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Fiscal Stimulus Caused Only 1% of the 8% Rise in U.S. Inflation 在美国8%的通胀率上升中,财政刺激仅占1%
Pub Date : 2023-11-08 DOI: 10.1080/05775132.2023.2278348
Laurence Seidman
AbstractWas the 8% rise in U.S. inflation in 2021–2022 mainly caused by 2021 fiscal stimulus? This article presents evidence that 5% of the 8% rise in U.S. and European inflation was caused by two cost pushes: severe supply chain disruptions from covid and a huge rise in the cost of oil. Two percent was caused by higher wage increases to try to keep up with the 5% cost-push. One percent in Europe was caused by a natural gas price spike. U.S. fiscal stimulus in 2021 was the same as in 2020. Only 1% of the U.S.’s 8% rise was caused by 2021 fiscal stimulus.
摘要美国2021 - 2022年8%的通胀率上升主要是由2021年的财政刺激造成的吗?这篇文章提供的证据表明,在美国和欧洲8%的通胀涨幅中,有5%是由两个成本推动因素造成的:冠状病毒造成的严重供应链中断和石油成本的大幅上涨。2%是为了跟上5%的成本增长而提高工资。欧洲的1%是由天然气价格飙升造成的。美国2021年的财政刺激计划与2020年相同。在美国8%的增长中,只有1%是由2021年的财政刺激造成的。
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引用次数: 0
Institutions as Instruments of Social Welfare 作为社会福利工具的制度
Pub Date : 2023-10-31 DOI: 10.1080/05775132.2023.2272541
Suyog Dandekar
AbstractSince the emergence of New Institutional Economics movement, the study of institutions have regained prominence in the field of economic studies. There are three main tenets of institutional economics. First, institutions matter when it comes determining outcomes by guiding interaction among the members of the society. Second, there is a definite link between the welfare of a society and the institutional arrangements that are prevalent there. Basically, institutions act as instruments of welfare. Third, it has been observed that not all institutional arrangements work. Some institutions have performed better than others. The question that this paper tries to address are what is the exact procedure through which institutions improve welfare and why certain institutions work and others do not. With the help of a hypothetical example of an uncertain situation the process of institutions is described. A formal model of the process is then developed which is used to derive efficiency conditions for any institution. Notes1 For more on this see introductory chapter of the book New Institutional Economics A Guidebook by Joskow (Citation2008)2 X could also refer to a bundle of various commodities. For example, X could be comprised of food, clothing, shelter, etc. The interpretation of X either as a single commodity or as a bundle of commodities will not affect the analysis.3 It is not necessary to make this assumption but doing so would make further analysis much simpler.4 Note that this assumption is not too unrealistic. While it is true that configuration 4 is the Nash equilibrium, it however does not mean that other configurations were not played out in this strategic situation. It is possible that other configurations were played out which would have allowed individuals to gather information on the other individual individual’s full production capacity.5 This is because producing output level of 93 necessarily implies that individual 1 has forgone investment in appropriation. Remember, the maximum output that individual 1 can produce after investing time in appropriation is 60. A fact, that will also be known to individual 2 since we have already assumed that each individual has the capacity to learn about the other individual’s production and appropriation capabilities.6 As was mentioned before this belief could be generated through an external agency imposing restrictions on appropriation which will be akin to a formal institution. The important point here is that as long as the belief that other individual will not engage in appropriation there exists a possibility of moving towards a socially desirable outcome.7 This example is taken from Chapter 3 of the book A Cooperative Species: Human Reciprocity And Its Evolution by Bowles and Gintis (Citation2013)8 In this case ∑L will take 4 values. It will be zero when no individual follows the institution. The second possible value of ∑L will be when only individual 1 follows the institution and
摘要自新制度经济学运动兴起以来,制度研究重新成为经济学研究领域的重要内容。制度经济学有三个主要原则。首先,在通过引导社会成员之间的互动来决定结果方面,制度很重要。第二,一个社会的福利与那里普遍存在的制度安排之间存在着明确的联系。基本上,制度是福利的工具。第三,人们注意到,并非所有的制度安排都有效。一些机构的表现要好于其他机构。本文试图解决的问题是,制度改善福利的确切程序是什么,以及为什么某些制度有效,而其他制度无效。借助一个不确定情况的假设例子,描述了制度的过程。这一过程的正式模型随后被开发出来,用于推导任何制度的效率条件。注1关于这方面的更多内容,请参阅Joskow撰写的《新制度经济学指南》(Citation2008)的引言部分。例如,X可以由食物、衣服、住所等组成。将X解释为单一商品或一捆商品都不会影响分析没有必要做出这样的假设,但这样做会使进一步的分析简单得多请注意,这个假设并非太不现实。虽然构型4确实是纳什均衡,但这并不意味着在这种战略形势下没有其他构型。也有可能出现了其他的配置,允许个体收集关于其他个体的全部生产能力的信息这是因为93的生产产出水平必然意味着个人1已经放弃了对拨款的投资。记住,个体1在投入时间后所能产生的最大产出是60。由于我们已经假设了每个人都有能力了解另一个人的生产和占有能力,所以每个人也都知道这个事实如前所述,这种信念可以通过对拨款施加限制的外部机构产生,这种机构类似于正式机构。这里重要的一点是,只要相信其他个人不会参与占有,就有可能朝着社会期望的结果前进这个例子摘自Bowles和Gintis的《合作物种:人类互惠及其进化》(Citation2013)一书的第三章。在这种情况下,∑L将取4个值。当没有个人跟随机构时,它将为零。∑L的第二个可能值是当个体1服从制度而个体2不服从制度时,即L1。∑L的第三个可能值是当个体2服从制度而个体1不服从时,即L2。最后,当两个个体都遵循制度时,∑L的第四个可能值是L1+2。当然,当n = 3时,∑L取8个值,当n = 4时,∑L取16个值,以此类推。注意∑L∈[0,-∞)人们甚至可以取γ¯为零,这意味着在制度出现之前没有效用只是为了简单起见,才采用线性的假设。另外两种情况——以增加的速度增长和以减少的速度增长——的条件也可以导出人们认识到,肝硬化导致的死亡风险是否低,或者酗酒人口比例是否小,这是一个非常主观的问题,在不同的社会中可能有所不同有兴趣的读者可以参考希拉·菲茨帕特里克的书《斯大林的农民:集体化后俄罗斯农村的抵抗与生存》。关于农民为反对国家集体化政策而采取的抵抗战略的更多信息(Fitzpatrick Citation1996)。
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引用次数: 0
“Not a Thing” Seven Legal Reasons the Federal “Debt Ceiling” is Null & Void 联邦“债务上限”无效的七个法律原因无效
Pub Date : 2023-10-27 DOI: 10.1080/05775132.2023.2272531
Robert Hockett
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引用次数: 0
John Maynard Keynes Narrates the Great Depression: His Reports to the Philips Electronics Firm 约翰·梅纳德·凯恩斯讲述大萧条:他给飞利浦电子公司的报告
Pub Date : 2023-10-26 DOI: 10.1080/05775132.2023.2272544
Robert W. Dimand, Bradley W. Bateman
AbstractIn October 1929, the Dutch electronics firm Philips approached John Maynatd Keynes to write confidential reports on the state of the British and world economies, which he did from January 1930 to November 1934, at first monthly and then quarterly. These substantial reports (Keynes’s November 1931 report was twelve typed pages) show Keynes narrating the Great Depression in real time, as the world went through the US slowdown after the Wall Street crash, the Credit-Anstalt collapse in Austria, the German banking crisis (summer 1931), Britain’s departure from the gold exchange standard in August and September 1931, the US banking crisis leading to the Bank Holiday of March 1933, the London Economic Conference of 1933, and the coming of the New Deal. This series of reports has not been discussed in the literature, though the reports and surrounding correspondence are in the Chadwyck-Healey microfilm edition of the Keynes Papers. We examine Keynes’s account of the unfolding events of the early 1930s, his insistence that the crisis would be more severe and long-lasting than most observers predicted, and his changing position on whether monetary policy would be sufficient to promote recovery and relate his reading of contemporary events to his theoretical development. Notes1 “Thursday, October 24, is the first of the days which history – such as it is on the subject – identifies with the panic of 1929” (Galbraith Citation1961, 103–104), but already on Monday, October 21, Irving Fisher had characterized the fall in stock prices as just the “shaking out of the lunatic fringe” and on Tuesday, Charles Mitchell of the National City Bank declared that “the decline has gone too far” (Galbraith Citation1961, 102).2 Philips Incandescent Lamp Works, later Philips Electronics, successor to a firm founded by Lion Philips (originally Presburg), maternal uncle of Karl Marx (Gabriel Citation2011, 44, 110, 291-93, 295, 299, 315, 334, 366). Although relations between uncle and nephew were “strained by politics” (Gabriel Citation2011, 291), Mary Gabriel (Citation2011, 299) refers to Marx’s “fund of last resort, his uncle … He had sold himself to this pragmatic businessman as a successful writer only temporarily short of cash.” Gabriel (Citation2011, 642) remarks that “Marx’s dabbling in the stock market has been questioned by some scholars, who believe he may simply have wanted his uncle to believe he was engaged in ‘capital’ transactions, not Capital.” After the death of Lion Philips, his sons did not reply to Marx’s letter asking for help with his daughter Laura’s wedding (Gabriel Citation2011, 364). Anthony Sampson (Citation1968, 95) reported that the firm’s chairman Frits Philips was “a keen Moral Rearmer and a fervent anti-communist, embarrassed by the fact that his grandfather was a cousin of Karl Marx.”3 For a sense of what £150 a year might have meant to Keynes: Moggridge (Citation1992, 508, 585) and Skidelsky (Citation2003, 417–418, 519, 565) report that
1929年10月,荷兰飞利浦电子公司找到约翰·梅纳德·凯恩斯,请他撰写有关英国和世界经济状况的机密报告。凯恩斯从1930年1月至1934年11月,开始是每月一次,后来是每季度一次。这些实质性的报告(凯恩斯1931年11月的报告有12页)显示了凯恩斯对大萧条的实时叙述,当世界经历了华尔街崩溃后的美国经济放缓,奥地利信贷-安斯塔特银行倒闭,德国银行业危机(1931年夏天),英国在1931年8月和9月脱离金汇制,美国银行业危机导致1933年3月的银行假期,1933年伦敦经济会议,以及新政的到来这一系列的报告还没有在文献中讨论,虽然报告和周围的通信是在查德威克-希利的凯恩斯论文微缩胶片版。我们将研究凯恩斯对20世纪30年代初发生的事件的描述,他坚持认为危机将比大多数观察家预测的更为严重和持久,以及他在货币政策是否足以促进复苏方面的立场变化,并将他对当代事件的解读与他的理论发展联系起来。注1“10月24日星期四,是历史上——就这个主题而言——第一次与1929年的恐慌相提并论的日子”(Galbraith Citation1961, 103-104),但早在10月21日星期一,欧文·费雪就已经把股价下跌描述为“从极端分子中颤抖出来”,周二,国民城市银行的查尔斯·米切尔宣布“下跌太过分了”(Galbraith Citation1961, 102)飞利浦白炽灯厂,即后来的飞利浦电子公司,是卡尔·马克思的舅舅狮子·飞利浦(原普雷斯堡)创立的公司的继承者(Gabriel Citation2011, 44, 110, 291- 93,295, 299, 315, 334, 366)。尽管叔叔和侄子之间的关系“因政治而紧张”(Gabriel Citation2011, 291),玛丽·加布里埃尔(Mary Gabriel, Citation2011, 299)提到马克思的“最后的资金来源,他的叔叔……他把自己卖给了这个务实的商人,作为一个成功的作家,只是暂时缺钱。”Gabriel (Citation2011, 642)评论说:“马克思涉足股票市场的行为受到了一些学者的质疑,他们认为他可能只是想让他的叔叔相信他从事的是‘资本’交易,而不是《资本论》。”在Lion Philips去世后,他的儿子们没有回复马克思请求帮助他女儿Laura婚礼的信(Gabriel Citation2011, 364)。安东尼·桑普森(引文1968,95)报道说,公司主席弗里茨·飞利浦是“一个热心的道德斗士和一个狂热的反共分子,他为自己的祖父是卡尔·马克思的堂兄而感到尴尬。”为了了解每年150英镑对凯恩斯意味着什么:莫格里奇(citation1992,508,585)和斯基德尔斯基(citation2003,417 - 418,519,565)报告说,凯恩斯的净资产从1927年底的44,000英镑波动到1929年底的7,815英镑,然后在1936年底上升到506,222英镑以上,在1938年底再次下降到181,244英镑。飞利浦的报价是在他财务状况特别糟糕的时候提出的。根据斯基德尔斯基(Citation2003, 265)的说法,“投资、董事和咨询收入”在1923-24年至1928-29年间占凯恩斯收入的70%以上(包括作为国家互助人寿保险公司主席每年1000英镑),书籍和文章占另外20%,剩下的收入不超过十分之一来自教学、考试、担任皇家经济学会秘书和期刊编辑、担任财务主管和国王学院研究员等学术来源。在1月21日给凯恩斯的信中,h·杜·普瑞尔感动地“指出,根据您打算附上的信件底部的手写注释,我们没有收到阿根廷的最新数据,因此我们无法就其对我们的重要性向您发表意见。”5 1931年7月31日,五月国家支出委员会的多数报告预测,1931-32年的预算赤字将达到1.2亿英镑,因此需要削减失业救济金、道路建设、政府和武装部队的开支9600万英镑,它把失业和道路基金的所有借款都计算为“经常项目的公共支出”以及5000万英镑的“通常债务偿还准备金”(Winch Citation1969, 126-130)。凯恩斯指责五月委员会的大多数人“没有考虑过他们的计划可能对失业人数或税收收入产生的影响”——他估计,该计划将增加25万至40万失业人口,并减少7000万英镑的税收收入(《新政治家与国家》,1931年8月15日;凯恩斯引文1971-89,卷九,141-145;Winch Citation1969, 130; Skidelsky Citation2003, 446)。
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引用次数: 0
Notice of duplicate publication: “Globalization and the Labor Market: An Economic Approach.” 复刊通知:“全球化与劳动力市场:一种经济方法”。
Pub Date : 2023-09-14 DOI: 10.1080/05775132.2023.2243764
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引用次数: 0
Artificial Intelligence, New Human Technologies, and the Future of Mankind 人工智能、人类新技术与人类未来
Pub Date : 2023-06-20 DOI: 10.1080/05775132.2023.2223061
R. Benedikter
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引用次数: 0
Conversations with Gyorgy Ligeti
Pub Date : 2023-06-19 DOI: 10.1080/05775132.2023.2225324
R. Wade
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引用次数: 0
Regaining Control of the National Security Establishment 重新控制国家安全机构
Pub Date : 2023-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/05775132.2023.2185395
R. Repetto
Abstract To justify its enormous cost, the defense sector promotes China as a deadly military threat, noneother being available This is a potentially fatal error. The Biden administration should recognize China’s sphere of influence and strengthen control over the national security establishment. Like all other government agencies, the national security agencies fight relentlessly to defend their programs, prerogatives and budgets. To that end, they use the world’s largest public relations budget, a flotilla of supporting think tanks, associations, institutes and columnists, and an army of defense industry lobbyists. Despite having never clearly won a war since World War II (not counting the farcical invasion of Grenada) and having clearly lost at least two despite a seemingly overwhelming advantage of force (Vietnam, Afghanistan and arguably Iraq), the military nonetheless has been so spectacularly successful in its political mission that we now spend more on the military than do all other countries combined – an incredible eight hundred and sixteen billion dollars per year.
为了证明其巨大的成本是合理的,国防部门将中国宣传为一个致命的军事威胁,没有其他可用的。这是一个潜在的致命错误。拜登政府应该承认中国的势力范围,加强对国家安全机构的控制。与所有其他政府机构一样,国家安全机构也在不遗余力地捍卫自己的项目、特权和预算。为此,他们动用了世界上最大的公共关系预算,一群支持他们的智库、协会、研究所和专栏作家,以及一支国防工业游说者大军。尽管自第二次世界大战以来从未明显地赢得过一场战争(不包括对格林纳达的滑稽入侵),并且在看似压倒性的武力优势下(越南、阿富汗和可以说是伊拉克),显然至少输掉了两场战争,但军队在其政治使命上取得了如此惊人的成功,以至于我们现在在军事上的花费比所有其他国家的总和还要多——令人难以置信的是,每年8160亿美元。
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引用次数: 0
Money Growth and Inflation: A Wavelet Analysis for a Monetization Approach to COVID 19 货币增长与通货膨胀:新冠肺炎货币化方法的小波分析
Pub Date : 2023-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/05775132.2023.2213103
A. Focacci
Abstract COVID 19 pandemic will cause a global economic contraction. The magnitude of shocks will impact the fiscal deficit and the public debt in all Countries. This paper provides an insight into the dynamic relationship between money growth and inflation for several Countries. The Morlet wavelet coherence model is employed since it allows the simultaneous examination of lead-lag effects and co-movements between the couple of variables in the different Countries. The overall results do not evidence a clear impact of the money growth on inflation. This outcome has relevant economic policy consequences considering that the monetization of the public debt can sustain the economic recovery. Thus, the pure monetary nature of the inflationary phenomenon can hardly be considered as a constraint in designing the measures to counteract the issue.
新冠肺炎疫情将导致全球经济收缩。冲击的程度将影响所有国家的财政赤字和公共债务。本文分析了几个国家货币增长与通货膨胀之间的动态关系。采用Morlet小波相干模型,因为它允许同时检查不同国家的两个变量之间的领先滞后效应和共同运动。总体结果并未证明货币增长对通胀有明显影响。考虑到公共债务货币化可以维持经济复苏,这一结果具有相关的经济政策后果。因此,通货膨胀现象的纯粹货币性质很难被视为设计应对这一问题的措施的约束。
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引用次数: 0
Viability of the Political System: A Neglected Issue in Public Finance 政治制度的可行性:公共财政中一个被忽视的问题
Pub Date : 2023-02-20 DOI: 10.1080/05775132.2023.2179166
John Komlos
A classic statement of the pure theory of public finance was formulated circa 45 years ago by Richard Musgrave (Musgrave 1959 Musgrave, Richard. 1959. The Theory of Public Finance. New York: McGraw/Hill. [Google Scholar]). He conceptualized the role of public finance as falling into three primary functions of government: (a) to provide for public goods, (b) to provide for an equitable distribution of income, and (c) to stabilize the economy. In its simplicity, this tripartite division “has been invaluable” and remains the “gold standard” in economics to this day. But is something missing? The author argues that we badly neglect distribution.
大约45年前,理查德·马斯格雷夫(Richard Musgrave, 1959)提出了公共财政纯理论的经典论述。公共财政理论。纽约:McGraw/Hill。谷歌学者)。他将公共财政的作用归结为政府的三个主要职能:(a)提供公共产品;(b)提供公平的收入分配;(c)稳定经济。简单地说,这种三方划分“一直是无价之宝”,至今仍是经济学的“黄金标准”。但是不是少了什么?作者认为,我们严重忽视了分配。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Challenge (Atlanta, Ga.)
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