of the most extensive scientific undertaking of the age. Between 1839 and the early 1850s, the British government orchestrated a global surveying of the Earth's magnetic phenomena: this was a philosophical enterprise of unprecedented state support and geographical extent. But to conduct this investigation relied on the use of immensely delicate instruments, known as ‘dipping needles’. The most celebrated of these were those of Robert Were Fox, designed and built in Cornwall. Yet these devices were difficult to physically maintain and ensuring accuracy throughout a magnetic experiment was challenging. In 2020, Crosbie Smith and I took an original Fox dipping needle on a voyage from Falmouth to Cape Town, retracing the routes of survey expeditions, including James Clark Ross's 1839–43 Antarctic venture. The article offers an account of our experiences, combined with historical reports of the instrument's past performances. It explores the instrumental challenges involved in nineteenth-century global experimental investigation. The great problem for the British magnetic survey was of coordinating standardized experimental measurements over vast expanses of space and time. As this article argues, this was very much a question of instrumental management, both of dipping needles and of human performers.
19世纪中叶，英国海军探险队航行世界，作为当时最广泛的科学事业的一部分。1839年至19世纪50年代初，英国政府策划了一项全球地磁现象调查:这是一项前所未有的国家支持和地理范围的哲学事业。但要进行这项调查，需要使用极其精密的仪器，即“浸针”。其中最著名的是罗伯特·威尔·福克斯在康沃尔设计和建造的那些。然而，这些设备在物理上很难维护，并且在整个磁性实验中确保准确性是具有挑战性的。2020年，我和克罗斯比·史密斯(Crosbie Smith)在从法尔茅斯(Falmouth)到开普敦(Cape Town)的航行中，带着一根原始的福克斯浸入针，追溯了调查探险的路线，包括詹姆斯·克拉克·罗斯(James Clark Ross) 1839年至1843年的南极探险。这篇文章叙述了我们的经历，并结合了该乐器过去性能的历史报告。它探讨了19世纪全球实验调查中涉及的工具挑战。英国地磁测量面临的最大问题是如何协调在广阔的空间和时间范围内进行标准化的实验测量。正如本文所述，这在很大程度上是一个工具管理的问题，包括浸针和人类表演者。
{"title":"The instruments of expeditionary science and the reworking of nineteenth-century magnetic experiment","authors":"E. Gillin","doi":"10.1098/rsnr.2022.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2022.0002","url":null,"abstract":"During the mid-nineteenth century, British naval expeditions navigated the world as part of the most extensive scientific undertaking of the age. Between 1839 and the early 1850s, the British government orchestrated a global surveying of the Earth's magnetic phenomena: this was a philosophical enterprise of unprecedented state support and geographical extent. But to conduct this investigation relied on the use of immensely delicate instruments, known as ‘dipping needles’. The most celebrated of these were those of Robert Were Fox, designed and built in Cornwall. Yet these devices were difficult to physically maintain and ensuring accuracy throughout a magnetic experiment was challenging. In 2020, Crosbie Smith and I took an original Fox dipping needle on a voyage from Falmouth to Cape Town, retracing the routes of survey expeditions, including James Clark Ross's 1839–43 Antarctic venture. The article offers an account of our experiences, combined with historical reports of the instrument's past performances. It explores the instrumental challenges involved in nineteenth-century global experimental investigation. The great problem for the British magnetic survey was of coordinating standardized experimental measurements over vast expanses of space and time. As this article argues, this was very much a question of instrumental management, both of dipping needles and of human performers.","PeriodicalId":82881,"journal":{"name":"Tanzania notes and records","volume":"69 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85822466","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Two pioneers of quantum mechanics, Erwin Schrödinger and Werner Heisenberg, were both nominated by Paul Dirac for election to the Royal Society in 1945. At first there was considerable opposition to Heisenberg's election from Max Born, Rudolf Peierls and Francis Simon. These three physicists were all refugees from Germany who had reservations about Heisenberg's activities in World War II. Born gave strong support to Schrödinger's nomination but this was not the case with Peierls and Simon. In time, the opposition became more muted and Schrödinger was elected a Foreign Member in 1949. Heisenberg's subsequent efforts to rebuild science in West Germany and in Europe after the war were welcomed, and he was eventually elected a Foreign Member in 1955.
{"title":"Foreign Membership of the Royal Society: Schrödinger and Heisenberg?","authors":"D. Clary","doi":"10.1098/rsnr.2021.0082","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2021.0082","url":null,"abstract":"Two pioneers of quantum mechanics, Erwin Schrödinger and Werner Heisenberg, were both nominated by Paul Dirac for election to the Royal Society in 1945. At first there was considerable opposition to Heisenberg's election from Max Born, Rudolf Peierls and Francis Simon. These three physicists were all refugees from Germany who had reservations about Heisenberg's activities in World War II. Born gave strong support to Schrödinger's nomination but this was not the case with Peierls and Simon. In time, the opposition became more muted and Schrödinger was elected a Foreign Member in 1949. Heisenberg's subsequent efforts to rebuild science in West Germany and in Europe after the war were welcomed, and he was eventually elected a Foreign Member in 1955.","PeriodicalId":82881,"journal":{"name":"Tanzania notes and records","volume":"73 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80025225","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：