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Making Sense of Violence in Latin America: Social Scientists and Networks of Expertise in Colombia and Mexico 理解拉丁美洲的暴力:哥伦比亚和墨西哥的社会科学家和专家网络
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/gp.2023.74935
Sebastián Rojas Cabal
The intensity and varied nature of violence in Latin America has confronted social scientists with an urgent object of study. This essay examines how, by studying different processes of violence, social scientists have become embedded in wider networks of expertise spanning across civil society and the state. By participating in these networks, Latin American students of violence have enacted important intellectual and political interventions. I examine how the expert commissions for the study of violence launched by the Colombian state in 1958 and 1987 made landmark contributions to Colombian social sciences and produced representations of the country’s past that amplified calls for the transformation of the political regime as it existed in the 1950s and 1980s. I also analyze how, by putting forth the concept of feminicide to describe the violence faced by women and girls in Mexico, feminist scholars opened the door for holding the state accountable for its inaction against these crimes, paving the way toward reshaping the country’s criminal code and the implementation of social policies that adequately protect women’s lives. Investigating these interventions in the context of wider networks of expertise evidences how the study of violence in Latin America has pushed social scientists out of the ivory tower, moving them to engage other social actors not only as informants but also as partners and allies.
拉丁美洲暴力的强度和多样性使社会科学家面临一个紧迫的研究对象。本文考察了社会科学家如何通过研究不同的暴力过程,融入跨越公民社会和国家的更广泛的专业知识网络。通过参与这些网络,拉丁美洲的暴力学生进行了重要的智力和政治干预。我考察了哥伦比亚政府在1958年和1987年发起的暴力研究专家委员会如何为哥伦比亚社会科学做出了里程碑式的贡献,并对该国的过去进行了再现,放大了20世纪50年代和80年代存在的政治体制转型的呼声。我还分析了女权主义学者如何通过提出“杀害女性”(feminicide)的概念来描述墨西哥妇女和女孩所面临的暴力行为,从而为政府对这些犯罪行为的不作为负责打开了大门,为重塑该国的刑法和实施充分保护妇女生命的社会政策铺平了道路。在更广泛的专业知识网络背景下调查这些干预措施,可以证明拉丁美洲的暴力研究如何推动社会科学家走出象牙塔,促使他们不仅作为线人,而且作为合作伙伴和盟友与其他社会行动者接触。
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引用次数: 0
Culture and Social Media 文化与社交媒体
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/gp.2023.71495
S. Ringen
This commentary is part of Global Perspectives review symposium on democracy.
这篇评论是《全球展望》民主评论研讨会的一部分。
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引用次数: 0
Rethinking Multilateralism: Some Reflections 重新思考多边主义:一些思考
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/gp.2023.70348
V. Raghavan
Multilateralism occupies a vast canvas. It means different things to different people. It is studied across many disciplines from political science and international relations to history, sociology, and international law. Its theorists are as diverse as its critics (Alvarez 2000). As the contributions to this special collection reveal, our understanding of multilateralism is constantly evolving with new research, experience, and insights. In this comment, I reflect on international organizations as multilateralism’s laboratories and agents. Multilateralism is a cyclical phenomenon at an international institution (Cohen 2018). My focus, therefore, is on a multilateral institution’s life cycle and some of its legal and policy conundrums. I must caution, however, that I am neither a scholar nor an expert. My perspectives are shaped by my professional experience as an international institution’s staff member and by a personal interest in the history, law, and practice of multilateral organizations.
多边主义幅员辽阔。它对不同的人意味着不同的东西。它涉及政治学、国际关系、历史学、社会学和国际法等多个学科。它的理论家和批评家一样多样化(Alvarez 2000)。正如本特辑所揭示的那样,我们对多边主义的理解随着新的研究、经验和见解而不断发展。在这篇评论中,我反思国际组织作为多边主义的实验室和推动者。多边主义在国际机构中是一种周期性现象(Cohen 2018)。因此,我的重点是一个多边机构的生命周期及其一些法律和政策难题。然而,我必须提醒大家,我既不是学者,也不是专家。我作为国际机构工作人员的专业经历,以及对多边组织的历史、法律和实践的个人兴趣,塑造了我的观点。
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引用次数: 0
Response to the Global Perspectives Reviews of Liberalism and Its Discontents 对自由主义及其不满的全球视野评论的回应
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/gp.2023.89361
Francis Fukuyama
This article is part of Global Perspectives Review Symposium on Democracy.
本文是《全球展望评论民主研讨会》的一部分。
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引用次数: 0
The Common Good “In Question”? Notes on Christian Blum “有问题”的共同利益?克里斯蒂安·布鲁姆笔记
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/gp.2023.88146
Claus Offe
In response to Blum, this commentary highlights the core problem: the notion of a common good is indispensable on the one hand, yet nebulous, pluralistic, and ideologically biased on the other. We do not know the processes, in retrospect, that guarantee the common good as outcome. All we can posit is that the common good is the mitigation of “common bads” and that its beneficiaries are not just societies enshrined in the confines of the nation-state but other social collectives as well.
作为对布卢姆的回应,这篇评论强调了核心问题:一方面,共同利益的概念是不可或缺的,但另一方面,它又模糊不清、多元化和意识形态上的偏见。回顾过去,我们不知道保证共同利益作为结果的进程。我们所能假设的是,共同利益是减轻“共同的坏”,它的受益者不仅是民族国家范围内的社会,还有其他社会集体。
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引用次数: 0
Rethinking Pluriversal Theory in Globalization Research: Bringing Ontology In 全球化研究中的多元理论反思:引入本体论
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/gp.2023.88513
Paul James, Manfred B. Steger
Globalization is full of disjunctures and contradictions. Paradoxically, it is, on the one hand, a generalizing process and, on the other hand, associated with encounters and conflicts that accentuate, and even generate, multiplicities of difference. This article tracks developments in a broad set of approaches that have over the last few decades sought to deepen our understanding of these encounters and differences. These approaches can be collated under the notion of “pluriversal theory.” The first broad expression of this theoretical-activist movement, “pluriversal theory 1.0,” includes orientalism studies, southern theory, and the multiple modernities approach. This group of interventions suggests rightly that our gaze needs to shift from a singular Eurocentric viewpoint, but it is unable to account for the epistemological and ontological contestations that both ground the encounters and provide a means of acting otherwise. Pluriversal theory 2.0 moves to decenter both Europe and the global modernization process, while treating the disjunctures of global history as involving epistemological ruptures. Modern forms of knowing are treated as themselves colonizing. The Global South is described as not just a geographical or imperially generated place of difference but as region of diverse “ways of knowing.” Here, the nature of knowledge becomes analytically important, as does using comparative analysis of ways of knowing. This article builds upon the strengths of these earlier contributions to argue for what might be called pluriversal theory 3.0. This entails recognizing that “knowing” is only one of the many categories of being, and that disjunctures of ontological difference—“ways of being” or ontological formations in tension—are central to understanding processes of power and domination in our globalizing world.
全球化充满了混乱和矛盾。矛盾的是,一方面,它是一个概括的过程,另一方面,它与强调甚至产生多样性差异的遭遇和冲突有关。本文追踪了过去几十年来一系列广泛方法的发展,这些方法试图加深我们对这些遭遇和差异的理解。这些方法可以在“多元理论”的概念下进行整理。这一理论-行动主义运动的第一个广泛表达是“多元理论1.0”,包括东方主义研究、南方理论和多元现代性方法。这组干预正确地表明,我们的目光需要从单一的欧洲中心观点转移,但它无法解释认识论和本体论的争论,这两种争论都是相遇的基础,并提供了一种不同的行动方式。多元理论2.0将欧洲和全球现代化进程的中心化,同时将全球历史的断裂视为涉及认识论断裂。现代形式的知识被认为是殖民。全球南方不仅被描述为地理或帝国产生差异的地方,而且被描述为具有多种“认识方式”的地区。在这里,知识的本质在分析上变得很重要,就像对认识方式进行比较分析一样。本文以这些早期贡献的优势为基础,论证所谓的多元理论3.0。这需要认识到,“认识”只是存在的众多范畴之一,而本体差异的断裂——“存在方式”或张力中的本体形成——是理解我们全球化世界中权力和统治过程的核心。
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引用次数: 0
Democratic Nostalgia 民主的怀旧
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/gp.2023.70092
J. Zielonka
The reviewed books nicely expose several factors behind democratic “degeneration,” but they do not question the assumption that democracy is a matter for nation-states only. This is problematic because states’ ability to perform their traditional functions has been progressively eroded. The internet revolution, in particular, has accelerated social communication, economic transactions, and the process of unbounding with profound implications for democratic performance. Rather than cultivating nostalgia for the “glorious years” of democracy, we must think hard how to make democracy triumph in the digital era.
这些书评很好地揭示了民主“退化”背后的几个因素,但它们没有质疑民主只属于民族国家的假设。这是一个问题,因为国家履行其传统职能的能力已逐渐受到侵蚀。尤其是互联网革命,加速了社会交流、经济交易和解放的进程,对民主的表现产生了深远的影响。我们必须认真思考,如何让民主在数字时代取得胜利,而不是一味怀念民主的“光辉岁月”。
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引用次数: 0
Rethinking Multilateralism and Global Development 重新思考多边主义与全球发展
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/gp.2023.72682
M. Espinosa
The multilateral system established after World War II is obsolete and insufficient to address current challenges, such as tensions between major powers and within regional blocks, inequalities, climate change, and health issues resulting from a strained power struggle between development pathways, politics, and nature. It is critical that we adapt the current system to new political realities and provide it with the means to respond to contemporary realities while also reestablishing governance arrangements to manage and preserve our global commons. In addition to governmental efforts, the participation of parliaments, local and regional governments, civil society, and the private sector is crucial in achieving a structural transformation of the multilateral system and creating a culture of inclusivity and accountability through greater social participation in decision-making. Implementing the 2030 Agenda, the Our Common Agenda report, and the outcomes of international summits will allow us to craft a new social contract balancing the needs of society, the economy, politics, and the environment.
第二次世界大战后建立的多边体系已经过时,不足以应对当前的挑战,例如大国之间和区域集团内部的紧张关系、不平等、气候变化以及发展道路、政治和自然之间紧张的权力斗争所导致的健康问题。至关重要的是,我们必须使现行制度适应新的政治现实,并为其提供对当代现实作出反应的手段,同时重建管理安排,以管理和保护我们的全球公域。除了政府的努力外,议会、地方和地区政府、民间社会和私营部门的参与对于实现多边体系的结构性转型以及通过更多的社会参与决策来创造包容和问责的文化至关重要。落实《2030年可持续发展议程》、《我们的共同议程》报告以及国际峰会的成果,将使我们能够制定一份新的社会契约,平衡社会、经济、政治和环境的需求。
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引用次数: 1
Wicked Heritage Problems: Rethinking Critical Heritage Theory with Contemporary Liminality 邪恶的遗产问题:用当代阈限重新思考批判遗产理论
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/gp.2023.82128
Alicia V. Stevens
Since the turn of the twenty-first century, an anxious presentism has taken hold of our social and political reality. This condition rejects the lessons of the past, fears the future, and amplifies crises in the present moment, suspending whole societies in uncertainty. These extraordinary times demand innovation of heritage critique, which lacks a core framework for understanding how heritage interacts with the uncertainty of transition. This paper offers an innovative approach to the problem, arguing for transferring the paradigm of contemporary liminality from political anthropology into heritage studies. Contemporary political anthropologists have adapted liminality’s ritual structure to large-scale phenomena like war, revolution, and extreme transition to understand these experiences at the level of the communities living through them. With an epistemology free from the constraints of secular rationalism, contemporary liminality provides a framework for understanding heritage amid transition that sheds new light on core investigations into the politics of memory and identity. It also leads to the concept of a liminal heritage, heritage that takes on characteristics of its liminal context such as ambivalence, ambiguity, imitation, danger, deception, violence, and creativity.
自21世纪初以来,一种焦虑的当下主义占据了我们的社会和政治现实。这种情况拒绝接受过去的教训,害怕未来,放大当前的危机,使整个社会陷入不确定之中。这些特殊的时代要求遗产批判的创新,它缺乏一个核心框架来理解遗产如何与转型的不确定性相互作用。本文提出了一种创新的方法,主张将当代阈限性的范式从政治人类学转移到遗产研究中。当代政治人类学家将阈限性的仪式结构适应于战争、革命和极端过渡等大规模现象,以便在经历这些现象的社区层面上理解这些经历。从世俗理性主义的约束中解放出来的认识论,当代阈限提供了一个理解过渡时期遗产的框架,为记忆和身份政治的核心研究提供了新的视角。这也导致了阈限遗产的概念,遗产具有其阈限背景的特征,如矛盾、模糊、模仿、危险、欺骗、暴力和创造力。
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引用次数: 0
Which Way Universities? 哪条路是大学?
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/gp.2023.56935
S. Brint
Are we nearing the end of a worldwide era of university expansion and influence – and, if so, why? The two books under consideration suggest very different answers to these questions. David John Frank and John W. Meyer’s The University and the Global Knowledge Society anticipates continued expansion and influence as university enrollments grow throughout the world and as the university’s knowledge practices rationalize ever more remote areas of human cultural life. John Douglass’s Neo-Nationalism and Universities raises the specter instead of a university sector controlled by illiberal politicians who are intent on restricting the freedom of professors and students and on directing university teaching and research in ways that align with their regimes’ interests. In this essay I argue that Frank and Meyer are right, for the most part, about the continuing expansion and influence of universities and that Douglass and his collaborators are right to worry about the future. But neither of the books focuses on one of the major threats to academe: universities may be in nearly as much danger from internal failings and a weakening market position as they are from external political control. Highly selective colleges and research universities remain vital instruments of national economic and social progress but the value added of less selective institutions is becoming questionable to many prospective students, even those who live in countries at the center of the liberal world order.
我们是否正在接近大学扩张和影响的全球时代的终结?如果是,为什么?考虑中的两本书对这些问题给出了截然不同的答案。大卫·约翰·弗兰克和约翰·w·迈耶的《大学与全球知识社会》一书预计,随着世界各地大学招生人数的增长,以及大学的知识实践使人类文化生活中越来越遥远的领域合理化,大学和全球知识社会将继续扩大其影响力。约翰·道格拉斯(John Douglass)的《新民族主义与大学》(new - nationalism and Universities)提出了一个幽灵,而不是一个由狭隘的政客控制的大学部门,这些政客意图限制教授和学生的自由,并以符合其政权利益的方式指导大学的教学和研究。在这篇文章中,我认为弗兰克和迈耶在很大程度上是正确的,关于大学的持续扩张和影响,道格拉斯和他的合作者对未来的担忧是正确的。但这两本书都没有关注学术界面临的主要威胁之一:大学面临的内部失败和市场地位削弱的危险,可能与来自外部政治控制的危险几乎一样大。高选择性的学院和研究型大学仍然是国家经济和社会进步的重要工具,但对许多未来的学生来说,即使是那些生活在自由世界秩序中心国家的学生,选择性较低的机构的附加值也开始受到质疑。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of global health perspectives
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