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A Home Away from Home: The Halfway-Return of Western-Trained Asian Scientists 远离家乡的家:受过西方教育的亚洲科学家的中途归来
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/gp.2023.70266
A. Paul
Return migration is typically framed as migration back to familiar territory. In contrast, onward migration does not presume any type of prior connection that the emigrant has with their new destination. This article proposes a new category of migration—“halfway-return”—that sits between return and onward migrations. Halfway-return refers to an emigrant’s return to the broader geographical region from which they originated, rather than the specific country they were born or raised in. The ideal-typical halfway-return destination is a country that is more geographically proximate and also culturally similar to the emigrant’s birth country, compared to their previous overseas destination. But the halfway-return destination also offers lifestyle and/or career opportunities that are better than what is available in the emigrant’s birth country. In order to theorize the concept of halfway-return, this article draws from interview-based research conducted with thirty-four Asian-born, Western-trained bioscientists who, when they returned to Asia, chose to move to a different Asian country than their birth country. Most were Chinese- and Indian-born scientists who chose to move to Singapore rather than their birth country after spending several years training and working in the West. The concept of halfway-return helps shift the migration studies lexicon away from a methodological nationalism that assumes that an individual’s birth country is the only lens through which to determine what counts as return. It also acknowledges growing regionalization trends in Asia and elsewhere, within more-studied globalization patterns.
返回迁移通常被定义为迁移回熟悉的领域。相比之下,继续迁移并不假定移民者与他们的新目的地有任何类型的事先联系。本文提出了一种新的迁移类别——“中途返回”——它位于返回和继续迁移之间。“中途返回”指的是移民返回他们原籍的更广泛的地理区域,而不是返回他们出生或长大的特定国家。与移民之前的海外目的地相比,理想的、典型的中途返回目的地是一个地理位置更接近、文化上也更相似的国家。但中途返回的目的地也提供了比移民出生国更好的生活方式和/或职业机会。为了将“中途返回”的概念理论化,本文从对34位在亚洲出生、受过西方教育的生物科学家进行的访谈研究中得出结论,这些科学家在回到亚洲后,选择移居到与出生国不同的亚洲国家。大多数是在中国和印度出生的科学家,他们在西方接受了几年的培训和工作后,选择移居新加坡,而不是他们的出生地。中途返回的概念有助于改变移民研究词汇,使其远离方法论民族主义,即假设个人的出生国是确定什么是返回的唯一视角。报告还承认,在经过更多研究的全球化格局中,亚洲和其他地区的区域化趋势日益增强。
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引用次数: 0
Regionalism, Multilateralism, and Sovereign Debt: Observations from a Latin Americanist 地区主义、多边主义与主权债务:一位拉丁美洲学者的观察
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/gp.2023.57547
Leslie Elliott Armijo
The paper posits a powerful mutuality of interests between global multilateralism and independent regionalism in the global South. The more-or-less liberal international order established following the Second World War struggles to retain political and financial support from advanced industrial countries. Since the underlying source of this tension reflects a structural shift in the interstate distribution of power capabilities toward rising global multipolarity, the only viable medium-term solution for peak multilateralism is achieving greater legitimacy among a wider field of countries. Greater innovativeness is a second benefit to central multilateralism of expanded regional access: important international policy challenges are not “seen” until those who experience them have sufficient voice. The counterpart challenge within the global South is the frustration of policy entrepreneurs from small and intermediate powers. Most recognize the need for prior interest-aggregation to exercise influence in peak international organizations where great powers dominate. However, effective regionalism, a perennial and obvious choice for non-great powers, in practice has been difficult, especially in Latin America. Yes, one explanation is vicious partisan squabbling in the neighborhood, but subtle, structural factors also undermine cooperation, as a quick comparison with Europe demonstrates. In this context, “regionalism” is best conceptualized as a mix of formal organizations and regionally-based transnational epistemic communities or activist networks. A case study of Latin America-focused policy entrepreneurship over several decades around the global financial governance of currency and sovereign debt illustrates these observations.
本文认为,全球多边主义与独立的南方地区主义之间存在着强大的共同利益。二战后建立起来的或多或少自由主义的国际秩序,正努力保持来自发达工业国家的政治和财政支持。由于这种紧张关系的根本根源反映了国家间力量分配的结构性转变,即朝着日益上升的全球多极化方向发展,多边主义达到顶峰的唯一可行的中期解决方案是在更广泛的国家中获得更大的合法性。更大的创新性是扩大区域准入的核心多边主义的第二个好处:除非经历过重大国际政策挑战的国家有足够的发言权,否则人们不会“看到”这些挑战。全球南方国家内部的对应挑战是来自中小大国的政策企业家的挫败感。大多数人都认识到,在大国占主导地位的国际组织中,需要事先聚集利益来施加影响。然而,有效的地区主义——非大国长期和明显的选择——在实践中一直很困难,特别是在拉丁美洲。是的,一种解释是邻国之间的党派之争,但微妙的结构性因素也会破坏合作,与欧洲的快速比较就证明了这一点。在这种背景下,“地方主义”最好被概念化为正式组织和基于区域的跨国认知社区或活动家网络的混合。对几十年来围绕全球货币和主权债务金融治理的以拉丁美洲为重点的政策企业家精神的案例研究说明了这些观察结果。
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引用次数: 0
How to Salvage Democracy: A Reading 如何拯救民主:一篇阅读文章
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/gp.2023.70432
Ewa Atanassow
Francis Fukuyama, Liberalism and Its Discontents (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2022) Stein Ringen, How Democracies Live: Power, Statecraft, and Freedom in Modern Societies (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2022) Reviewing two recent books, Francis Fukuyama’s Liberalism and Its Discontents and Stein Ringen’s How Democracies Live: Power, Statecraft, and Freedom in Modern Societies, this article explores their respective diagnoses of the current crisis of democracy and their proposed solutions. It shows that, while similar in method and intent, the two works diverge on crucial analytical and policy issues. By putting them in conversation, and bringing out these telling differences, the article seeks to clarify the urgent questions that face Western democracies today and the challenges of addressing them.
弗朗西斯·福山:《自由主义及其不满》(纽约:Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2022)斯坦·林根:《民主如何生存:现代社会中的权力、治国方略和自由》(芝加哥:芝加哥大学出版社,2022)评述最近出版的两本书:弗朗西斯·福山的《自由主义及其不满》和斯坦·林根的《民主如何生存》。在《现代社会中的权力、治国方略和自由》一书中,本文探讨了他们各自对当前民主危机的诊断以及提出的解决方案。它表明,虽然方法和意图相似,但这两部作品在关键的分析和政策问题上存在分歧。通过将他们置于对话中,并提出这些明显的差异,本文试图澄清当今西方民主国家面临的紧迫问题以及解决这些问题的挑战。
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引用次数: 0
State Theory and Public Administration in Latin America: Research Traditions and a Test Case 拉丁美洲的国家理论与公共行政:研究传统与测试案例
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/gp.2023.74947
Agustin E. Ferraro, Gustavo Fondevila
Research and teaching about the state in Latin America have been under the strong influence of constitutional law and political philosophy since the nineteenth century. To this day, a formal constitutional understanding of the state dominates not only professional training and scholarly research in the fields of government and public administration but also, perhaps more significantly, public controversies about the design of state institutions. Such controversies do not happen often, but they have significant consequences when they do. We will illustrate the last point with a test case, the public controversy about the configuration of state institutions that took place during the past ten years in Mexico. The controversy had ample coverage in national media, and it contributed to a series of institutional conflicts—still ongoing—at the highest levels of the federal government in the country. Our analysis of this national debate, in section 2 of the article, shows that certain preconceived ideas about public life and the constitutional order are much more than just “technical” legal principles; they form a practical expectation of political and institutional life. Certain of these ideas, however, have been employed to support political positions that are hostile toward the consolidation of professional state bureaucracies. Only relatively recently, an alternative line of research on the state has begun to develop in Latin America, including contributions from political sociology and history, which systematically examines issues related to professional bureaucracies and political legitimacy.
自19世纪以来,关于拉丁美洲国家的研究和教学一直受到宪法和政治哲学的强烈影响。直到今天,对国家的正式宪法理解不仅主导着政府和公共行政领域的专业培训和学术研究,而且可能更重要的是,也主导着关于国家机构设计的公众争议。这样的争议并不经常发生,但一旦发生就会产生重大后果。我们将用一个测试案例来说明最后一点,即过去十年在墨西哥发生的关于国家机构配置的公众争议。这场争议在全国媒体上得到了充分的报道,并在该国联邦政府的最高层引发了一系列仍在进行的制度性冲突。我们在文章第二节中对这场全国性辩论的分析表明,关于公共生活和宪法秩序的某些先入为主的观念远远不只是“技术性”的法律原则;它们形成了对政治和制度生活的实际期望。然而,这些思想中的某些被用来支持反对巩固专业国家官僚机构的政治立场。直到最近,拉丁美洲才开始出现另一种关于国家的研究,包括政治社会学和历史学的贡献,系统地研究与专业官僚机构和政治合法性相关的问题。
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引用次数: 0
Interview: Michael Mann and Helmut K. Anheier 采访:Michael Mann和Helmut K. Anheier
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/gp.2023.68340
M. Mann, H. Anheier
In this interview, Helmut K. Anheier and Michael Mann first discuss Mann’s work on the sociology of power, especially the types and sources of power. They then focus on the rise and fall of empires and his analysis of wars, as well as current international tensions, especially US-China relations and a revisionist Russia. Throughout, they focus on longer-term economic and sociopolitical developments that may affect the future of the liberal order.
在这次采访中,赫尔穆特·k·安海尔和迈克尔·曼首先讨论了曼在权力社会学方面的工作,特别是权力的类型和来源。然后,他们关注帝国的兴衰和他对战争的分析,以及当前的国际紧张局势,特别是美中关系和修正主义的俄罗斯。在整个过程中,他们关注可能影响自由秩序未来的长期经济和社会政治发展。
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引用次数: 0
Multilateralism and Development Cooperation: The End of an Interesting Era? 多边主义与发展合作:一个有趣时代的终结?
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/gp.2023.72711
L. Pritchett
My argument is that while enormous progress has been made during the post–World War II “development era” during which there was substantial multilateral and bilateral development cooperation, or “foreign aid,” that era is coming to a close. The main driving forces of the end of the relevance of development cooperation to the overall development endeavor is that the politics of the rich Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development countries has shifted such that the broad development agenda of interest to the leaders (and citizens) of the “recipient” countries can no longer muster support. Instead, the mainstream, legacy development organizations supported by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (e.g., the World Bank) are caught in a cycle of increasing irrelevance and decline, and I argue that both the external political and the internal organizational dynamics of development organizations are past the point of no return.
我的观点是,虽然二战后的“发展时代”取得了巨大的进步,在此期间有大量的多边和双边发展合作,或“对外援助”,但那个时代正在结束。发展合作与整体发展努力的相关性终结的主要驱动力是,富裕的经济合作与发展组织(oecd)国家的政治已经发生了变化,使得“受援国”领导人(和公民)感兴趣的广泛发展议程再也无法获得支持。相反,由经济合作与发展组织支持的主流、遗留的发展组织(例如,世界银行)陷入了一个越来越无关紧要和衰落的循环,我认为,发展组织的外部政治和内部组织动态都已经过了不可回头的临界点。
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引用次数: 0
Democracy for the Few 少数人的民主
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/gp.2023.70346
B. Crawford
A review and application of Degenerations of Democracy, by Craig Calhoun, Dilip Parameshwar Gaonkar, and Charles Taylor (hereafter, CGT); Liberalism and Its Discontents, by Francis Fukuyama; and How Democracies Live, by Stein Ringen. A strengthened liberal democratic culture is essential for the health and vitality of democracy. This culture is made up of three components: a cluster of liberal values (rule of law, freedom, equality, and reason), a democratic governing system grounded in popular sovereignty, and a collective experience of shared respect for liberal values and democratic institutions. Has this culture lost its strength? Is the collective experience and belief in democratic legitimacy disappearing? Are liberal values increasingly contested? All of the theorists under review address these questions. And for all, the answer is “yes, but….” They make strikingly similar arguments about the sources of this culture’s strength, the causes of its current weakness, and how it can be strengthened. The general thrust of these books is this: a strong liberal democracy rests on three cultural foundations: the strength of social bonds, the level of deliberative civil discourse, and the level of economic equality. The main challenge to this threefold foundation’s strength is neoliberalism, which all authors agree has led to liberal democracy’s decline. I draw on this argument as a guide to assess the strength of liberal democracy in a small population living in rural Alpine County, California. I find that although it is relatively small and isolated, the drivers of democratic decline have found their way into this tiny community. Some aspects of liberal democratic culture have remained strong (voter turnout and volunteerism are high, and many citizens serve in elected office and on government committees); others, however, have weak roots that were never cultivated and continue to weaken further (equality, inclusion, open debate). Finally, I suggest that to strengthen liberal democracy, citizens must participate in it and leaders must work for the good of the entire community, not just the few.
Craig Calhoun, Dilip Parameshwar Gaonkar和Charles Taylor(以下简称CGT)对《民主的退化》一书的回顾与应用;弗朗西斯·福山《自由主义及其不满》;以及斯坦因·林根的《民主如何生存》。加强自由民主文化对民主的健康和活力至关重要。这种文化由三个部分组成:一组自由主义价值观(法治、自由、平等和理性),一个以人民主权为基础的民主治理体系,以及一种共同尊重自由主义价值观和民主制度的集体体验。这种文化已经失去了力量吗?集体经验和对民主合法性的信仰正在消失吗?自由主义价值观是否越来越受到质疑?所有的理论家都在讨论这些问题。对所有人来说,答案是“是的,但是....”他们对这种文化力量的来源、当前弱势的原因以及如何加强这种文化的观点惊人地相似。这些书的主旨是这样的:强大的自由民主建立在三个文化基础之上:社会纽带的强度、公民讨论的水平和经济平等的水平。新自由主义是对这一三重基础力量的主要挑战,所有作者都认为新自由主义导致了自由民主的衰落。我以这一论点为指导,来评估住在加州阿尔卑斯县农村的一小群人的自由民主的力量。我发现,尽管它相对较小和孤立,但民主衰落的驱动因素已经找到了进入这个小社区的途径。自由民主文化的某些方面仍然很强大(选民投票率和志愿服务很高,许多公民在民选办公室和政府委员会任职);然而,另一些则根基薄弱,从未得到培养,并将继续进一步削弱(平等、包容、公开辩论)。最后,我建议,为了加强自由民主,公民必须参与其中,领导人必须为整个社会的利益而工作,而不仅仅是少数人的利益。
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引用次数: 0
“An Enlightened Twenty-First Century?” “开明的二十一世纪?”
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/gp.2023.89322
Stanley N. Katz
A Review Essay of Towards a New Enlightenment: The Case for Future-Oriented Humanities, by Markus Gabriel, Christoph Horn, Anna Katsman, Wilhelm Krull, Anna Luisa Lippold, Corine Pelluchon, and Ingo Venzke. Bielefeld: transcript Verlag, 2022 (published simultaneously in both German and English).
《走向新启蒙:面向未来的人文学科》书评,作者:马库斯·加布里埃尔、克里斯托弗·霍恩、安娜·卡斯曼、威廉·克鲁尔、安娜·路易莎·利波德、科琳·佩卢雄和英戈·文兹克。比勒费尔德:文字汇编,2022年(德语和英语同时出版)。
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引用次数: 0
Interview: Andreas Wimmer and Helmut K. Anheier 采访:Andreas Wimmer和Helmut K. Anheier
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/gp.2022.38287
A. Wimmer, H. Anheier
In this interview, Helmut K Anheier and Andreas Wimmer discuss his work on methodological nationalism, nation building, democracy, war, and longer-term economic, socio-political developments. They also explore the post-colonial debate and the decolonization movement in the academy. They touch upon foresight methods and review the state of the social sciences, in particular anthropology and sociology.
在这次采访中,赫尔穆特·K·安海尔和安德烈亚斯·温默讨论了他在方法论民族主义、国家建设、民主、战争和长期经济、社会政治发展方面的工作。他们还探讨了后殖民辩论和非殖民化运动在学院。他们谈到了预见方法,并回顾了社会科学,特别是人类学和社会学的现状。
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引用次数: 0
Neoliberalism, the COVID-19 Crisis, and the Quantification of Data 新自由主义、COVID-19危机和数据量化
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/gp.2022.31087
L. David
This short piece discusses the historical-sociological relationship between neoliberalism and quantification of data during the corona pandemic crisis.
这篇短文讨论了新自由主义与冠状病毒大流行危机期间数据量化之间的历史社会学关系。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of global health perspectives
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