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Émigré neurophysiologists' situated knowledge economies and their roles in forming international cultures of scientific excellence Émigré神经生理学家所处的知识经济及其在形成科学卓越的国际文化中的作用
Pub Date : 2022-03-16 DOI: 10.1098/rsnr.2021.0049
F. Stahnisch
This article investigates the scientific performance and impact of Jewish and politically oppositional émigré German-speaking neurophysiologists from Nazi-occupied Europe since the 1930s. The massive loss of nearly 30% of all academic psychiatrists and neurologists in Germany between 1933 and 1945 also shattered the basis of German-speaking neuroscientific research. A focus will be laid here on the contingency of situated knowledge economies in Central Europe, the UK and North America, as well as their roles in the formation of international cultures of scientific excellence in the forced migration process. While examining excellent émigré laboratory research, the intriguing biographies of three Nobel Prize-winning neurophysiologists––Otto Loewi (1873–1961; from Germany/Austria to the USA), Bernard Katz (1911–2003; from Germany to the UK) and Eric Kandel (b. 1929; from Austria to the USA)—can tell us considerably more about the appraisal of medico-scientific knowledge through an epistemic lens representing world history along explicit regional knowledge economies. This article examines some of the more intricate scientific practices and professional patterns of determining academic excellence related to situated knowledge communities in the contemporary brain sciences.
本文调查了自20世纪30年代以来来自纳粹占领的欧洲的讲德语的神经生理学家的科学表现和影响。1933年至1945年间,德国近30%的学术精神科医生和神经学家大量流失,也破坏了德语神经科学研究的基础。重点将放在中欧、英国和北美的知识经济的偶然性上,以及它们在被迫迁移过程中形成国际科学卓越文化中的作用。在研究优秀的移胞症实验室研究时,三位诺贝尔奖得主神经生理学家——奥托·洛伊(Otto Loewi, 1873-1961;从德国/奥地利到美国),伯纳德·卡茨(1911-2003;从德国到英国)和埃里克·坎德尔(生于1929年;从奥地利到美国)-可以通过代表世界历史的认知镜头,通过明确的区域知识经济,告诉我们更多关于医学科学知识的评估。本文考察了一些更复杂的科学实践和专业模式,这些实践和模式与当代脑科学中与位置知识社区有关的学术卓越。
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引用次数: 0
European academies and the Great War: an inter-academy initiative, 2014–2021 欧洲学院与第一次世界大战:学院间倡议,2014-2021
Pub Date : 2022-03-02 DOI: 10.1098/rsnr.2021.0047
C. Debru, Wolfgang U. Eckart, H. Fangerau, R. Fox
Centre d’Archives en Philosophie, Histoire et Édition des Sciences (CAPHÉS), École Normale Supérieure, Paris, France University of Heidelberg Center of European Historical and Cultural Studies—History of Medicine, Heidelberg, Baden-Württemberg, Germany Heinrich Heine University in Düsseldorf—Medical Faculty—Institute for the History, Theory and Ethics of Medicine, Düsseldorf, Germany University of Oxford—History of Science Museum, Oxford, UK
哲学、历史和Édition科学档案中心(CAPHÉS), École Normale sup rieure,法国巴黎海德堡大学欧洲历史和文化研究中心-医学史,德国巴登-符腾堡州海德堡海因里希·海涅大学-医学院-德国d sseldorf医学历史、理论和伦理研究所-英国牛津科学史博物馆
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引用次数: 0
Hysteria, head injuries and heredity: ‘shell-shocked’ soldiers of the Royal Edinburgh Asylum, Edinburgh (1914–24) 歇斯底里、头部受伤和遗传:爱丁堡皇家爱丁堡收容所的“炮弹休克”士兵(1914 - 1924)
Pub Date : 2022-03-02 DOI: 10.1098/rsnr.2021.0057
Joanna Park, Louise Neilson, A. Demetriades
This project illustrates as-yet-uncharted psychiatric patients from the Royal Edinburgh Asylum (REA) around the time of World War I, predominantly ‘shell-shocked’ soldiers. Primary patient notes help to elucidate definitions, symptoms and perceptions of ‘shell-shock’, in addition to its links with other psychiatric conditions. This includes general paralysis of the insane (GPI), alcohol excess, mania and melancholia. Whereas the majority of these patients were suffering from shell-shock, it is not once explicitly listed as a diagnosis; it was a term whose use was discouraged by the War Office and key medical experts from 1916 onwards. As such, this paper demonstrates effects that canonical views held by the War Office and military psychiatrists on shell-shock aetiology had on language used in psychiatric patient notes. The results corroborate wartime views that mental distress due to a physical head injury was preferable to shell-shock without obvious cause; that neurasthenia was a more desirable diagnostic label than hysteria; and that mental illness was predominantly due to an inherited flaw in someone's character. Language used by psychiatrists to describe their patients was influenced by contemporary perspectives on gender, class and mental illness. More broadly, this paper adds to discussions about definitions and symptomatology of shell-shock that are being uncovered in historical patient notes from this period.
这个项目描绘了第一次世界大战期间来自皇家爱丁堡收容所(REA)的未知精神病患者,主要是“炮弹休克”士兵。病人的原始记录有助于阐明“炮弹休克”的定义、症状和感知,以及它与其他精神疾病的联系。这包括精神麻痹(GPI)、酒精过量、躁狂和忧郁症。尽管这些患者中的大多数患有炮弹休克症,但它从未被明确列为一种诊断;从1916年起,陆军部和主要医学专家都不鼓励使用这个词。因此,本文证明了陆军部和军事精神病学家对炮弹休克病因学的规范观点对精神病人笔记中使用的语言的影响。结果证实了战时的观点,即由于身体头部损伤造成的精神痛苦比没有明显原因的炮弹休克更可取;神经衰弱是一个比歇斯底里更理想的诊断标签;这种精神疾病主要是由于某人性格上的遗传缺陷。精神科医生用来描述病人的语言受到当时对性别、阶级和精神疾病的看法的影响。更广泛地说,本文增加了关于定义和症状学的讨论,这些定义和症状学是在这一时期的历史病人笔记中发现的。
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引用次数: 0
The anecdotal patient: brain injury and the magnitude of harm 轶事病人:脑损伤和伤害的程度
Pub Date : 2022-02-16 DOI: 10.1098/rsnr.2021.0021
S. Casper
In this study of the history of brain injury, I take up the discursive study of medical cases as a genre for the purposes of illustrating clinically important, philosophically meaningful and socially pertinent elements of medical patients’ lives. My objective is to assert the value of single cases, which derives from the way they allow others insight into significant and otherwise often overlooked elements of personal, social and future experience that speak to the harm from such injuries. Drawing on examples of brain damage recorded in clinical literature, textbooks, legal documents and popular books published over the last two centuries, I contrast the power of those texts’ single cases with qualifications and equivocations about the status of such evidence as it emerges in clinical practice and courtroom settings. I argue that single cases illustrate loss, redemption, context and narrative in ways that cannot be dismissed as merely anecdotal and that they point the way towards clinical discovery and patient survival.
在对脑损伤史的研究中,我将医学案例的话语研究作为一种流派,以说明临床重要的、哲学上有意义的和与社会相关的医疗患者生活要素。我的目标是主张单个案例的价值,这源于它们让其他人洞察到个人、社会和未来经验中重要的、否则往往被忽视的元素,这些元素说明了此类伤害的危害。在过去的两个世纪里,临床文献、教科书、法律文件和流行书籍中记录了脑损伤的例子,我将这些文献中单个案例的力量与这些证据在临床实践和法庭环境中出现的资格和模棱两可的状态进行了对比。我认为,单个案例说明了损失,救赎,背景和叙述的方式不能仅仅作为轶事而被驳回,它们为临床发现和患者生存指明了道路。
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引用次数: 0
‘A thankless enterprise’: Lady Mary Wortley Montagu's campaign to establish medical unorthodoxy amongst her female network “吃力不讨好的事业”:玛丽·沃特利·蒙塔古夫人在她的女性关系网中建立非正统医学的运动
Pub Date : 2022-02-16 DOI: 10.1098/rsnr.2021.0073
Helen Esfandiary
Scholarship on Lady Mary Wortley Montagu and her involvement in the introduction of smallpox inoculation into 1720s English society generally concurs that, were it not for Montagu, inoculation might never, or would have taken significantly longer to, come about. This article argues that whilst Montagu can take the credit for popularizing the notion of inoculating against smallpox, it was not the method she personally introduced that ended up becoming general practice. Her ‘Turkish’ technique was shunned, not just by the male medical elite, but by those in her female network. For whilst they were evidently convinced by the idea of inoculation, they were not prepared to apply her foreign method, which strayed so considerably outside the bounds of what made sense to them intellectually and morally. Sanctioning a version of inoculation that adhered to the tenets of humoral medicine, they effectively advanced an ‘English’ version of it. These findings not only nuance the true nature of Montagu's contribution to the introduction of smallpox inoculation, but also reveal the extent to which its success depended upon the knowledge, experience and say-so of the female circle who first adopted it.
关于玛丽·沃特利·蒙塔古女士以及她参与将天花接种引入1720年代英国社会普遍同意,如果没有蒙塔古,接种可能永远不会,或者需要更长的时间,才会出现。这篇文章认为,虽然蒙塔古可以将普及接种天花疫苗的概念归功于自己,但最终成为普遍做法的并不是她亲自介绍的方法。她的“土耳其式”技术不仅被男性医学精英所回避,而且被她的女性关系网中的人所回避。因为,虽然他们显然对接种疫苗的想法深信不疑,但他们不准备采用她的外来方法,因为这种方法在智力和道德上都大大超出了他们的理解范围。他们批准了一种坚持体液医学原则的疫苗接种版本,并有效地推出了一种“英国”版本。这些发现不仅细微地揭示了蒙塔古对引入天花接种的贡献的真实性质,而且揭示了它的成功在多大程度上取决于最初采用它的女性圈子的知识、经验和言论。
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引用次数: 0
Gender and botany in early nineteenth-century Portugal: the circle of the Marquise of Alorna 十九世纪早期葡萄牙的性别与植物学:阿洛娜侯爵夫人的圈子
Pub Date : 2022-02-09 DOI: 10.1098/rsnr.2021.0069
P. Fontes da Costa
An ample number of studies have shown that during the late eighteenth century and the first half of the nineteenth century, botany attracted the attention and involvement of women not only as readers of literature on the subject but also as participants in botanical activities and as authors. However, women are still largely absent from the historiography of Portuguese botany in this period. This article contributes to filling this gap by focusing on the translation of Jean-Jacques Rousseau's Letters on the elements of botany (1800) by the Marquise of Alorna (1750–1839) and her long poem Botanical recreations (1844). It addresses the issue of women's participation in science and looks not only at the importance of gender but also genre and social status in the dissemination of botany in Portugal. This article shows that in the period, the cultivation of science by women was associated with the upper classes while exchanges within circles of sociability through salons offered them an alternative to the public male-centred world of publication.
大量的研究表明,在18世纪晚期和19世纪上半叶,植物学吸引了女性的注意和参与,她们不仅作为这一学科的文学读者,而且作为植物学活动的参与者和作者。然而,在这一时期,女性在葡萄牙植物学的历史编纂中仍然很少出现。这篇文章通过关注阿洛娜侯爵夫人(1750-1839)的让-雅克·卢梭的《植物学要素书信》(1800)和她的长诗《植物学娱乐》(1844)的翻译,填补了这一空白。它涉及妇女参与科学的问题,不仅关注性别的重要性,而且还关注葡萄牙植物学传播中的类型和社会地位。这篇文章表明,在这一时期,女性对科学的培养与上层阶级有关,而通过沙龙在社交圈子内的交流为她们提供了一种替代以男性为中心的公共出版物世界的选择。
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引用次数: 0
‘A man of intrigue’: Giles Rawlins, 1631?–1662 《一个诡计多端的人》:贾尔斯·罗林斯,1631?-1662年
Pub Date : 2022-02-09 DOI: 10.1098/rsnr.2021.0065
Benjamin Lomas
No person proposed to the early Royal Society has a less certain biography than Giles Rawlins. A ‘Mr. Rawlins’ was proposed as a candidate for election on 26 December 1660 in a group of seven. The other members of this group were Robert Boyle, Henry Oldenburg, John Denham, Elias Ashmole, John Evelyn and Nathaniel Henshaw. But whereas these six other men are greater or lesser luminaries of the Society, Rawlins is a blank. R. E. W. Maddison in 1960 could only ‘suggest’ his likely identity; and Michael Hunter in The Royal Society and its Fellows (1982 and 1994) went no further than Maddison.1 Following my discovery in the National Library of Ireland of Rawlins's only autograph letter, it is possible for the first time to confirm his identity. Further, this discovery allows the reconstruction of the rest of Rawlins's life: his upbringing as the son of a minor diplomat; his work in the Interregnum as a cross-Channel royalist messenger; his consequent rise and reward in the Duke of York's household; and his death in one of the most notorious duels of the Restoration.
在早期的皇家学会中,没有人比贾尔斯·罗林斯的传记更不确定了。“先生。1660年12月26日,罗林斯被提名为七人竞选的候选人。这个小组的其他成员有罗伯特·博伊尔、亨利·奥尔登伯格、约翰·德纳姆、伊莱亚斯·阿什莫尔、约翰·伊夫林和纳撒尼尔·亨肖。但是,其他六个人或多或少都是协会的杰出人物,罗林斯却是个空白。r.e.w.麦迪逊在1960年只能“暗示”他可能的身份;迈克尔·亨特在《皇家学会及其成员》(1982年和1994年)一书中所作的研究也没有超过麦迪逊。我在爱尔兰国家图书馆发现罗林斯唯一的亲笔签名信后,第一次有可能确认他的身份。此外,这一发现使人们得以重建罗林斯的余生:他作为一个小外交官的儿子长大;他作为跨英吉利海峡保皇党信使的工作;他随后在约克公爵的家庭中获得了升迁和奖赏;他死于复辟时期最臭名昭著的决斗之一
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引用次数: 0
The science of money: Isaac Newton's mastering of the Mint 金钱的科学:艾萨克·牛顿对铸币厂的掌握
Pub Date : 2022-01-26 DOI: 10.1098/rsnr.2021.0033
A. Marples
This article uses the records at the Royal Mint to explore how Isaac Newton worked with metal beyond his alchemical and natural philosophical pursuits. It demonstrates how institutional paperwork can be used to think in new ways about the management of working resources as well as the relationship of material and mental practices across the linked urban worlds of state, science and finance. It reveals how Newton negotiated artisanal and administrative skills through a learned ‘practical objectivity’, unable to rely wholly upon his scientific reputation or mathematical ability when working with men and metals within a government department. Finally, it illuminates how Newton's activities at the Mint intersected and influenced a growing interest in the pursuit of scholarly antiquarianism as well as commercial geology, mining, metallurgy and metrology in the early eighteenth century.
本文使用皇家造币厂的记录来探索艾萨克·牛顿如何在炼金术和自然哲学追求之外与金属合作。它展示了如何利用机构文书工作来以新的方式思考工作资源的管理,以及在国家、科学和金融的城市世界中物质和精神实践的关系。它揭示了牛顿是如何通过一种博学的“实际客观性”来处理手工和管理技能的,当他在政府部门与人或金属打交道时,他不能完全依靠他的科学声誉或数学能力。最后,它阐明了牛顿在造币厂的活动是如何交叉并影响了18世纪早期对学术古物研究以及商业地质学、采矿、冶金和计量学的兴趣。
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引用次数: 0
The ‘Stronsay Beast’: testimony, evidence and authority in early early nineteenth-century natural history “斯特朗赛野兽”:19世纪早期自然史的证词、证据和权威
Pub Date : 2022-01-26 DOI: 10.1098/rsnr.2021.0050
Bill Jenkins
When an unknown sea creature was washed ashore on the Orkney Islands in September 1808, the Edinburgh anatomist John Barclay declared that this was the first solid scientific evidence for the existence of the ‘great sea snake’. The testimony of witnesses along with some of its preserved body parts were examined by both the Wernerian Natural History Society in Edinburgh and the surgeon and anatomist Everard Home in London. Contradicting Barclay's opinion, Home identified the creature as a decomposing basking shark. While Barclay took the testimony of the local witnesses largely on trust and accepted their interpretation of the Beast, Home discounted it and instead asserted his own expert authority to correctly interpret the evidence. Both made use of the preserved physical remains of parts of the creature in strikingly different ways: Barclay to support the accounts of the witnesses, Home to undermine them. The debate between the two anatomists has much to tell us about the uses of evidence and testimony in early nineteenth-century natural history, but also has broader resonances for the roles of evidence and authority in science that still remain relevant today.
1808年9月,当一种未知的海洋生物被冲上奥克尼群岛的海岸时,爱丁堡的解剖学家约翰·巴克莱(John Barclay)宣布,这是“大海蛇”存在的第一个确凿的科学证据。爱丁堡的沃纳里安自然历史学会和伦敦的外科医生兼解剖学家埃弗拉德·霍姆对目击者的证词和一些保存下来的身体部位进行了检查。与巴克莱的观点相反,霍姆认为这是一条腐烂的姥鲨。巴克莱在很大程度上相信了当地证人的证词,并接受了他们对“野兽”的解释,而霍姆则不相信,而是坚持自己的专家权威,正确地解释了证据。两人都以截然不同的方式利用了保存完好的生物残骸:巴克莱支持目击者的说法,而霍姆则破坏了他们的说法。这两位解剖学家之间的争论不仅告诉了我们很多关于19世纪早期自然历史中证据和证词的用途,而且对证据和权威在科学中所扮演的角色产生了更广泛的共鸣,这些共鸣在今天仍然具有相关性。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: theorizing and applying the meaningfully anecdotal patient in neurodiversity research 绪论:将有意义的轶事患者理论化并应用于神经多样性研究
Pub Date : 2022-01-26 DOI: 10.1098/rsnr.2021.0083
Sharrona Pearl
In the introduction to this issue of Notes and Records, I discuss key arguments of each of the essays and draw links between them. This volume is a rendering of both theory and practice in the history and narrative of neurology, facial difference, autism, face blindness and traumatic brain injury. The essays offer deep analytic insights but also a provocation: how do we frame individual cases and lived experience in the literature of neurodiversity? The scholarly essays offered by Stephen Caspar and Jonathan Cole theorize the role of the individual and the anecdotal as valuable both in framing empathy and diagnostic relationships and as a particular and often overlooked form of data. We see the manifestation of these theoretical arguments in Chloe Silverman's article, which draws our attention to the Reading the Mind in the Eyes Test, a widely used instrument in autism research. Accompanying these pieces are two interventions of creative non-fiction: Heather Sellers's essay on discovering her own prosopagnosia, and Jenny Edkins's poem on living with and being face blind. These pieces manifest the theoretical and grounded work of this volume, arguing in powerful ways for the individual story and sharing it here.
在本期《笔记与记录》的导言中,我讨论了每篇文章的主要论点,并指出了它们之间的联系。这卷是在历史和神经学,面部差异,自闭症,脸盲症和创伤性脑损伤叙事理论和实践的渲染。这些文章提供了深刻的分析见解,但也提出了一个问题:我们如何在神经多样性的文献中构建个案和生活经验?斯蒂芬·卡斯帕(Stephen Caspar)和乔纳森·科尔(Jonathan Cole)提供的学术论文将个人和轶事的作用理论化,认为它们在构建同理心和诊断关系方面都很有价值,而且是一种特殊的、经常被忽视的数据形式。我们在克洛伊·西尔弗曼的文章中看到了这些理论论点的体现,这篇文章将我们的注意力吸引到了自闭症研究中广泛使用的“通过眼睛读心法”测试上。与这些作品同时出现的还有两篇创造性的非虚构作品:希瑟·塞勒斯关于发现自己的脸失认症的文章,以及珍妮·埃德金斯关于与脸盲共存和成为脸盲的诗歌。这些作品体现了本卷的理论和基础工作,以强有力的方式为个人故事争论,并在这里分享。
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引用次数: 0
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Tanzania notes and records
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