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Interview: Mary Kaldor and Helmut K. Anheier 采访:Mary Kaldor和Helmut K. Anheier
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/gp.2022.33927
M. Kaldor, H. Anheier
In this interview, Mary Kaldor and Helmut K. Anheier examine the state of Eastern Europe thirty years after the fall of communism; they explore the differences between old wars and new wars, the relevance of Clausewitz in the field of international relations today, the problem of methodological nationalism, and what the social sciences mean today. They also talk about the impact of neoliberalism, the state of democracy, and the role of civil society.
在这次采访中,玛丽·卡尔多和赫尔穆特·k·安海尔考察了共产主义垮台三十年后东欧的状况;他们探讨旧战争和新战争之间的差异,克劳塞维茨在当今国际关系领域的相关性,方法论民族主义的问题,以及当今社会科学的意义。他们还讨论了新自由主义的影响、民主国家和公民社会的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Universities between Inter- and Renationalization: An Introduction 国际与再国家化之间的大学:导论
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/gp.2022.56926
M. Hoelscher, Julia Schubert
An inherent tension between the global and the national frame of reference defines the modern research university. This seems to be the conflicting diagnosis of two recently published volumes on the matter: In their book on The University and the Global Knowledge Society, David J. Frank and John W. Meyer (2020) link the spectacular rise of the university to its lasting claim to generate “universalized truths” (Frank & Meyer 2020). John Aubrey Douglass and others (2021), in contrast, paint a decidedly different picture. In their volume on Neo-Nationalism and Universities, Douglass and eleven co-authors trace how universities have increasingly come under pressure by a recent wave of neo-nationalism that has challenged the very idea of the global research university right to its core. In presenting these contrasting accounts, the two volumes raise a number of pressing questions for science studies and higher education research more broadly: How do recent developments of neonationalism and populism connect to the longer history of national interests in science as a tool at the hand of the state? How do such nationalist tendencies play into, or counter, the global expansion of the university? And finally, how can we secure the transnational and open idea of a university in times when the specific organizations as well as their cultural core are threatened by national governments? To engage with these questions, this Review Symposium brings together an interdisciplinary group of scholars who discuss the two volumes and share their diverse perspectives on Universities between Inter- and Re-Nationalization.
全球和国家参照系之间的内在张力定义了现代研究型大学。这似乎是最近出版的两卷关于这个问题的相互矛盾的诊断:在他们关于大学和全球知识社会的书中,大卫·j·弗兰克和约翰·w·迈耶(2020)将大学的壮观崛起与它产生“普遍真理”的持久主张联系起来(弗兰克和迈耶2020)。相比之下,约翰·奥布里·道格拉斯(John Aubrey Douglass)等人(2021)描绘了一幅截然不同的画面。在《新民族主义与大学》一书中,道格拉斯和其他11位合著者追溯了最近一波新民族主义浪潮对全球研究型大学理念的核心挑战如何使大学日益承受压力。在呈现这些对比的叙述时,这两卷书为科学研究和更广泛的高等教育研究提出了一些紧迫的问题:新民族主义和民粹主义的最新发展如何与国家将科学作为国家手中的工具的国家利益的较长历史联系起来?这种民族主义倾向是如何影响或阻碍大学的全球扩张的?最后,当特定的组织及其文化核心受到国家政府的威胁时,我们如何确保大学的跨国和开放理念?为了解决这些问题,本次评论研讨会汇集了一个跨学科的学者小组,他们讨论了这两卷书,并分享了他们对国际和再国有化之间大学的不同观点。
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引用次数: 0
International Organizations and Differentiated Universality: Reinvigorating Assessed Contributions in United Nations Funding 国际组织和有区别的普遍性:重振联合国筹资中的分摊会费
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/gp.2022.39780
Sebastian Haug, N. Gulrajani, Silke Weinlich
This article examines the link between universality aspirations of international organizations and member state funding by focusing on the United Nations system. Centering on financial input as a key proxy for ownership and collectively shared responsibility, we show that the UN Scale of Assessments has provided a surprisingly stable formula for calculating obligatory membership fees in the regular budgets of the UN Secretariat, Specialized Agencies, and other UN entities. We argue that the Scale of Assessments embodies a commitment to differentiated universality as it applies to all member states while considering key differences among them, notably their levels of per capita income and debt burden. While large parts of UN budgets currently depend on voluntary contributions by a small number of wealthy member states and thus stray far from universality ambitions, we suggest that assessed contributions are an underexploited tool for operationalizing multilateral universality in an uneven world. We propose four concrete measures for strengthening and expanding the use of assessed contributions that can contribute to making the UN system a more universally owned set of international organizations.
本文以联合国系统为重点,探讨国际组织的普遍性愿望与会员国资助之间的联系。我们以财务投入作为所有权和集体分担责任的关键代表为中心,表明联合国会费分摊比额表为计算联合国秘书处、专门机构和其他联合国实体经常预算中的强制性会费提供了一个惊人的稳定公式。我们认为,分摊比额表体现了对有区别的普遍性的承诺,因为它适用于所有成员国,同时考虑到它们之间的关键差异,特别是它们的人均收入水平和债务负担。虽然联合国预算的很大一部分目前依赖于少数富裕成员国的自愿捐款,因此与普遍性的目标相距甚远,但我们认为,分摊会费是在不平衡的世界中实现多边普遍性的一种未充分利用的工具。我们提出了加强和扩大分摊会费使用的四项具体措施,这些措施有助于使联合国系统成为一个更加普遍拥有的国际组织。
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引用次数: 2
Isolation, Metaphor, and Politics during COVID-19: The Case of the Dominican Republic COVID-19期间的孤立、隐喻和政治:以多米尼加共和国为例
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/gp.2022.35732
Cesar J. Herrera
In smaller nations, where evolving sociopolitical factors, cultural attitudes, and governmental responses may influence the biology of disease, epidemics have been largely understudied. The Dominican Republic possesses several factors relevant to the current COVID-19 pandemic: a warm climate, proximity to densely populated islands, a valuable tourist industry, remittances, a younger population, and strong social networks driven by physical affection. The country’s suboptimal health-care system and strained finances will also be key determinants of the effects of the pandemic locally. Early in 2020, officials adopted a casual approach to COVID-19, which quickly turned into a structured effort of closing borders and implementing social distancing. Initial infections were attributed to affluent Dominicans returning from Europe; transmission quickly spread to low-income segments of the population, particularly towns with a high frequency of travel to the United States. Popular and religious beliefs have surfaced: a “pilgrim” carrying a wooden cross traversed the island, reaching the coast to deposit it so the island would be free of COVID-19; deaths due to clerén intoxication, a drink similar to moonshine believed to possess curative powers; and the Catholic Church’s “aerial blessing” delivered via helicopter. Other metaphors emerged in common survival strategies: homemade masks and gloves sold in neighborhood colmados; cartoons and videos ridiculing commentators and scientists, notably divorced from reality; a town’s curfew violator rushing home on a horse while being chased by cops on motorcycles, etcetera. The fate of the epidemic remains uncertain: limited testing, lack of compliance with isolation by the self-employed, suspected government corruption, and newly elected authorities create a complex scenario where Dominicans remain torn between reality and hope. Poetry and politics, and symbolism and representation, are counterparts on an island nation that has not looked inward during crises for some time.
在较小的国家,不断变化的社会政治因素、文化态度和政府反应可能影响疾病的生物学,对流行病的研究在很大程度上是不足的。多米尼加共和国具有与当前COVID-19大流行相关的几个因素:温暖的气候、靠近人口密集的岛屿、有价值的旅游业、汇款、年轻人口以及由身体情感驱动的强大社交网络。该国欠佳的卫生保健系统和紧张的财政状况也将是疫情在当地产生影响的关键决定因素。2020年初,官员们对COVID-19采取了一种漫不经心的态度,很快就转变为关闭边界和实施社交距离的结构性努力。最初的感染归因于从欧洲返回的富裕的多米尼加人;传播迅速蔓延到低收入人群,特别是前往美国旅行频率高的城镇。民间和宗教信仰已经浮出水面:一名“朝圣者”带着一个木制十字架穿过岛屿,到达海岸,把它存放在岛上,这样岛上就不会有COVID-19;死于酒精中毒,这是一种类似于私酒的饮料,被认为具有治疗作用;以及天主教会的“空中祝福”,由直升机运送。其他隐喻也出现在常见的生存策略中:在附近的科尔马多卖的自制口罩和手套;讽刺评论员和科学家的漫画和视频,明显脱离现实;镇上的宵禁违规者骑着马飞奔回家被骑着摩托车的警察追赶,等等。疫情的命运仍然不确定:检测有限,个体经营者不遵守隔离规定,政府涉嫌腐败,新当选的当局造成了一个复杂的局面,多米尼加人仍然在现实和希望之间摇摆不定。诗歌和政治,象征和表现,是一个岛国的对应物,在一段时间的危机中没有向内看。
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引用次数: 0
Pump Up the Volume: From Covert to Overt Politics in Global Governance 提高音量:从全球治理中的隐蔽政治到公开政治
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/gp.2022.55675
David R. K. Adler, Alexander E. Kentikelenis
Recent commentary on the state of multilateralism begins from an alarming premise: a popular backlash against globalization is underway. The prospects for multilateralism depend, by this account, on shielding global governance from the forces of mass politics. We challenge this conventional account to develop a novel conceptual framework for the mass politics of global governance and the role of contestation in resolving, rather than inciting, the present crisis of multilateralism. We distinguish between two modes of mass politics—covert and overt—and examine variation in (i) mass preferences, (ii) party strategies, and (iii) international organization between them. Building on this framework, we make the case for a shift from the current covert mode to a more overt politics of global governance that could make the multilateral system more effective, accountable, and legitimate. Concrete steps in this direction will accommodate broader political forces while defanging challenges from opportunistic political leaders. We conclude with an outline of pragmatic reforms to reinvigorate multilateralism for the post-pandemic era.
最近对多边主义现状的评论从一个令人担忧的前提开始:一场反对全球化的普遍反弹正在进行。按照这种说法,多边主义的前景取决于保护全球治理不受大众政治力量的影响。我们挑战这种传统的说法,为全球治理的大众政治和争论在解决(而不是煽动)当前多边主义危机中的作用开发一个新的概念框架。我们区分了两种大众政治模式——隐蔽的和公开的——并研究了(i)大众偏好、(ii)政党策略和(iii)两者之间的国际组织的变化。在此框架的基础上,我们提出了从目前的隐蔽模式转向更公开的全球治理政治的理由,这可能使多边体系更有效、更负责任和更合法。朝着这个方向采取的具体步骤将适应更广泛的政治力量,同时消除机会主义政治领导人的挑战。最后,我们概述了为大流行病后时代重振多边主义的务实改革。
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引用次数: 0
Southern multilateralism: Complementary competition vis-à-vis the Liberal International Order 南方多边主义:互补竞争与-à-vis自由国际秩序
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/gp.2022.39589
I. Roy
A growing literature documents the emergence of a “new multilateralism” in the postpandemic context (Telo 2020; Kaul 2020) and prior to it (IMF 2018; Hampson and Heinbecker 2011) to address challenges of inclusion and sustainability in global governance (Singh and Woolcock 2022, this special collection). Situated in the broader context of the changing global order, different strands of the literature debate the challenges offered by the “new multilateralism” to the Liberal International Order (Ikenberry 2018), highlight the role of non-state “power brokers” (Subacci 2014), and reflect on possibilities of South-South cooperation (Mawdsley 2013). This article contributes to the discussion by highlighting the role of “Southern multilateralism” not so much as a challenge to the Liberal International Order as suggestive of an emerging order that both complements it and competes with it.
越来越多的文献记录了大流行后背景下“新多边主义”的出现(Telo 2020;Kaul 2020)及之前(IMF 2018;汉普森和海因贝克2011),以解决全球治理中的包容性和可持续性挑战(辛格和伍尔考克2022,本特别集)。在不断变化的全球秩序的更广泛背景下,不同流派的文献讨论了“新多边主义”对自由国际秩序带来的挑战(Ikenberry 2018),强调了非国家“权力经纪人”的作用(Subacci 2014),并反思了南南合作的可能性(Mawdsley 2013)。本文通过强调“南方多边主义”的作用来促进讨论,而不是对自由国际秩序的挑战,而是暗示了一种既补充又与之竞争的新兴秩序。
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引用次数: 1
Coordination Conundrum in the United Nations Development System: Solutions from Self-Managed Organizations 联合国发展系统的协调难题:自我管理组织的解决办法
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/gp.2022.57083
C. Dupont, Astrid Skjold
Many of the problems that international organizations are tasked with solving are interdependent and require concerted efforts. This interdependence is epitomized in the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals. Yet acting in a concerted manner poses significant organizational obstacles. In this paper, we focus on one of the most prominent of those obstacles, coordination within the UN development system—the collection of UN entities working on development issues. We highlight the complexity of coordination within the UN development system and the changes introduced by the latest reform. We argue that those changes are unlikely to improve the situation significantly and turn to theoretical and empirical sources of inspiration for adjusting those changes. We draw on coordination solutions implemented in nonhierarchical organizational settings, in particular self-managed organizations and humanitarian clusters, to recommend a reorientation of the role of the Resident Coordinator system.
国际组织负责解决的许多问题是相互依存的,需要共同努力。这种相互依存体现在联合国的可持续发展目标中。然而,以协调一致的方式采取行动会带来重大的组织障碍。在本文中,我们将重点关注这些障碍中最突出的一个,即联合国发展系统内的协调,即处理发展问题的联合国实体的集合。我们强调联合国发展系统内部协调的复杂性以及最新改革带来的变化。我们认为,这些变化不太可能显著改善这种情况,并转向理论和经验的灵感来源,以调整这些变化。我们借鉴在非等级组织环境中实施的协调解决方案,特别是自我管理组织和人道主义集群,建议重新定位驻地协调员系统的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Globalizing Regulation: A New Progressive Agenda for Trade and Investment 全球化监管:贸易和投资的新进步议程
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/gp.2022.39794
M. Atal
The past two decades have witnessed growing concern about the challenges governments face in regulating multinational corporations. Trade and investment agreements play a crucial role in setting the regulatory regime that governs these transnational activities. The multilateral trade and investment regime has been experiencing a period of crisis, with the collapse of proceedings at the World Trade Organization’s appellate body and the failure of the Doha Development Round. During this period, states have turned to unilateral, bilateral and regional channels in lieu of multilateral progress. Bilateral and regional agreements contain a much higher degree of regulatory coordination among members, including a growing number of binding standards on labor, the environment and human rights which apply to multinational corporations operating across the trading blocs. This paper reviews three cases of states, or groups of states, endeavoring to impose binding regulation on multinational corporations through the trade and investment regime. This paper argues, that these efforts, while partial, form the basis for a new multilateral trade and investment regime that holds corporations accountable. It shows that during the multilateral system’s period of crisis, as states in both the Global North and Global South have pursued their own strategies and shown a shared commitment to increasing their regulatory capacity, the policy consensus among practitioners at the multilateral level has shifted towards accommodating these efforts. Together, this paper argues, these developments lay the groundwork for a new multilateral model of trade and corporate accountability.
过去二十年来,人们越来越关注政府在监管跨国公司方面面临的挑战。贸易和投资协定在制定管理这些跨国活动的管理制度方面起着至关重要的作用。随着世界贸易组织上诉机构的程序崩溃和多哈发展回合的失败,多边贸易和投资制度正经历一段危机时期。在此期间,各国纷纷转向单边、双边和区域渠道,而不是多边进展。双边和区域协定在成员之间的管理协调方面有更高的程度,包括越来越多的关于劳工、环境和人权的约束性标准,这些标准适用于跨贸易集团经营的跨国公司。本文回顾了三个国家或国家集团试图通过贸易和投资制度对跨国公司施加约束性监管的案例。本文认为,这些努力虽然是局部的,但构成了一种新的多边贸易和投资制度的基础,使企业承担责任。它表明,在多边体系的危机时期,全球北方和全球南方的国家都在追求自己的战略,并表现出对提高其监管能力的共同承诺,多边层面的从业者之间的政策共识已经转向适应这些努力。本文认为,这些发展为新的多边贸易和企业问责模式奠定了基础。
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引用次数: 0
San Francisco Bay Area: A Left Coast Metropolis Grapples with Technocracy and Inequality 旧金山湾区:一个与技术官僚主义和不平等作斗争的左海岸大都市
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/gp.2022.36212
Krystal Laryea, Yitong Zhao, W. Powell
How do civic organizations in the San Francisco Bay Area straddle the paradox of challenging entrenched inequalities in an ostensibly progressive region that has been transformed by tech-driven wealth? Local nonprofits face the tension of maintaining access to elite resources while building connections to distribute those resources and navigate divides between the haves and have-nots. We draw on original data collected over the course of two decades on a representative sample of Bay Area nonprofit organizations. With rich information from both quantitative and qualitative data, we examine different aspects of nonprofits’ relationship to their constituents and environments, including their community embeddedness, cross-sector collaborations, and engagement in advocacy. We then turn to the internal operations of these organizations and survey the professional backgrounds of nonprofit leaders and the usage of practices that purportedly make nonprofits more professional, accountable, and digitally savvy. Our findings reveal a sector that is developing its own model of what community-directed management looks like, neither tethered strictly to a Left Coast ethos nor displaying uniform responses to strong institutional pressures. Although the Bay Area sector pursues heterogeneous approaches to repairing social ruptures, there is a consistent theme of rebuilding and re-creating community. We argue that the region’s diversity in values, practices, and orientations stems from fighting deep fractures that resist simple solutions in a place marked by paradox.
旧金山湾区的民间组织是如何在一个表面上进步的地区挑战根深蒂固的不平等的悖论的?这个地区已经被科技驱动的财富所改变了。当地的非营利组织面临着既要获得精英资源,又要建立分配这些资源的联系,并在富人和穷人之间跨越鸿沟的压力。我们从湾区非营利组织的代表性样本中收集了20年来的原始数据。通过从定量和定性数据中获得的丰富信息,我们研究了非营利组织与其成员和环境之间关系的不同方面,包括他们的社区嵌入性、跨部门合作和倡导参与。然后,我们转向这些组织的内部运作,调查非营利组织领导人的专业背景,以及据称使非营利组织更专业、更负责、更精通数字技术的做法的使用情况。我们的发现揭示了一个正在发展自己的社区导向管理模式的行业,它既不严格地束缚于左翼海岸的精神,也没有对强大的制度压力做出统一的反应。虽然旧金山湾区采用不同的方法来修复社会破裂,但重建和重新创造社区的主题是一致的。我们认为,该地区在价值观、实践和方向上的多样性源于在一个以悖论为标志的地方对抗抵制简单解决方案的深刻裂痕。
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引用次数: 0
Discourses on AI and Regulation of Automated Decision-Making 关于人工智能和自动化决策监管的演讲
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/gp.2022.33707
Nea Lepinkäinen, H. Malik
This article provides an empirically based analysis of the struggle around the use of artificial intelligence and automated decision-making systems in Finnish public governance. After an experimental phase, constitutional boundaries halted the use of automated decision-making in Finnish administration until legal grounds could be settled. The drafting process for a general law regulating the use of automated decision-making in public governance has started. The initial suggestion balances between efficiency and sufficient protection of constitutional rights. This article builds on a critical discourse analysis of the key statements given after the initial regulatory suggestion. Our analysis shows that despite Finland’s constitutional tradition combining both social and liberal values, three out of five discourses prevailing in the statements adhere strongly to a liberal logic of efficiency and optimist accounts of artificial intelligence transformation. The article frames the analysis with the theory of social acceleration. We argue that the prevailing optimism about artificial intelligence and concomitant support for limited state regulation of its use reflect the broader challenges of desynchronization in accelerated societies and might shape the future of the Finnish welfare state.
本文对芬兰公共治理中人工智能和自动决策系统的使用进行了基于经验的分析。经过一个试验阶段后,宪法的界限停止了在芬兰行政管理中使用自动决策,直到法律依据得到解决。规范在公共治理中使用自动决策的一般性法律起草工作已经启动。最初的建议是在效率和充分保护宪法权利之间取得平衡。本文建立在对最初监管建议后给出的关键陈述进行批判性话语分析的基础上。我们的分析表明,尽管芬兰的宪法传统结合了社会和自由价值观,但在声明中占主导地位的五分之三的话语强烈坚持自由主义的效率逻辑和对人工智能转型的乐观描述。本文以社会加速理论为框架进行分析。我们认为,对人工智能的普遍乐观态度以及随之而来的对国家对其使用的有限监管的支持,反映了加速社会中不同步的更广泛挑战,并可能塑造芬兰福利国家的未来。
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引用次数: 2
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Journal of global health perspectives
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