{"title":"Eradicating Women’s Surnames: Law, Tradition, and the Politics of Memory","authors":"D. Anthony","doi":"10.7916/D8-GQYM-KJ65","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7916/D8-GQYM-KJ65","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":84468,"journal":{"name":"Columbia journal of gender and law","volume":"37 1","pages":"1-35"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-05-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46924140","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Chantal Thomas, E. Lopez, Monica C. Bell, Olatunde C. A. Johnson, Rachelle Perkins, S. Maldonado, T. Hernández
{"title":"Advocacy in Ideas: Legal Education and Social Movements","authors":"Chantal Thomas, E. Lopez, Monica C. Bell, Olatunde C. A. Johnson, Rachelle Perkins, S. Maldonado, T. Hernández","doi":"10.7916/D8Z90VP4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7916/D8Z90VP4","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":84468,"journal":{"name":"Columbia journal of gender and law","volume":"36 1","pages":"40-60"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44337819","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the wake of the tsunami that hit the coastal communities of the Indian Ocean, images of women were splashed over the media's reports of the catastrophe. But while sympathy for women has garnered a great deal of aid, "[b]eyond the camera lens in the follow-up policies ... there is a trend for women to be rendered almost invisible." (1) Reports by women's groups streaming in from all over the region reflect the same message--women were among the hardest hit by the tsunami, and women continue to be the most marginalized in relief efforts. (2) While the relative lack of women-specific initiatives in the tsunami effort arguably could be attributed to the cultural norms of the region and the particular nature of the disaster there, a broader look at disasters worldwide shows that women's needs and abilities are systemically ignored in rehabilitation and restoration efforts. (3) Although this trend has been recognized by international organizations ranging from the United Nations (U.N.) General Assembly, (4) the U.N. Population Fund (UNFPA), (5) the Committee for the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW Committee), (6) the U.N. Office for International Strategy for Disaster Reduction (ISDR), (7) the International Labor Organization (ILO), (8) and the European Union (EU), (9) there is yet to be a binding global initiative that explicitly calls for gender-mainstreaming in disaster prevention and reconstruction efforts. As a result, when the time comes for nations to respond quickly and efficiently to disasters, the lessons learned in gender-sensitivity are lost in the tumult once again. While gender issues are sidelined in disaster contexts, however, this is not the case in other crisis situations. In 2000, the U.N. Security Council unanimously passed Resolution 1325 (1325), which "stress[es] the importance of [women's] equal participation and full involvement in all efforts for the maintenance and promotion of peace and security" (10) and "[r]ecogniz[es] the urgent need to mainstream a gender perspective into peacekeeping operation." (11) The resolution calls for increased representation of women at all decision-making levels in conflict prevention, management, and resolution; attention to the specific protection of the needs of women in conflict, including refugees; increased support for women peace-builders; refusal to allow impunity for crimes against women, including gender-based violence; and combination of a gender perspective in U.N. operations, post-conflict processes, and Reporting and Security Council Missions. (12) Through the resolution, women must be integrated in reconstruction efforts, and local women's initiatives in maintaining peace and security must be supported by the U.N. and government officials. (13) Some aid groups have drawn on 1325 in their calls for a gendered perspective in disaster relief post-tsunami, but explicit support for this connection has not yet been articulated. This Article draws a connection betwe
{"title":"Assisting and Empowering Women Facing Natural Disasters: Drawing From Security Council Resolution 1325","authors":"Payal Shah","doi":"10.7916/CJGL.V15I3.2529","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7916/CJGL.V15I3.2529","url":null,"abstract":"In the wake of the tsunami that hit the coastal communities of the Indian Ocean, images of women were splashed over the media's reports of the catastrophe. But while sympathy for women has garnered a great deal of aid, \"[b]eyond the camera lens in the follow-up policies ... there is a trend for women to be rendered almost invisible.\" (1) Reports by women's groups streaming in from all over the region reflect the same message--women were among the hardest hit by the tsunami, and women continue to be the most marginalized in relief efforts. (2) While the relative lack of women-specific initiatives in the tsunami effort arguably could be attributed to the cultural norms of the region and the particular nature of the disaster there, a broader look at disasters worldwide shows that women's needs and abilities are systemically ignored in rehabilitation and restoration efforts. (3) Although this trend has been recognized by international organizations ranging from the United Nations (U.N.) General Assembly, (4) the U.N. Population Fund (UNFPA), (5) the Committee for the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW Committee), (6) the U.N. Office for International Strategy for Disaster Reduction (ISDR), (7) the International Labor Organization (ILO), (8) and the European Union (EU), (9) there is yet to be a binding global initiative that explicitly calls for gender-mainstreaming in disaster prevention and reconstruction efforts. As a result, when the time comes for nations to respond quickly and efficiently to disasters, the lessons learned in gender-sensitivity are lost in the tumult once again. While gender issues are sidelined in disaster contexts, however, this is not the case in other crisis situations. In 2000, the U.N. Security Council unanimously passed Resolution 1325 (1325), which \"stress[es] the importance of [women's] equal participation and full involvement in all efforts for the maintenance and promotion of peace and security\" (10) and \"[r]ecogniz[es] the urgent need to mainstream a gender perspective into peacekeeping operation.\" (11) The resolution calls for increased representation of women at all decision-making levels in conflict prevention, management, and resolution; attention to the specific protection of the needs of women in conflict, including refugees; increased support for women peace-builders; refusal to allow impunity for crimes against women, including gender-based violence; and combination of a gender perspective in U.N. operations, post-conflict processes, and Reporting and Security Council Missions. (12) Through the resolution, women must be integrated in reconstruction efforts, and local women's initiatives in maintaining peace and security must be supported by the U.N. and government officials. (13) Some aid groups have drawn on 1325 in their calls for a gendered perspective in disaster relief post-tsunami, but explicit support for this connection has not yet been articulated. This Article draws a connection betwe","PeriodicalId":84468,"journal":{"name":"Columbia journal of gender and law","volume":"15 1","pages":"711"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44508654","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Amreeta Mathai, Jin Hee Lee, M. Gomez, Paulette Brown
{"title":"Advocacy in Practice: Women of Color and Our Allies","authors":"Amreeta Mathai, Jin Hee Lee, M. Gomez, Paulette Brown","doi":"10.7916/D8G74WZM","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7916/D8G74WZM","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":84468,"journal":{"name":"Columbia journal of gender and law","volume":"36 1","pages":"8-20"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45561071","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Previous literature has noted the connection between sport and corporate environmentalism, especially that which has positioned the sport mega-event as a facilitator of “sustainable” development. David Chernushenko (1994) was the first environmentalist to propose a model of ecologically sustainable development for sport and recreation management, which was criticized for the notable appeal to neoliberalcapitalist advancement. Due to eco-driven protests in Denver (1974), Toronto (1989), and Rome (1997), the International Olympic Committee (IOC) amended the Olympic Charter to reflect growing environmental concern. Yet the IOC model has—much like the work of Chernushenko—continued to favor finance. Recent literature has documented the extent to which the Olympic pillar of “sustainability,” intended to “integrate sustainable development into their policies and activities,” has allowed for deceptive corporate marketing to merely greenwash the Games. It is from this context that the Aedes aegypti or Yellow Fever mosquito rapidly emerged—now host to Dengue, Chikungunya, Zika, Mayaro, and other viruses. We borrow from Lauren Berlant the notion of “cruel optimism” to describe structural/institutional ideologies (e.g., allegiance to the monogamous, heteronormative family) that facilitate capitalist expansion, even in the midst of (environmental) crisis.3 While the literal destruction of the cityscape (whether sport-prompted or not) has cemented an economic logic into the physical landscape and modern mind, we contend that scientific-technological communities need to (more carefully) protect and privilege the pre-existent “nature-made” strategies of sustainability. So, to make an authentic commitment to the environment, the IOC—as emblematic of an international conglomerate repeatedly encouraged to rewrite and recreate sovereign law—would need to legally enforce the protection of local ecologies as it has legally enforced the protection of corporate sponsorship and the Olympic brand.
{"title":"Cruel Optimism: Zika, Lex Sportiva, and Bodies of (Alleged) Contagion","authors":"Amanda De Lisio, Caroline Fusco","doi":"10.7916/CJGL.V38I1.4602","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7916/CJGL.V38I1.4602","url":null,"abstract":"Previous literature has noted the connection between sport and corporate environmentalism, especially that which has positioned the sport mega-event as a facilitator of “sustainable” development. David Chernushenko (1994) was the first environmentalist to propose a model of ecologically sustainable development for sport and recreation management, which was criticized for the notable appeal to neoliberalcapitalist advancement. Due to eco-driven protests in Denver (1974), Toronto (1989), and Rome (1997), the International Olympic Committee (IOC) amended the Olympic Charter to reflect growing environmental concern. Yet the IOC model has—much like the work of Chernushenko—continued to favor finance. Recent literature has documented the extent to which the Olympic pillar of “sustainability,” intended to “integrate sustainable development into their policies and activities,” has allowed for deceptive corporate marketing to merely greenwash the Games. It is from this context that the Aedes aegypti or Yellow Fever mosquito rapidly emerged—now host to Dengue, Chikungunya, Zika, Mayaro, and other viruses. We borrow from Lauren Berlant the notion of “cruel optimism” to describe structural/institutional ideologies (e.g., allegiance to the monogamous, heteronormative family) that facilitate capitalist expansion, even in the midst of (environmental) crisis.3 While the literal destruction of the cityscape (whether sport-prompted or not) has cemented an economic logic into the physical landscape and modern mind, we contend that scientific-technological communities need to (more carefully) protect and privilege the pre-existent “nature-made” strategies of sustainability. So, to make an authentic commitment to the environment, the IOC—as emblematic of an international conglomerate repeatedly encouraged to rewrite and recreate sovereign law—would need to legally enforce the protection of local ecologies as it has legally enforced the protection of corporate sponsorship and the Olympic brand.","PeriodicalId":84468,"journal":{"name":"Columbia journal of gender and law","volume":"38 1","pages":"1-30"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71363468","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Between 2012 and 2017, more than twenty municipalities passed ordinances providing for extended labor protections for their residents like paid sick leave and higher minimum wages.1 Often these municipalities and their governing bodies have been more liberal and racially diverse than their respective legislatures.2 In some of the states where municipalities have succeeded in passing this legislation, the state legislature has very quickly preempted those measures with a state law dictating that no city can set a minimum wage higher than the federal standard of $7.25 an hour.3 These state laws banning cities from raising the working wage constitute intrastate minimum wage preemption. The lawmakers preempting these local reform efforts proffer to justifications for the bills rooted in economics and federalism.4 However, these preemptive measures raise consequential questions related to
{"title":"Intersectionality Squared: Intrastate Minimum Wage Preemption & Schuette’s Second-Class Citizens","authors":"Alex M. Johnson","doi":"10.7916/d8-q663-6j15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-q663-6j15","url":null,"abstract":"Between 2012 and 2017, more than twenty municipalities passed ordinances providing for extended labor protections for their residents like paid sick leave and higher minimum wages.1 Often these municipalities and their governing bodies have been more liberal and racially diverse than their respective legislatures.2 In some of the states where municipalities have succeeded in passing this legislation, the state legislature has very quickly preempted those measures with a state law dictating that no city can set a minimum wage higher than the federal standard of $7.25 an hour.3 These state laws banning cities from raising the working wage constitute intrastate minimum wage preemption. The lawmakers preempting these local reform efforts proffer to justifications for the bills rooted in economics and federalism.4 However, these preemptive measures raise consequential questions related to","PeriodicalId":84468,"journal":{"name":"Columbia journal of gender and law","volume":"37 1","pages":"36-67"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42900448","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Elise Lopez: My name is Elise Lopez, and I am the president of Empowering Women of Color for the 2016–2017 year. It’s so wonderful to see you all here. This is our third annual Empowering Women of Color Conference. Each year, we get better attendance and more engagement. We are joined by our cosponsors: the Columbia Journal of Gender and Law, the African-American Policy Forum, and the Center for Intersectionality and Social Policy Studies.
{"title":"Introduction and Keynote","authors":"Sheila Abdus-Salaam, Elise Lopez","doi":"10.7916/D8QR6DBV","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7916/D8QR6DBV","url":null,"abstract":"Elise Lopez: My name is Elise Lopez, and I am the president of Empowering Women of Color for the 2016–2017 year. It’s so wonderful to see you all here. This is our third annual Empowering Women of Color Conference. Each year, we get better attendance and more engagement. We are joined by our cosponsors: the Columbia Journal of Gender and Law, the African-American Policy Forum, and the Center for Intersectionality and Social Policy Studies.","PeriodicalId":84468,"journal":{"name":"Columbia journal of gender and law","volume":"36 1","pages":"1-7"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41963858","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Chloe Bootstaylor, J. Cross, K. Underhill, N. Weeks
{"title":"Women of Color and Health: Issues and Solutions","authors":"Chloe Bootstaylor, J. Cross, K. Underhill, N. Weeks","doi":"10.7916/D86T23X8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7916/D86T23X8","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":84468,"journal":{"name":"Columbia journal of gender and law","volume":"36 1","pages":"21-39"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48384725","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Stonewall Riots erupted on a hot night in June 1969 in New York City, when an unlikely group of revolutionaries, a few Black and Puerto Rican drag queens and butch lesbians, turned a routine bar raid into a street fight with the local police. The latter had just taken a payoff from the unlicensed bar owners and arrested the most obvious looking homosexuals. A motley crew of effeminate queers resisted what would otherwise have been a routine raid on a bar that catered to gay people. The conflict attracted an angry crowd of onlookers and supporters who fought into the night with coins, beer bottles, and sticks, and whose struggle ultimately came to symbolize the overthrow of decades of official harassment, repression, and degradation. A simple street fight on June 27th, 1969, changed history and breathed life into the then dormant and internally conflicted homophile movement. In recent years, gays and lesbians have staked out their deserved place in the annals of American legal, social, and political history with a growing body of social and historical accounts of the Stonewall Riots’ and of the pre-Stonewall gay world. Typically, these revisionist histories briefly mention the constant threat of raids and harassment that dictated the closeted lifestyle of most gays and lesbians before the riots. References to the police raids, or to the Riots themselves, however, do not often examine the various social forces converging on that moment when a seedy working-class bar in Manhattan’s West Village, which openly served homosexuals and outrageously dressed Black and ethnic drag queens, became the focal point of a conflict that instigated a national gay civil rights movement.
{"title":"Faeries, Marimachas, Queens, and Lezzies: The Construction of Homosexuality Before the 1969 Stonewall Riots","authors":"E. Arriola","doi":"10.7916/CJGL.V5I1.2378","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7916/CJGL.V5I1.2378","url":null,"abstract":"The Stonewall Riots erupted on a hot night in June 1969 in New York City, when an unlikely group of revolutionaries, a few Black and Puerto Rican drag queens and butch lesbians, turned a routine bar raid into a street fight with the local police. The latter had just taken a payoff from the unlicensed bar owners and arrested the most obvious looking homosexuals. A motley crew of effeminate queers resisted what would otherwise have been a routine raid on a bar that catered to gay people. The conflict attracted an angry crowd of onlookers and supporters who fought into the night with coins, beer bottles, and sticks, and whose struggle ultimately came to symbolize the overthrow of decades of official harassment, repression, and degradation. A simple street fight on June 27th, 1969, changed history and breathed life into the then dormant and internally conflicted homophile movement. \u0000In recent years, gays and lesbians have staked out their deserved place in the annals of American legal, social, and political history with a growing body of social and historical accounts of the Stonewall Riots’ and of the pre-Stonewall gay world. Typically, these revisionist histories briefly mention the constant threat of raids and harassment that dictated the closeted lifestyle of most gays and lesbians before the riots. References to the police raids, or to the Riots themselves, however, do not often examine the various social forces converging on that moment when a seedy working-class bar in Manhattan’s West Village, which openly served homosexuals and outrageously dressed Black and ethnic drag queens, became the focal point of a conflict that instigated a national gay civil rights movement.","PeriodicalId":84468,"journal":{"name":"Columbia journal of gender and law","volume":"5 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-02-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44554413","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the juvenile legal system, many jurisdictions are adopting interventions that target girls for specialized treatment. The proliferation of so-called Girls Courts—or specialty courts designed to address the specific challenges faced by system-involved girl—is one such intervention. Girls Court rejects gender-blindness in the juvenile justice system in order to address the unique needs of system-involved girls. This Article enlists Critical Race Feminism to argue that, although well intentioned, these gender-specific juvenile courts enlist harmful gender stereotypes to guide girls towards an antiquated and hegemonic form of femininity. By examining the underlying assumptions that drive Girls Court, this Article assesses the line between gender-consciousness and gender stereotyping and critiques the role of law in entrenching harmful notions about what “good girls” ought to be. Lifting ideologies from problem-solving courts, Girls Court purports to serve the most at-risk girls, with some jurisdictions placing special emphasis on holistic intervention for child victims of sexual exploitation. Girls Court targets girls, mostly girls of color, for enhanced scrutiny and surveillance. Although heightened services are needed for girls battling intersecting forms of oppression, this Article argues that Girls Court exemplifies important limitations to gender-specific reform. While the court’s approach rightly acknowledges the role of gender in shaping outcomes for young people, it also targets girls for intrusive and punitive methods of social control. Girls Court funnels girls towards a very specific notion of girlhood—one centered in white, middle-class notions of femininity. Through criminalization, an emphasis on sexual purity, and a desire to instill obedience, Girls Court advances certain subordinating stereotypes about girls, particularly girls of color. At its core, this Article argues for an increased duty of care when it comes to programming for girls. It urges a careful examination of all the messages we send, and the values we promote, when we target young girls for intervention.
{"title":"Good Girls: Gender-Specific Interventions in Juvenile Court","authors":"F. Gamal","doi":"10.7916/CJGL.V35I2.2770","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7916/CJGL.V35I2.2770","url":null,"abstract":"In the juvenile legal system, many jurisdictions are adopting interventions that target girls for specialized treatment. The proliferation of so-called Girls Courts—or specialty courts designed to address the specific challenges faced by system-involved girl—is one such intervention. Girls Court rejects gender-blindness in the juvenile justice system in order to address the unique needs of system-involved girls. This Article enlists Critical Race Feminism to argue that, although well intentioned, these gender-specific juvenile courts enlist harmful gender stereotypes to guide girls towards an antiquated and hegemonic form of femininity. By examining the underlying assumptions that drive Girls Court, this Article assesses the line between gender-consciousness and gender stereotyping and critiques the role of law in entrenching harmful notions about what “good girls” ought to be. Lifting ideologies from problem-solving courts, Girls Court purports to serve the most at-risk girls, with some jurisdictions placing special emphasis on holistic intervention for child victims of sexual exploitation. Girls Court targets girls, mostly girls of color, for enhanced scrutiny and surveillance. Although heightened services are needed for girls battling intersecting forms of oppression, this Article argues that Girls Court exemplifies important limitations to gender-specific reform. While the court’s approach rightly acknowledges the role of gender in shaping outcomes for young people, it also targets girls for intrusive and punitive methods of social control. Girls Court funnels girls towards a very specific notion of girlhood—one centered in white, middle-class notions of femininity. Through criminalization, an emphasis on sexual purity, and a desire to instill obedience, Girls Court advances certain subordinating stereotypes about girls, particularly girls of color. At its core, this Article argues for an increased duty of care when it comes to programming for girls. It urges a careful examination of all the messages we send, and the values we promote, when we target young girls for intervention.","PeriodicalId":84468,"journal":{"name":"Columbia journal of gender and law","volume":"35 1","pages":"228-263"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71363461","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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