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Catholic Social Teaching, the Right to Immigrate, and the Right to Regulate Borders: A Proposed Solution for Comprehensive Immigration Reform Based Upon Catholic Social Principles 天主教社会教学、移民权和边境管制权:基于天主教社会原则的全面移民改革的解决方案
Pub Date : 2015-09-03 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.2655828
Chad G. Marzen, W. Woodyard
In the past decade, policymakers from various perspectives have discussed and debated proposals to reform America’s immigration system. This article discusses not only the history of the Catholic legal and intellectual tradition’s contribution to social teaching on the issue of immigration, but emphasizes the development of two strands of Catholic thought: the right to immigrate, and the right to regulate borders. Applying the Catholic legal and intellectual tradition, this article provides a proposal for immigration reform that incorporates key tenets of Catholic social thought.
在过去的十年里,政策制定者从不同的角度讨论和辩论了改革美国移民制度的建议。本文不仅讨论了天主教法律和知识传统对移民问题社会教育的贡献历史,而且强调了天主教思想的两股发展:移民权和调节边界的权利。本文运用天主教的法律和知识传统,提出了一项融合天主教社会思想关键原则的移民改革建议。
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引用次数: 0
The Defamation Injunction Meets the Prior Restraint Doctrine 诽谤禁令符合优先限制原则
Pub Date : 2014-03-03 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2404560
Doug Rendleman
In Near v. Minnesota, the Supreme Court added the injunction to executive licensing as a prior restraint. Although the Near court circumscribed the injunction as a prior restraint, it approved criminal sanctions and damages judgments. The prior restraint label resembles a death sentence. This article maintains that such massive retaliation is overkill. A judge’s injunction that forbids the defendant’s tort of defamation tests Near and prior restraint doctrine because defamation isn’t protected by the First Amendment. Arguing that the anti-defamation injunction has outgrown outright bans under the prior restraint rule and the equitable Maxim that “Equity will not enjoin defamation” turns out to be formidable. This article examines the Sullivan v. New York Times privileges in defamation, their tension between truth and falsity, and their limitations on compensatory and punitive damages. It tests the injunction against damages by examining several Equitable doctrines: the inadequacy prerequisite-irreparable injury rule, the injunction as preventive relief, the temporary restraining order, the preliminary injunction, the injunction bond, the juryless injunction trial, the task of drafting an injunction to avoids vagueness and over-breadth, the use of motions to modify-dissolve an injunction, and the declaratory judgment, and contempt, compensatory, coercive, or criminal, including the collateral bar rule. It weighs important prior restraint scholarship, including Professor Emerson’s and Professor Blasi’s. The administration of the prior restraint doctrines has expanded its operation beyond the policy reasons that gave it birth. This article concludes that the differences between damages and an injunction don’t warrant different treatment. In Balboa Island VillageInn v. Lemen, the California Supreme Court approved a targeted injunction that forbids a defendant from repeating proved defamation. Influential scholars beginning with Roscoe Pound and including more recently Professors Redish, Jeffries, Schauer, and Ardia have eroded the prior restraint doctrines’ reasoning and application. The procedure leading to an injunction can be augmented by requiring prior notice, adversary adjudication, and narrow drafting. A properly adjudicated and drafted injunction that specifically forbids defendant’s defamation will prevent harmful torts without threatening free-speech values. The article closes by asking for abolition of the Maxim and suspension or qualification of the prior restraint doctrine for defamation.
在尼尔诉明尼苏达州案中,最高法院将禁令添加到行政许可中,作为一种事先限制。虽然附近法院将禁令限制为一种预先限制,但它批准了刑事制裁和损害赔偿判决。先前约束的标签类似于死刑判决。这篇文章坚持认为,如此大规模的报复是过度的。法官禁止被告的诽谤侵权行为的禁令检验了Near and prior restraint doctrine,因为诽谤不受第一修正案的保护。反对诽谤的禁制令已经超越了“先抑原则”和“衡平法不禁止诽谤”这一公平原则下的直接禁令,这是令人生畏的。本文考察了沙利文诉《纽约时报》案中的诽谤特权,它们在真实与虚假之间的紧张关系,以及它们在补偿性和惩罚性损害赔偿方面的局限性。它通过审查几个衡平法原则来检验禁止损害赔偿的禁令:不充分的先决条件-不可弥补的伤害规则,禁令作为预防性救济,临时限制令,初步禁令,禁令保释金,无陪审团禁令审判,起草禁令的任务以避免模糊和过于宽泛,使用动议来修改-解散禁令,以及宣告判决,蔑视,补偿性,强制性或刑事,包括附带禁令规则。它重视重要的先行约束奖学金,包括爱默生教授和布拉西教授的奖学金。优先限制原则的运用已经超越了其产生的政策原因。这篇文章的结论是,损害赔偿和禁令之间的区别并不能保证不同的处理。在Balboa Island VillageInn诉Lemen案中,加州最高法院批准了一项有针对性的禁令,禁止被告重复已证实的诽谤。从罗斯科·庞德(Roscoe Pound)开始的有影响力的学者,包括最近的瑞迪什、杰弗里斯、肖尔和阿迪亚教授,已经削弱了优先约束理论的推理和应用。导致禁令的程序可以通过要求事先通知、对抗性裁决和狭义起草来扩大。一个经过适当裁决和起草的禁令,明确禁止被告的诽谤,将在不威胁言论自由价值的情况下防止有害的侵权行为。文章最后要求废除《格言》,暂停或限制诽谤的优先限制原则。
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引用次数: 0
Drugged Out: How Cognitive Bias Hurts Drug Innovation 吸毒:认知偏见如何伤害药物创新
Pub Date : 2013-08-31 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.2318820
Cynthia M. Ho
In recent years, legal scholars have begun to identify and evaluate how the cognitive biases held by all individuals impact law and policy. Thus far, however, scholars have not recognized the existence or impact of biases that impact pharmaceutical innovation and patent policy. This Article fills that gap at a key juncture. Currently, the industry mostly produces drugs that do not provide significant clinical benefits over existing drugs. Further, even the number of new drugs produced every year is modest compared with exponentially increasing pharmaceutical expenditures. This Article shows that there are significant cognitive biases that play a key, but thus far unrecognized, role in promoting modest innovation. In particular, there are views of pharmaceutical innovation and patent policy that have been broadly accepted amongst not only the industry, but by policy makers and some scholars that are not soundly supported. These views, referred to as “schemas,” are perpetuated because of well-established cognitive biases explained in the Article. Recognizing these schemas is critical because scholars and policy makers are vulnerable to accept these mistaken assumptions as fact, and create and recommend misguided policies. Although these schemas revealed here are broadly consistent with cognitive science studies, this is the first Article to not only document schemas in the realm of pharmaceutical innovation, but also show how they are perpetuated despite contrary evidence. After revealing these schemas, this Article proposes concrete steps to counteract them, including possible steps to modify patent policy in light of this new understanding.
近年来,法律学者已经开始识别和评估所有个人持有的认知偏见如何影响法律和政策。然而,到目前为止,学者们还没有认识到影响制药创新和专利政策的偏见的存在或影响。本文填补了这一空白。目前,该行业生产的大多数药物与现有药物相比,不能提供显著的临床疗效。此外,即使是每年生产的新药数量,与呈指数增长的医药支出相比也是有限的。这篇文章表明,有显著的认知偏差在促进适度创新方面发挥了关键作用,但迄今为止尚未被认识到。特别是,一些关于制药创新和专利政策的观点不仅被业界广泛接受,而且被政策制定者和一些学者广泛接受,但这些观点并没有得到充分的支持。这些观点被称为“图式”,由于文章中解释的公认的认知偏见而得以延续。认识到这些模式是至关重要的,因为学者和政策制定者很容易把这些错误的假设当作事实来接受,并制定和推荐错误的政策。尽管这里揭示的这些模式与认知科学研究大致一致,但这是第一篇不仅记录了制药创新领域的模式,而且还展示了它们如何在相反的证据下永存的文章。在揭示了这些模式之后,本文提出了消除这些模式的具体步骤,包括根据这种新的理解修改专利政策的可能步骤。
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引用次数: 3
Holmes, Cardozo, and the Legal Realists: Early Incarnations of Legal Pragmatism and Enterprise Liability 霍姆斯、卡多佐与法律现实主义者:法律实用主义与企业责任的早期化身
Pub Date : 2013-01-01 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.2409210
E. Ursin
Enterprise liability is a term associated with the tort lawmaking of the liberal “Traynor era” California Supreme Court of the 1960s and 1970s. Legal pragmatism, in turn, is associated with the conservative jurist Richard Posner. This manuscript examines the evolution of each of these theoretical movements from Holmes’s great 1897 essay, “The Path of the Law,” to the present day. Its focus is on the great judges and scholars whose views have shaped our own: Holmes, Cardozo, the Legal Realists Leon Green and Karl Llewellyn, Traynor, and Posner. Stated simply, the shared jurisprudential view of these great judges and scholars is that in our system judges are legislators as well as adjudicators — and policy plays a role in their lawmaking. In the common law subjects, in fact, judges are the primacy lawmakers. In constitutional adjudication they are also lawmakers but lawmakers aware of the general need for deference to other branches. No fancy formulas such as “neutral principle “or “original meaning” can capture this role. Indeed, the leading academic theorists of the past century — and today — have been out of touch with the reality of judicial lawmaking as it has been expressly articulated by these great judge. We also see in the works of these judges and scholars the origins of the enterprise liability doctrines that the pragmatic Traynor era court of the 1960s and 1970s, would adopt, including the doctrine of strict products liability and expansive developments within the negligence system.
企业责任是一个与20世纪60年代和70年代自由派的“特雷纳时代”加州最高法院的侵权法有关的术语。反过来,法律实用主义与保守派法学家理查德·波斯纳(Richard Posner)联系在一起。这本手稿考察了从福尔摩斯1897年的伟大论文《法律之路》到今天的每一个理论运动的演变。这本书的重点是那些伟大的法官和学者,他们的观点塑造了我们自己的观点:福尔摩斯、卡多佐、法律现实主义者莱昂·格林和卡尔·卢埃林、特雷纳和波斯纳。简单地说,这些伟大的法官和学者的法理观点是,在我们的制度中,法官既是立法者又是审判者,政策在他们的立法中起着作用。在普通法主体中,法官实际上是首要的立法者。在宪法裁决中,他们也是立法者,但立法者意识到一般需要尊重其他部门。没有任何花哨的公式,如“中立原则”或“原意”可以抓住这个角色。事实上,上个世纪和今天的主要学术理论家已经脱离了这些伟大法官明确阐述的司法立法的现实。在这些法官和学者的著作中,我们还看到了20世纪60年代和70年代务实的特雷纳时代法院将采用的企业责任理论的起源,包括严格产品责任理论和过失制度内的广泛发展。
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引用次数: 16
A Lockean Theory of Intellectual Property Revisited 洛克的知识产权理论再论
Pub Date : 2012-07-03 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.2099073
A. Moore
Part I of this article will present the main outlines of a Lockean theory of intellectual property. Part II will take up several specific objections that have been leveled against my preferred view. Finally, Part III will consider several general objections to intellectual property.
本文的第一部分将介绍洛克知识产权理论的主要轮廓。第二部分将讨论几个反对我偏爱的观点的具体反对意见。最后,第三部分将考虑对知识产权的几种普遍异议。
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引用次数: 29
Level Up: Employing the Commerce Clause to Federalize the Sale of Goods 升级:运用商业条款使商品销售联邦化
Pub Date : 2012-03-22 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.2027482
Jennifer Camero
The Commerce Clause has received much attention over the last year given the debate over the constitutionality of the Affordable Care Act. Although the Supreme Court upheld the Act, the Supreme Court did hold that Congress overstepped its powers under the Commerce Clause by mandating national health care. Despite this recent ruling reigning in Congressional power, the Commerce Clause still is an effective means for Congress to enact certain types of federal legislation involving interstate commerce. One such legislation, as proposed in this article, is a federal sales act. Currently, sales law is state legislation modeled from Article 2 of the Uniform Commercial Code. Article 2 is becoming increasingly ineffectual, biased and outdated, thus impeding economic development, escalating the complexity of commercial transactions and increasing disputes. Before these defects overly hinder commercial transactions, they must be fixed. Unfortunately, the current uniform code amendment process has thwarted attempts to revise Article 2 due to its cumbersome and consensus-oriented approach. Given the inability to revise Article 2 through the current system, an entirely new approach is needed to the law of sales - the enactment of a federal sales act to replace Article 2. Such an act would ameliorate Article 2’s deficiencies and falls within Congressional power under both the Commerce Clause and traditional notions of federalism.
鉴于《平价医疗法案》(Affordable Care Act)的合宪性,去年《商业条款》受到了广泛关注。尽管最高法院支持该法案,但最高法院确实认为,国会在《商业条款》(Commerce Clause)的规定下,通过强制实行全国医疗保健,越权了。尽管最近的这项裁决支配着国会的权力,但《商业条款》仍然是国会颁布涉及州际贸易的某些类型的联邦立法的有效手段。本文提出的其中一项立法是《联邦销售法》。目前,销售法是以《统一商法典》第2条为蓝本的州立法。第2条变得越来越无效、偏颇和过时,从而阻碍了经济发展,增加了商业交易的复杂性,增加了争端。在这些缺陷过度阻碍商业交易之前,必须加以修正。不幸的是,目前的统一守则修订程序由于其繁琐和面向协商一致的方法而阻碍了修改第2条的尝试。由于无法通过现行制度修改第2条,因此需要对销售法采取一种全新的方法-制定一项联邦销售法来取代第2条。这样的法案将改善第2条的不足之处,并且在商业条款和传统的联邦制观念下都属于国会的权力范围。
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引用次数: 0
Judicial Line-Drawing and the Broader Culture: The Case of Politics and Entertainment 司法划界与更广泛的文化:以政治与娱乐为例
Pub Date : 2012-03-11 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.2019965
R. Wright
This article puts in a broader legal and cultural context and then critically evaluates Justice Scalia’s and other legal figures' remarkably broad and systematic reluctance to distinguish, for Free Speech purposes, in appropriate cases, between politics and entertainment, or more precisely, political speech and entertainment speech.
本文将其置于一个更广泛的法律和文化背景中,然后批判性地评估斯卡利亚大法官和其他法律人物在适当的情况下,出于言论自由的目的,对政治和娱乐,或者更准确地说,政治言论和娱乐言论进行区分的明显广泛和系统性的不情愿。
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引用次数: 0
Reasonable Persons, Reasonable Circumstances 合理的人,合理的环境
Pub Date : 2012-03-04 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.2015925
Christopher R. Jackson
The reasonable person test is a common thread that runs through the fabric of Anglo-American law. It has become such a common trope in legal discourse that it scarcely receives much attention in its own right. In this article, I analyze one facet of the test that, I believe, will yield significant benefits in understanding the subject as a whole: how we ought to go about determining which circumstances are relevant to the reasonable person inquiry. I will argue that the circumstances that ought to be part of the test will vary based on the substantive area of law: the “reasonable person test” is in reality a series of tests that, perhaps aside from a common core, are applied separately to different areas of law. Which test is used will vary depending on whether the case is criminal, or an Establishment Clause claim, or another matter entirely; and it will vary further depending on what theory one believes animates a given field of law. By unpacking some of the details of the reasonable person test in these different fields, we will arrive at a better understanding of how the test works in practice.
通情达理人标准是贯穿英美法律结构的一条共同主线。它已经成为法律话语中如此常见的比喻,以至于它本身几乎没有受到太多关注。在这篇文章中,我分析了测试的一个方面,我相信,这将对理解整个主题产生重大的好处:我们应该如何去确定哪些情况与理性人调查相关。我将争辩说,应作为检验的一部分的情况将因法律的实质性领域而异:"通情达理人检验"实际上是一系列检验,也许除了共同的核心之外,这些检验分别适用于不同的法律领域。使用哪一种测试将取决于案件是刑事案件,还是建立条款索赔,还是完全是另一件事;而且它还会进一步变化,这取决于一个人认为什么理论能激励一个特定的法律领域。通过对这些不同领域的通情达理人测试的一些细节进行分析,我们将更好地理解该测试在实践中是如何工作的。
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引用次数: 6
Comparing Single Sex and Reformed Coeducation: A Constitutional Analysis 单性别教育与改革后的男女同校教育之比较:宪法分析
Pub Date : 2011-10-07 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.1940469
N. C. Cantalupo
One of the most enduring educational debates of the past three decades has dealt with the legality and advisability of sex-segregated education. This debate can often look confusing, given a large number of debaters and the diversity of their perspectives and agendas. More than this diversity, however, the debate is confusing because the debate has been structured as a contest between the “innovation” of sex-segregated education and status quo coeducation. Missing from the debate is a comparison between reformed coeducation and a single-sex alternative; a comparison that is markedly more useful in determining what ought to be done about the problems animating the debate, particularly problems of gender equity in education and society. Also missing from the debate are comprehensive constitutional analyses applying the U.S. Supreme Court’s equal protection “intermediate scruitiny” test to sex-segregated education, a test characterized by much debate as to its application and consistency. These two gaps ultimately come together because the comparison between reformed coeducation and sex-segregated education is also the proper one for analyzing the constitutionality of single-sex education. Therefore, this Article seeks both to address the lack of comprehensive analyses regarding the constitutionality of sex-segregated K-12 public education and to untangle the underlying debate regarding the Court’s application of the intermediate scrutiny test. In undertaking this analysis, it posits a new way to look at the Court’s jurisprudence regarding legislation that facially classifies based on sex, one that suggests that the Court’s jurisprudence may be more consistent and predictable than most commentators have suggested up to this point. It then applies this jurisprudence to sex-segregated, K-12 public education. In doing so, it pays particular attention to the reformed coeducation and sex-segregated education comparison as the proper one for analyzing the constitutionality of single-sex education. It concludes that, when assessing whether a sex classification substantially advances an important government objective, under the Supreme Court’s thirty-year-plus line of cases, it is extremely useful and possibly necessary to compare the sex classification with sex-neutral alternatives for advancing that objective.
在过去的三十年里,最持久的教育辩论之一是关于性别隔离教育的合法性和合理性的。鉴于辩手人数众多,而且他们的观点和议程各不相同,这种辩论往往看起来令人困惑。然而,除了这种多样性之外,这场辩论还令人困惑,因为这场辩论的结构是性别隔离教育的“创新”与男女同校的现状之间的较量。辩论中缺少的是对改革后的男女同校和单一性别的学校的比较;这种比较在决定应该对引起辩论的问题,特别是教育和社会中的性别平等问题采取什么措施方面,显然更有用。辩论中还缺少将美国最高法院的平等保护“中间审查”测试应用于性别隔离教育的全面宪法分析,这一测试在其适用和一致性方面存在许多争议。这两种差距最终结合在一起,因为将改革后的男女同校教育与性别隔离教育进行比较,也是分析单性别教育合宪性的合适方法。因此,本文旨在解决缺乏对性别隔离的K-12公共教育的合宪性进行全面分析的问题,并澄清有关法院应用中间审查测试的潜在辩论。在进行这一分析时,它提出了一种新的方式来看待法院关于根据性别进行表面分类的立法的法理,这种方法表明,法院的法理可能比大多数评论员迄今为止所建议的更加一致和可预测。然后,它将这种法理应用于性别隔离的K-12公共教育。在此过程中,本文特别关注改革后的男女同校教育与性别隔离教育的比较,认为这是分析单性别教育合宪性的合适选择。它的结论是,根据最高法院30多年来的案例,在评估一种性别分类是否能实质性地推进一项重要的政府目标时,将性别分类与促进该目标的性别中立的替代方案进行比较是非常有用的,而且可能是必要的。
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引用次数: 3
The Constitutional Jurisprudence of Justice Kennedy on Speech 肯尼迪法官关于言论的宪法学
Pub Date : 2010-04-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1930998
R. Kelso, C. Kelso
In this article, we describe how the concept of constitutionally protected liberty has been developed and applied in Justice Kennedy’s opinions. As we discuss, Justice Kennedy’s vision of liberty embodied in the Constitution seems to derive from an understanding of 18th-century Enlightenment philosophy, based on writers such as John Locke and Adam Smith, as developed in the 19th century by writers such as John Stuart Mill. In pursuit of this understanding, Part II of this article discusses the Enlightenment concept of liberty. Part III then shows how that doctrine is reflected in the reasoning of opinions written by Justice Kennedy, with specific reference to cases involving freedom of speech, individual autonomy, individual liberty versus government liberty, and international views on liberty. Part IV addresses other aspects of a natural law theory of interpretation – text, context, history, legislative and executive practice, precedent, and prudential considerations – that limit full elaboration of this concept of liberty in specific cases. Part V provides a brief conclusion.
在这篇文章中,我们描述了宪法保护自由的概念是如何在肯尼迪大法官的意见中发展和应用的。正如我们所讨论的,肯尼迪大法官对宪法中体现的自由的看法似乎源于对18世纪启蒙哲学的理解,该哲学以约翰·洛克和亚当·斯密等作家为基础,在19世纪由约翰·斯图亚特·密尔等作家发展。在此基础上,本文第二部分探讨了启蒙时期的自由观。第三部分展示了该原则是如何反映在肯尼迪大法官所写意见的推理中,具体涉及言论自由,个人自治,个人自由与政府自由,以及自由的国际观点。第四部分论述自然法解释理论的其他方面- -案文、背景、历史、立法和行政实践、先例和审慎考虑- -这些方面限制了在具体情况下充分阐述这一自由概念。第五部分是一个简短的结论。
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引用次数: 0
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